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IOL News
22-05-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
The erosion of moral values in South African political movements
There were snaking queues of South Africans eager to vote in a new government during the first democratic election in 1994. But hope for a better future has become overshadowed by corruption and allegations of state capture. Image: African News Agency (ANA) Archives 'What I fear is that the liberators emerge as elitists who drive around in Mercedes Benzes and use the resources of this country to live in palaces and to gather riches.' — Chris Hani THERE is a saying in various circles, often spoken in whispers, that there is a moral difference between Inkatha and the IFP. The two carry vastly different connotations. Pre-1994, Inkatha Yenkululeko Yesizwe was a movement of voluntary activists — men and women driven by love and passion for liberation, not personal gain. Contrast this with the post-1994 IFP, a political party whose activists are, to some extent, motivated by 'What's in it for me?' — Ngizotholani. The same troubling shift applies to the ANC. The pre-1994 ANC was a movement of selfless revolutionaries, individuals who sacrificed careers, freedom, and even their lives for the emancipation of our people. Today's ANC, however, is glaringly consumed by greed, its moral compass shattered. The veterans of both movements decry this inversion of values, where the struggle's principled disdain for wealth accumulation has been replaced by a merciless contest in conspicuous consumption. This is an era where narrow self-interest trumps the collective good — something the late Dr Margaret Mncadi of the ANC and the living stalwart Abbey Mchunu of the IFP would have condemned in the strongest terms. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ At the risk of undermining the work of contemporary women, one cannot help but contrast the women of the struggle era with those of today. Where has the resilience, tenacity, and assertiveness of the 1950s women gone? What happened to the visionary leadership of the Mncadis, Ngoyis, and Josephs — women who fought for the upliftment of others rather than personal enrichment? Today's women risk undoing the hard-won gains of their predecessors. The struggle for gender equality has been reduced to a scramble for positions and tenders, rather than a sustained fight for systemic change. The women of the 1950s understood that liberation was not about individual advancement but collective emancipation. Sadly, many of today's female leaders seem preoccupied with their own 'personal RDP', a far cry from the selflessness that once defined our movement. The ANC and IFP are not just political parties; they are moral influencers. The conduct of their leaders shapes the values of the younger generation. Yet, how can we ignore the spine-chilling headlines of corruption, fraud, and scandal involving their members? The period between the 1940s and the late 1980s was defined by sacrifice. Figures such as Mandela, Gwala, and Sobukwe endured imprisonment, torture, and exile in their fight against apartheid. Many of these leaders were highly educated — they could have pursued comfortable careers but chose instead to wage a struggle for justice. The 1970s to early 1990s saw an even greater resolve, with thousands of cadres joining MK and Poqo, making the country ungovernable despite brutal states of emergency. Post-1994, however, the struggle's ethos was abandoned. Politics became a scramble for material benefits — what Michela Wrong aptly termed 'our turn to eat'. Many who joined after the unbanning of political parties lacked the ideological grounding of earlier generations. Their political baptism came not from the trenches of resistance but from the opportunism of a new democratic dispensation. Machiavelli observed that in politics, as in medicine, early symptoms of decay are hard to detect but easy to cure; left unchecked, they become obvious but incurable. Clausewitz, meanwhile, saw politics as a contest for power and resources, not governance itself. This explains the factional wars tearing apart the ANC and, to a lesser extent, the IFP. At the heart of these divisions is a battle for control, not of ideas, but of state resources. Reinhold Niebuhr warned that politics would always be where conscience clashes with power. Today, money has eroded conscience. As Teresa Nesbit Cosby noted: 'Money, politics, and influence are like water to the river, they belong together.' True leadership is borne of service, not ambition. Mchunu, the former chairperson of the Inkatha Women's Brigade, embodies this ideal. At 85, she remains a beacon of selflessness, a living rebuttal to today's politics of greed. The old proverb, 'Service is no heritage', captures the fate of many struggle veterans. They served without expectation of reward, yet today's leaders treat politics as a career path to wealth. As Hwa Yung wrote: 'Leadership does not come from striving to be leaders but is the by-product of a life of humble service.'
