Latest news with #DesmondTutu
The Guardian
2 hours ago
- General
- The Guardian
The Rev Zolile Mbali obituary
My friend the Rev Zolile Mbali, who has died aged 84, was an Anglican priest in the UK and in his native South Africa, from which he was forced to move in the early 1970s. Zoli was born in Johannesburg to a Xhosa father and a Sotho mother, Elizabeth (nee Makhoatle), a teacher. After his birth his mother took him to live on the family farm beyond Matatiele in the remote Drakensburg foothills of Transkei. He lived there until he was 10, combining herding with learning in isiXhosa and Sesotho. Sent to further his education in Afrikaans, he stayed with a clergyman uncle near Johannesburg, whose curate at the time was Desmond Tutu. As a teenager Zoli's formal education was interrupted by the need to support his family, and while working in harsh conditions on a railway tunnel, he contracted typhoid. In hospital he decided to study for the Anglican priesthood, attending St Bede's theological college in Mthatha and then Fort Hare University. Zoli moved to the UK in 1969 on a World Council of Churches scholarship to Oxford on Tutu's recommendation, studying theology at Queen's College, Oxford. There he met a British woman, Charlotte Lebon, a postgraduate student at St Hugh's College. Returning to South Africa in 1971, he was ordained in the Natal diocese and undertook parish work before becoming the first black chaplain at Grahamstown's white theological college in the Eastern Cape. The couple became engaged, but the apartheid ban on mixed relationships prevented Charlotte from joining Zoli, so in 1973 she moved to Gaborone in Botswana to be nearer to him. A year later he joined her in Botswana after being warned that the South African police were after him. Less than a month later he and Charlotte were married, in 1975. In Gaborone Zoli combined a post at Botswana Theological Extension Programme with ministry among refugees and rural communities. South Africa having refused to renew his passport, Zoli then became a refugee himself. With cross-border military raids putting the family at risk, he and Charlotte decided to return to the UK in 1981, by which time they had three daughters, Thandiwe, Ma-Jali and Mandisa. On his arrival Zoli was appointed vicar of All Saints' church in Preston-on-Tees in County Durham, before moving to parish ministry in Leicestershire in 1984, serving first as curate in the Leicester suburb of Knighton and then as vicar to four rural village churches known as 'the Langtons' near Market Harborough. His excoriating book, The Churches and Racism: A Black South African Perspective, published in 1987, was based on a PhD he had recently completed at the University of Leeds. From 1988 to 1992 Zoli worked as a pioneering diocesan community relations officer in Leicester, and he was made a canon of Leicester Cathedral in 1990. Once apartheid fell, he and his family went back to South Africa in 1993, settling in Durban, where Charlotte joined the staff of Natal University while Zoli ministered to parishioners stigmatised by HIV/Aids and Anglican students at the university. A gentle and courageous man with a great gift for storytelling, he retired from the ministry in 2003 and would later survive a serious criminal assault and several bouts of ill-health. In 2017 his daughters persuaded him to retire to the UK with Charlotte to be nearer their grandchildren. Suffering from dementia, he spent his last days in St Anselm's nursing home in Walmer, Kent. He is survived by Charlotte, their daughters and five grandchildren.
IOL News
3 days ago
- Politics
- IOL News
Ramaphosa appoints Judge Sisi Khampepe to probe decades of apartheid-era justice delays
At the first sitting of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, in East London in April 1996, chairman Archbishop Desmond Tutu and deputy chairman Alex Boraine hear evidence from the family of the Cradock Four, Mathew Goniwe, Fort Calata, Sparrow Mkonto and Sicelo Mhlauli, who were tortured and murdered by the apartheid state's security police while on their way home from a meeting on the night of June 27, 1985. South Africa has failed to deliver justice for the very victims whose voices were courageously amplified during the TRC process, says the writer. Image: Independent Media Archives President Cyril Ramaphosa has appointed retired Constitutional Court Judge Sisi Khampepe to chair the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) Inquiry into prosecutorial and investigation delays into apartheid era crimes. Khampepe will be assisted by retired Judge President Frans Diale Kgomo and Adv Andrea Gabriel SC. The commission will cover the period from 2003 to the present. Ramaphosa has signed a proclamation for the establishment of a judicial commission of inquiry to determine whether attempts were made to prevent the investigation and prosecution of apartheid-era crimes. In a statement by the presidency, the establishment of the commission of inquiry is part of an agreement reached in settlement discussions in a court application brought by families of victims of apartheid-era crimes. Ramaphosa said: 'For many years, there have been allegations of interference in these cases. This alleged interference is seen as the cause of an unacceptable delay in the investigation and prosecution of brutal crimes committed under apartheid. This has caused the families of victims great anguish and frustration. 'All affected families – and indeed all South Africans – deserve closure and justice. A commission of inquiry with broad and comprehensive terms of reference is an opportunity to establish the truth and provide guidance on any further action that needs to be taken.' Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. 