Latest news with #DemocraticPartyofIllinois
Chicago Tribune
a day ago
- Politics
- Chicago Tribune
An expert at rounding up support, ex-Speaker Michael Madigan leaning on letters at corruption sentencing
Over his five decades in elected office, Illinois House Speaker Michael Madigan knew how to round up support, both in Springfield to pass legislation about tough issues and in the crucial precincts of tight legislative races to keep his Democratic majority. Now, with his sentencing on his corruption conviction imminent, Madigan is placing fervent hope on the backing of a wide range of supporters, outlined in more than 200 letters to the federal judge who will decide Madigan's fate. Many of Madigan's backers are people with personal or political ties that run long and deep, such as current and former lawmakers, lobbyists, staffers, judges, campaign contributors, ward heelers, labor leaders, clergy and, of course, family. His ailing wife was allowed to send a special video pleading for mercy, and his daughter, former Illinois Attorney General Lisa Madigan, also weighed in with poignant memories of her father's guidance. The former chairman of the Democratic Party of Illinois also received support from old-guard establishment movers and shakers who served in the inner circle of Madigan's legendary mentor, Mayor Richard J. Daley — the politician who perfected the city's Democratic machine politics. Other contributions came from the owners of some of Madigan's favorite restaurants — a frequent topic of the many wiretaps played at trial — with one detailing the speaker's go-to salmon dish. Multiple letters also came in from people from ordinary walks of life recalling favors bestowed by the former speaker, from helping to land a college scholarship to an opportunity to work in Madigan's 13th Ward headquarters at 65th and Pulaski. Here's who wrote a letter of support for former House Speaker Michael MadiganSubmitting testimonials to a defendant's character and previous good deeds is a time-honored tradition in criminal sentencing proceedings, but how much they actually sway the judge varies widely from case to case. Invariably, the letter writers offer no insight into the crimes committed by the defendant, and they can often run together into a mishmash of accolades that border on maudlin. But they can also be effective. More than a decade ago, U.S. District Judge Charles Kocoras stunned everyone by handing probation to billionaire Beanie Babies founder Ty Warner in a massive tax-evasion case, saying he was swayed by the 70 letters he received in support of Warner detailing his charitable works, which included a donation for tsunami relief in Japan. Last year, a cache of effusive letters clearly moved U.S. District Judge Virginia Kendall in sentencing former 14th Ward Ald. Ed Burke to only two years in prison for a series of shakedowns. 'I have never in all my career seen the letters that I have received for Mr. Burke,' Kendall said, adding it was hard to believe how many funerals Burke had attended. Now, a big question hanging over Madigan's sentencing hearing Friday is whether the letters U.S. District Judge John Robert Blakey received on Madigan's behalf will help persuade him to go easy on the longest-serving speaker in American history. Blakey has a wide range of possible sentences at his discretion, and the difference between the recommendations from each side is stark. Prosecutors have asked for 12 1/2 years in prison, while the ex-speaker's team requested five years of probation, with the first year on home confinement. Ron Safer, a former chief of the U.S. attorney's criminal division who is now a private attorney, said in his experience, it's letters from ordinary citizens that resonate more with judges overseeing public corruption cases, especially when they say a defendant helped them out and asked for nothing in return. They 'count significantly more' than letters from fellow elected officials, said Safer, a partner at Safer, Riley, Holmes and Cancila LLP. 'Other politicians, you know, you've got, 'There but for the grace of God go I,' but real people who the defendant helped along the way with nothing to gain, those are the ones that really count in my view.' Even as a prosecutor, Safer said, the letters could help him determine whether to 'temper my recommendation or certainly my fervor for a (harsh) sentence.' 