Russia Today
07-05-2025
- Politics
- Russia Today
Here's the blatant lie Ukraine expects Africa to believe
The article 'Ukraine looks to rekindle ties with liberation heroes,' published on April 15 in The Citizen, reports on a statement by the Ukrainian ambassador to South Africa, Liubov Abravitova, that Ukraine was 'a key supporter' of South Africa's freedom struggle, including arming the liberation movement 'under the umbrella of the former Soviet Union.' The Ukrainian diplomat's assertion is a clear example of information manipulation. Thirty years have passed since the victory of the ANC-led democratic forces over South Africa's apartheid regime. Throughout most of this time, South Africa's mainstream media has largely downplayed the Soviet Union's significant support for the liberation struggle. Do these claims stand up to historical scrutiny? The truth is that ANC combatants received training at various locations across the Soviet Union, particularly in the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, Baku (then the capital of the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic), Frunze (then part of the Kyrgyz Soviet Socialist Republic), and Minsk (then capital of the Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic). The Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic (SSR) also served as a training ground for ANC officers, with this effort beginning in 1964 at the Odessa Infantry School. The story of how South Africans were trained in Odessa is well documented in 'Armed and Dangerous,' the memoir of Ronnie Kasrils – one of the first ANC cadets at the school, who later served as South Africa's Deputy Minister of Defence and Minister of Intelligence Services. From 1965, ANC personnel also received training at Special Center-165 near the village of Perevalnoye in Crimea, which was then part of the Ukrainian SSR. Hundreds of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) soldiers were trained in advanced tactics and weaponry at this facility. In 1980, the center was renamed the Unified Simferopol Higher Military School (Simferopol is Crimea's capital). However, the current Ukrainian state has no direct connection to that historic chapter. While the training occurred on the territory of Soviet Ukraine, the context was entirely different. At the time, Ukraine was one of fifteen republics within the Soviet Union, governed by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). The Ukrainian SSR, like the other republics, was de-facto not an independent actor in foreign or defense policy. Since 1991, a fundamentally different state has emerged – one defined by a capitalist economy and an openly anti-communist ideology. It is difficult to imagine that today's Ukrainian ambassador to South Africa could find common ground with comrades like Chris Hani or Joe Slovo. Chris Hani, it should be remembered, was assassinated by an emigrant from Poland – a country close to Ukraine not only geographically, but also in terms of the deeply ingrained anti-communist sentiment within its society. The current Ukrainian government is resolutely anti-communist, having banned the Communist Party of Ukraine four years ago. Moreover, the training of ANC fighters in Perevalnoye came to an end in 1991 with the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Ukraine's declaration of independence that same year marked the conclusion of all such collaboration. The current authorities in Kiev, including their representatives in Pretoria, have no historical link to the ANC's struggle. While MK training occurred on the territory of Soviet Ukraine, the Ukrainian SSR itself was not involved in policy decisions. The decision to support liberation movements – including the ANC – was made in Moscow by the CPSU's Central Committee and the Soviet government. Funding came solely from the Soviet Union's central budget; the Ukrainian SSR had no independent military or foreign affairs budget and did not control an army. All military training was organized by the Soviet Ministry of Defense. It is also important to note that ANC and MK officers were trained in several other Soviet republics. One of the most important centers was north of Moscow, known to the ANC as the 'University of the North.' Early trainees included future President Comrade Thabo Mbeki and future Speaker of Parliament Comrade Max Sisulu. Similarly, ANC civilian personnel studied at universities across the Soviet Union. Again, admission decisions were made by the USSR's Ministry of Higher Education, and funding came from the Soviet state budget – not from the republics themselves. Of course, local staff in military academies and civilian institutions did play a role, and in this sense, all the Soviet republics contributed to the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa. This support extended beyond education and training: the Soviet Peace Fund conducted public fundraising campaigns across the USSR for ANC camps in Angola and for the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College in Tanzania. Given this context, efforts to portray the current regime in Kiev, represented by the Ukrainian ambassador in Pretoria, as having supported the ANC's liberation struggle are historically inaccurate. The ideology of today's Ukrainian state, rooted in anti-communism and shaped by far-right nationalism, bears no resemblance to the values that guided the Soviet-era solidarity movement. If anything, such a state would likely have aligned itself with the apartheid regime and its Western backers. The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.
IOL News
27-04-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
ANC calls for renewal and unity amid challenges, as it reflects on 31 years of freedom
The ANC marks 31 years of democracy, calling for national renewal, unity, and a deeper commitment to defending the hard-won freedoms of 1994. Image: File Marking 31 years since South Africa's historic first democratic elections, the African National Congress (ANC) has called on citizens to reflect on the country's journey to freedom and commit to renewing and strengthening democracy. The ANC described the dawn of democracy on April 27, 1994 as "a significant milestone" and "a political breakthrough" that initiated a new chapter in South Africa's liberation struggle. "As an organisation rooted in society, today the African National Congress (ANC) joins the nation in reflecting on the epic journey as we join South Africans in commemorating Freedom Day," the ANC said. The party reaffirmed its commitment to the principles of the Freedom Charter, highlighting the rallying cries: "The People Shall Govern" and "The People Shall Share in the Country's Wealth," as its guiding pillars. "The People Shall Govern directs us to deepen democracy, to cultivate a culture of activism and patriotism to defend our democracy and advance freedom for we earnestly believe that 'No revolution is worth anything unless it can defend itself.'" The ANC reflected on its achievements over the past three decades, citing efforts to reverse the legacy of apartheid through legislation aimed at ensuring universal healthcare, education, land reform, and creating decent working conditions. "With a deep sense of reflection, the ANC has for the past 31 years made significant strides to change the lives of the people for the better," the party stated. However, the party also acknowledged the heavy human cost that accompanied the democratic breakthrough, referencing the violence in Boipatong in 1992 and the assassination of South African Communist Party leader Chris Hani.
21-04-2025
Nearly 500 drunk drivers nabbed in Eastern Cape crackdown
A major drunk driving crackdown in the Eastern Cape has seen close to 500 motorists arrested. Law enforcement arrested 249 of them over the Easter weekend alone. The province launched the operation to clamp down on reckless driving and stop the deadly trend of drunk driving crashes. Traffic authorities say the O.R. Tambo District remains the biggest hotspot, with 113 arrests made since Thursday, 17 April 2025. Other districts followed with 50 arrests in Amathole, 27 in Chris Hani, 21 in Sarah Baartman, 20 in Alfred Nzo, and 18 in Joe Gqabi. Eastern Cape transport department spokesperson Unathi Binqose said to Algoafm that this brings the total number of drunk drivers arrested over the past two weeks to 494. These operations will continue throughout the province. Binqose said drunk driving remains one of the biggest killers on Eastern Cape roads, but the recent arrests are starting to make a dent. 'Our drunk driving operations are beginning to bear fruit, as we are seeing a significant decline in the number of crashes and the number of fatalities on roads and an increase in the number of those arrested for drunk driving,' He said to EWN . He warned motorists to stay sharp and drive sober, especially with traffic picking up as the Easter weekend wraps up. Let us know by leaving a comment below or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1. Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X, and Bluesky for the latest news.