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Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Ramaphosa said the commission will inquire into, make findings, report on and make recommendations on: Were there any efforts to stop SAPS or the NPA from investigating TRC cases? Who made these efforts, and why? Did any SAPS or NPA members improperly cooperate with those trying to influence or pressure them? Should the state take action—like more investigations or prosecutions—against anyone who broke the law? Should any person receive constitutional damages, and if so, how much? Victims and their families with a vested interest in TRC cases, including those involved in the current legal proceedings, are among the key stakeholders. The Commission of Inquiry, established by agreement between the families and the government, has six months to complete its work and must submit its report within 60 days thereafter. While both sides agreed to the commission's formation, unresolved issues remain—the government sees them as commission matters, while families seek court adjudication. As the commission began its work, the government welcomed the NPA and SAPS's commitment to investigating and prosecuting unresolved TRC cases, with dedicated resources already in place for priority matters. Ramaphosa emphasised the importance of holding those who committed apartheid-era crimes without amnesty accountable and expressed hope that the inquiry would help uncover the truth and bring closure to a painful chapter in the nation's history. IOL Politics
Chicago Tribune
22-05-2025
- Entertainment
- Chicago Tribune
Books that make great gifts for college grads
A new college graduate is probably in need of a little advice, wisdom and direction. After all, most grads are still quite young and probably just beginning their 'real' adult lives. That's why a good book to help guide a newly-minted grown-up can be the best gift to show the grad in your life that you want them to get off on the right foot. We found some books that will make great graduation gifts, and all of them are available on Audible, which you can purchase either on Amazon or through the Audible store with Audible credits. If your grad doesn't have Audible, you can also gift them an Audible membership. Whether its career advice, getting their finances in order or finding happiness and contentment in their existence, these books can help guide new grads on their path to adult life. Consider a memoir, a book about managing money or a funny book to help them look at the future with hope and humor. The right book can become a trusted guide as your new grad finds their footing in their career and in general. As time passes, they may find themselves revisiting a great book with solid advice, and that's when they'll think of the person who gave them a gift that truly keeps on giving. 'Your Turn: How to Be an Adult' by Julie Lythcott-Haims The current crop of young adults is facing a very different landscape than prior generations. Gone are the traditional expectations for approaching life milestones after college graduation. The author helps new grads learn to look at life as a process rather than a list of milestones to meet by a certain age. 'The Algebra of Happiness: Notes on the Pursuit of Success, Love, and Meaning' by Scott Galloway An NYU business professor breaks down what it means to live a fulfilling life, achieve work-life balance and find success in a relationship. Galloway provides a perspective that's at turns humorous and moving, giving new grads solid advice while entertaining them as well. 'How to Keep House While Drowning' by KC Davis, LPC Beginning life as an adult with an apartment or home can feel daunting, particularly to those who experience anxiety, depression or ADHD. If your new grad has these challenges, this book is the perfect gift. The author offers tips to help young adults feel at peace with not having a home that always looks great while providing practical advice on completing and scheduling chores in a way that doesn't overwhelm. 'The Book of Joy' by the Dalai Lama, Archbishop Desmond Tutu and Douglas Abrams A new college grad can certainly use advice and perspective on overcoming hardship and few could do a more credible job of speaking to finding joy amid extreme hardship than the Dalai Lama and Archbishop Desmond Tutu. In this book, the pair offer their reflections on finding peace and joy, even when life is full of pain. 'Designing Your Life' by Bill Burnett and Dave Evans The authors show how design thinking can be applied to life in general, helping a young person find joy and fulfillment in their career and otherwise. This book helps guide the reader to live a life designed to be well-lived and satisfying. 'Dare to Lead' by Brene Brown Renowned professor and author Brene Brown knows a thing or two about leadership and how to be courageous in both life and career at a time when it can be difficult to be brave. She advocates for empathy and connection in a quest to become a caring leader. 'Finance for the People' by Paco de Leon Help a new grad get a handle on how they mentally approach money with this book that untangles beliefs and experiences about money to help readers understand personal finance and building wealth. It combines mindfulness techniques and practical advice. 'Atomic Habits' by James Clear A life coach gives advice on forming great habits – and breaking bad ones – in a book new grads will appreciate. The author demonstrates how small shifts in daily behavior can translate to big and lasting changes. BestReviews spends thousands of hours researching, analyzing and testing products to recommend the best picks for most consumers. BestReviews and its newspaper partners may earn a commission if you purchase a product through one of our links. Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.