'All I knew was the crime, and it was very helpful in fashioning my own presentation to the court at sentencing to know about the other 99.9% of the defendant's life,' he said. Renato Mariotti, also a former federal prosecutor now in private practice, said judges are required to consider 'all of the history and characteristics' of a defendant when fashioning a sentence. 'So letters are a tool that defense counsel use to bridge the gap between what judges see at trial and … the complete picture of the defendant that the judge is required to consider,' said Mariotti, now a partner at Paul Hastings LLP. Adding to the intrigue is that Madigan, once the most powerful politician in Illinois who set a national record of 36 years as a state legislative leader, has developed plenty of reasons over the years for people to love or hate him — or a bit of both. Many times Madigan's bitter political enemies respected his political acumen, including when he outfoxed them. And Madigan's dedication to providing service to constituents — a point Kendall noted in sentencing Burke — is reflected in the letters submitted to Blakey. But there is no question that Madigan loyalists, whose careers and political success depended on Madigan's blessing, turned out in droves for what may be the final time they can line up to sing the praises of the man who made them. Former Democratic Illinois Supreme Court Justice Tom Kilbride, who won two of three bids for the high court with the help of millions of dollars in Madigan-backed campaign contributions, topped the names of letter-writing ex-judges with ties to Madigan, a major influence in shaping the judiciary. Kilbride previously wrote a letter on behalf of Timothy Mapes, the ex-speaker's chief of staff who is currently in prison for lying to a grand jury investigating Madigan, calling Mapes a 'man of many admirable talents.' Over and over, Madigan's letter writers tell of a truthful, honest man whose word was his bond, echoing a decades-old theme repeated on both sides of the aisle in Springfield, including from folks who, at times, disagreed strongly. Former Republican Gov. Jim Edgar called Madigan 'someone you could trust and count on when things got tough.' A draft of a letter to the editor of a newspaper that had been written by the late GOP Gov. James R. Thompson was also submitted, calling Madigan a man of honesty and integrity with a 'deep devotion' to the state. A separate letter came from Jayne Carr Thompson, the late governor's wife who was once herself touted as a potential federal judge. More than 20 former or current lawmakers sent letters of support, including a small brigade who left the House and later lobbied their former colleagues. Among the ex-lawmakers were three of Madigan's former majority leaders: Barbara Flynn Currie and Greg Harris of Chicago and longtime lobbyist Jim McPike, the Alton lawmaker who held back the gavel for an extra few minutes so that Madigan and Thompson could round up votes beyond a midnight deadline in 1988 to pass legislation to build the White Sox baseball stadium. In turn, Sox owner Jerry Reinsdorf also filed a letter on Madigan's behalf. Former Senate President John Cullerton, a Chicago Democrat who had served with Madigan in the House and became godfather to the speaker's son, urged the judge to 'take into consideration all of the good that Mike has done throughout his career and impose as lenient a sentence as possible.' Cullerton's letter was particularly notable given that the feds highlighted a wiretapped call during Madigan's trial where the speaker told his longtime confidant, Michael McClain, he'd 'put the knife into Cullerton three or four times' during a contentious meeting in 2018. 'You were figuratively discussing putting a knife into Cullerton?' Assistant U.S. Attorney Amarjeet Bhachu asked Madigan at one point in his cross-examination in January. With a chuckle, Madigan repeated, 'Correct.' In his letter, Cullerton said he was not upset with the recording critical of him because he knew it was due to a misunderstanding. Accolades poured in from dozens of former Madigan House staffers, including at least 15 loyalists who turned their connections and what they learned into lobbying gigs. At least 10 letters came from insiders on McClain's handwritten 'Magic Lobbyist List,' a go-to set of friendly lobbyists who once served as lawmakers or ranking staffers with Madigan. The ex-speaker was convicted on 10 of 23 corruption counts, but the jury deadlocked on all charges against McClain, who is scheduled to be sentenced later this summer in the separate, Madigan-related 'ComEd Four' case. Madigan also received a letter from media mogul Fred Eyechaner, a local Democratic fund-raiser with a substantial national political footprint. He led the list of major fund-raisers who sent letters, touting Madigan's strategy in helping to pass Illinois' gay marriage law, a statute championed by Harris. Political insider Michael Sacks also hailed the ex-speaker, having once tried to quietly help broker a state budget deal at the behest of Republican Gov. Bruce Rauner but then ended up siding with Madigan upon concluding that Rauner was the 'primary obstacle' to breaking a historic two-year standoff. Friendly letters rolled in from labor leaders whose unions came through with sizable campaign support for Madigan and his Democratic troops over the years, ranging from Daniel Montgomery of the Illinois Federation of Teachers to James Connolly of the Chicago Laborers' District Council and James Sweeney of the International Union of Operating Engineers Local 150. Connolly and Sweeney were both mentioned frequently at Madigan's trial as the speaker and McClain dealt with various labor issues. Prosecutors also maintained that Madigan recommended them both for state appointments. Both have served on the state tollway board. 'These letters thus demonstrate the power Madigan wielded–and to this day wields–over individuals to whom he has doled out favors,' prosecutors wrote in a recent sentencing filing. 'It is important to consider loyalty in the context of general deterrence. Loyalty to a public official, particularly one who bestows benefits, can be taken to an extreme.' Madigan drew letters from a group of religious leaders, including the ubiquitous Father Michael Pfleger of St. Sabina Catholic Church and Father Kenneth Velo, a priest at Old St. Patrick's Church who also weighed in on behalf of Burke. Velo also testified as a character witness on behalf of lobbyist Jay Doherty, who was convicted in the Madigan-related ComEd Four case. Also writing letters for Madigan were former Cook County State's Attorney Dick Devine and former Chicago Board of Trade President and CEO Thomas Donovan, both establishment Democrats who worked for Mayor Richard J. Daley, the city's long-ago patronage king. Former U.S. Rep. Bill Lipinski, a longtime Madigan ally and Democratic committeeman from the Southwest Side's neighboring 23rd Ward, weighed in along with other federal Democratic lawmakers like former Downstate U.S. Rep. Jerry Costello, former Southern Illinois U.S. Rep. Glenn Poshard, who Madigan supported in a failed bid for governor in 1998, and former U.S. Sen. Carol Moseley Braun, who served in the Illinois House with Madigan. Madigan's four adult children, Lisa, Nicole, Tiffany and Andrew, gave heartfelt stories about the man to whom they owe so much. Lisa Madigan, who served four terms as the state's top legal officer, provided personal notes about how the powerful lawmaker's marriage to her mother dramatically improved their lives. In her lengthy letter, she also wrote: 'I know the real Mike Madigan, not the grossly distorted picture the media, his political enemies and prosecutors have painted and promoted of him over the years.' The ex-speaker's wife, Shirley, the former chair of the Illinois Arts Council who has suffered from bouts of COVID, pneumonia and other ailments, pleaded in her video to allow her husband to stay at her side to help with her day-to-day care. At Burke's sentencing in June 2024, Kendall went through many of the letters in detail, seemingly touched by the stories of everyday people to whom Burke reached out, unprompted, to help. Kendall recognized that the relatively limited period of criminal conduct for which Burke was convicted at trial does not wipe away those decades of good works, but she said his many good acts described in the letters were the product of the immense power the defendant accumulated as alderman. 'He was in the business of dispensing favors,' she said. It's a theme that Madigan's attorneys have picked up in their arguments, which have stressed the former speaker's desire to help people, even if it was in the context of a patronage job. According to Mariotti, the massive pile of pro-Madigan letters reflects an all-out defense effort to make something stick with the judge, 'because anything we can do to move the needle obviously means a great deal to the client.' 'More essentially gives the defense more shots at the apple,' Mariotti said. 'Maybe (the judge will) find letter 36 compelling. Maybe he'll find letter 115 compelling.'
Yahoo
12-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Partisan politics infiltrating non-partisan local Illinois elections
It's been just four months since the last election concluded, but another election is on the horizon in Illinois: the April 1 elections for school boards and municipal offices. Though municipal and school board races in Illinois are nonpartisan, voters may see many of the same political themes that were hallmarks of races during the 2024 presidential election cycle. The Democratic Party of Illinois is applying many of the same tactics it uses in partisan elections to this year's local races. 'We as the Democratic Party of Illinois should be defending Democratic values in every single election in nonpartisan and partisan elections alike, because all of these local offices have jurisdiction over super critical controls and we think our party has the best platform for governance,' Democratic Party of Illinois Executive Director Ben Hardin said. The 2025 local elections are the second time that Illinois Democrats are getting involved in nonpartisan races. After recruiting more than 1,000 prospective candidates last year, the state party is supporting 270 candidates for a variety of local offices in all areas of the state. The party trained the candidates and attached them to 'coaches' experienced in running Democratic campaigns. Candidates will also be supported by a six-figure advertising campaign by DPI in the coming weeks. 'I think our voters welcome the information,' Hardin said. 'They want to know, and they need to know, who the aligned candidates are.' It's also part of the party's strategy to be more active year-round. 'This is how the party operates now,' Hardin said. 'We are not going back to closing up shop after an even-year midterm or presidential election, lying dormant for 18 months and then coming alive again for the next even-year general election.' Hardin acknowledged there could be some voter fatigue after November's presidential election, but he stressed that's why the party wants to make Democratic voters aware an election is approaching. 'These local offices, if we allow them to be uncontested, especially with the Trump administration in office, you know with our lack of control of the wheels of power in D.C., we could allow our state to start slipping to the right at the local level,' Hardin said. For example, DPI is getting involved in the mayoral race in Aurora, Illinois' second-largest city, where incumbent Mayor Richard Irvin and Aurora Ald. John Laesch face off. The election is the first since Irvin's unsuccessful campaign for governor as a Republican in 2022. Hardin said that's made Irvin an easy target for a partisan campaign. 'We're treating Aurora like the rest of our program across the state,' Hardin said. 'In Aurora, you've got an executive of the city who is a Republican.' As a candidate for governor, Irvin faced numerous questions about his Republican credentials. He often avoided answering any questions about President Donald Trump or his position on abortion as he faced accusations from opponents that he wasn't conservative enough. Irvin later co-hosted a Black Republicans event at the Republican National Convention last year. DPI is running a direct mail program this month targeting Irvin. It also plans to reach Democratic voters in Aurora through other mail and digital outreach advertising to let voters know which candidates in the city the party supports. Irvin's campaign did not respond to a request for comment. Illinois State Board of Elections records show DPI also used its resources to support Peoria Mayor Rita Ali and Calumet City Mayor Thaddeus Jones, who is also a Democratic state representative, during primary elections in February. A full accounting of the party's spending on municipal elections won't be available until mid-April when reports are due to the state election authority. Conservative influence Jim Rule, chairman of the Tazewell County Republican Central Committee, said his group doesn't normally get involved in 'consolidated-type elections' like the Morton School Board, which has five candidates running for election — but this year is different. Four of those candidates are affiliated with Republican groups despite school board elections being nonpartisan. In Illinois, political parties and individuals can still support and endorse any candidates they wish. Rule said his committee vetted and backs the four Republican-aligned candidates. 'It's important to get the right people in office,' Rule said. 'Look, we've all heard the phrase 'all good government starts locally,' and this is a classic example of that. School boards are so, so vitally critical to have the right people on them for our kids.' The four GOP candidates are backed by the Citizens for Morton Schools political action committee, which did not reply to a request for comment. Rep. Bill Hauter, R-Morton, is also involved in the race. He has donated $1,000 to the group as of March 5, according to the State Board of Elections, while his campaign has provided $2,000 worth of consulting. 'I am supportive of four great candidates for Morton School Board in my hometown,' Hauter said in a statement. 'They are great candidates who each have their own unique qualifications that can help Morton students, parents, teachers and taxpayers. This will be a statement election for our community.' Rule said one of the main goals of Tazewell Republicans this election cycle is defeating Dr. Ashley Fischer, a pediatrician running for the Morton School Board whom Hauter called 'too radical for the people and schools of Morton.' Fischer said she's an anti-bullying advocate, which includes respecting all aspects of students' identities like race, gender and sexuality. 'We want to send a message, not only to the residents of Morton, but to the community around us,' Rule said. 'That this is something that — this woke agenda — is something that we need to rid ourselves of, and it has no place in the school system, especially with young kids.' Fischer said Republicans are trying to scare voters. 'They're basically stoking hot button topics to get a fear response out of parents, to try to get them to vote against me out of fear,' Fischer said. 'I have never once brought up any policy to do with transgender children, except that I think no child should be bullied in the school, regardless of their race, orientation, medical conditions, anything. They are in that group. I don't think any child should be bullied. That is my stance.' Fischer also criticized Republicans for their online rhetoric, which she said promotes hate. Fischer's advocacy has also been scrutinized by Moms for Liberty, a right-wing group that advocates for conservative curricula in schools, such as by opposing LGBTQ lessons. Virg Cihla, chair of the Tazewell County chapter of Moms for Liberty, said his group does not endorse any candidates. The Illinois Republican Party did not reply to request for comment about their involvement in any April 1 elections. Capitol News Illinois is a nonprofit, nonpartisan news service that distributes state government coverage to hundreds of news outlets statewide. It is funded primarily by the Illinois Press Foundation and the Robert R. McCormick Foundation.
Yahoo
12-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Reactions to the conviction of former Illinois House Speaker Mike Madigan
PEORIA, Ill. (WMBD) — Reactions came quickly in the wake of the historic verdicts against former Illinois House Speaker Michael Madigan and one of his long-time political confidants. Madigan, after more than two months of testimony, was convicted of conspiracy, bribery and wire fraud Wednesday. The jury deadlocked on several other counts. He had been the longest-serving House speaker in the nation when he stepped down in 2021. While in office, exerted considerable influence on the state's political affairs. Madigan, who was speaker for more than three decades and once led the Democratic Party of Illinois, was found guilty of conspiracy, bribery, wire fraud and other counts related to schemes involving the state's largest utility, ComEd, and efforts to get that alderman a state board job. The federal jury acquitted him or deadlocked on counts related to an apartment project, a parking lot in Chicago's Chinatown neighborhood and AT&T legislation. The 23-count federal indictment accused him of using his influence to pass legislation favorable to utility companies that doled out kickbacks, jobs and contracts to his loyalists. An attorney, Madigan, was also accused of benefiting from private work that was illegally steered to his law firm, the charges alleged. Reaction from around the state: State Sen. , (D-Peoria) 'The case of Mike Madigan demonstrates that ethics are crucial and that no one is above the law. In this instance, ethics prevailed, and democracy was upheld. When these values are trampled upon, democracy suffers. The verdict of this case is an important reminder for everyone in public service who we work for.' Deputy Minority Leader and State Rep. (R-Peoria) 'Today's verdict doubles down on what House Republican lawmakers have known for some time: the culture of corruption that has poisoned our statehouse must come to an end. Lawmakers must remain steadfast in our work to expose ethical loopholes that have eroded public trust. The time is now for honest, transparent government, one families across our state can rely on.' State Rep. (R-Macomb) 'Speaker Madigan ruled the Illinois House of Representatives with an iron fist. His reach extended from the 13th Ward in Chicago to the State Capitol in Springfield to the chair of the Democratic Party of Illinois. After a five-months-long federal trial on bribery, racketeering and corruption, federal prosecutors demonstrated what those of us who served with Madigan already knew: nearly every decision, legislative action, no-show job, and state board seat that the former Speaker involved himself in came down to one thing – how Mike Madigan could enhance his political power and enrich himself personally. After decades of absolute power for personal gain, justice has finally been served.' Austin Berg, vice president of marketing for the Illinois Policy Institute and author of 'The New Chicago Way.' 'The verdict of this case held former Speaker Madigan accountable for his years of corrupt action, but the battle against Illinois' culture of political corruption must continue. To truly protect taxpayers and voters, we need serious ethics reforms at both the state and city level.' David Greising, president of the Better Government Association 'Today's jury delivered justice to Michael Madigan, convicting him for multiple schemes of public corruption. Now it is time for the state legislature to take note and act boldly where they so far have been timid: Preventing future corruption by enacting ethics reforms that are long overdue.' This story will be updated. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