CNN
21-05-2025
- Politics
- CNN
Analysis: Trump's ‘opposite of apartheid' crusade contrasts with Reagan's approach
The 40-year arc of US relations with South Africa goes something like this: ► In 1984, President Ronald Reagan wrote in his diary that Desmond Tutu was 'naive' for pressuring him — unsuccessfully — to support sanctions to pressure South Africa to end apartheid. Reagan refused to confront South Africa's White regime in that way. ► In 2025, President Donald Trump cut aid to South Africa back in February and then ambushed post-apartheid South African President Cyril Ramaphosa with right-wing allegations of 'genocide' against the country's White minority that are not backed by evidence. He put the country's Black president on the spot in front of TV cameras on Wednesday. 'I will say, apartheid – terrible,' Trump told Ramaphosa, as he prepared to complain there isn't more awareness of the plight of Whites in South Africa. 'This is sort of the opposite of apartheid,' the US president said, although he did not mean it as a good thing. Trump came armed with videos of South Africa's militant political minority, printouts from right-wing websites, two professional golfers and Elon Musk to demand that Ramaphosa do more for the White minority that controls most of the farmland in his country. Repeatedly using the term 'genocide,' Trump created an uncomfortable scene when he lowered the lights to play video of the militant political opposition in South Africa and told Ramaphosa that White farmers in the country are being persecuted, repeating claims that percolate in the right-wing ecosystem. Read CNN's fact check. There is no 'genocide' against White South African farmers. It was a much calmer Oval Office scene when Reagan had to be pressured to make room in his schedule for Archbishop Desmond Tutu, newly awarded the Nobel Peace Prize and on a mission to get Western democracies to impose sanctions on South Africa's apartheid regime. Tutu called the Reagan administration 'immoral' for pursuing an appeasing strategy of 'constructive engagement' with the regime. After meeting with Tutu, Regan wrote in his diary that Tutu was 'naive' about sanctions. Reagan thought 'quiet diplomacy' was doing plenty to improve the lives of Black South Africans. 'The Bishop seems unaware, even though he himself is Black, that part of the problem is tribal not racial,' Reagan wrote as if he were an expert on South Africa. 'If apartheid ended now there still would be civil strife between the Black tribes,' he argued in the diary. Reagan would ultimately veto sanctions approved by Congress in 1986, a decision that has not aged well. Lawmakers overrode Reagan's veto and imposed the sanctions anyway, one of only a handful of times lawmakers so overwhelmingly corrected Reagan. 'Because I have chosen to stand with those who struggle for freedom, I must stand apart from my president,' then-freshman Sen. Mitch McConnell said at the time. Tutu would go on to accuse Reagan of being racist for opposing sanctions. 'Certainly the support of this racist policy is racist,' Tutu told the New York Times in 1985. Now it's Trump all but accusing South African's post-apartheid government of racism for not doing enough to protect White farmers. Trump has also welcomed White refugees from South Africa into the US even as he closed the US to all other refugees. 'We have many people that feel that they're being persecuted,' Trump told Ramaphosa. 'And they're coming to the United States, and we take from many locations if we feel there is persecution or genocide going on,' he said. At the same time, Trump bragged that because of a Supreme Court ruling, he will be able to deport Venezuelans who he said are criminals. It was by coincidence that I was learning about Reagan's history with South Africa from the biography 'Reagan: His Life and Legend' by the historian Max Boot on the same day Trump created a scene with Ramaphosa in the Oval Office. I reached out to Boot to get his reaction. Here are his two cents, which he sent by email: South Africa has long been a touchstone for America's own racial relations, with opponents of civil rights in the United States decrying pressure on South Africa to end apartheid. Republican politicians — including Ronald Reagan — spent many years catering to those sentiments by opposing tough sanctions on South Africa. Yet when apartheid did fall, the result was not — as so many American conservatives predicted — a race war or a Marxist dictatorship. It was a free-market, multi-ethnic democracy in which the white minority continued to control a disproportionate share of the country's wealth. So it is dismaying to see President Trump today repeating the canards of white extremists who claim that Afrikaners have been victims of 'genocide.' This is dog-whistle politics at its most ridiculous. Patrick Gaspard was US ambassador to South Afrida under President Barack Obama. He told me that Trump's confrontation of Ramaphosa confirmed his worst fears of what might happen — 'a crass appeal to the worst element in society.' White South Africans, Gaspard said, represent a small minority in the country, but own much of the land. Farmers account for only a fraction of murder victims, so Trump's arguments are not backed up by fact. South African authorities strongly reject the allegation that there is genocide in their country, as CNN's Nimi Princewill reported in a larger story about Afrikaners who want to stay in South Africa with help from the US. 'It's astonishing to see that kind of behavior and performance in the Oval Office, but we all shrug it off and move on to the next scandal with this guy,' Gaspard said. He added that the inclusion of Musk and the South African billionaire Johann Rupert, who called for Musk's Starlink to be provided to South Africa, gave the meeting the feel of a grift. The more profound difference between the Trump era and the Reagan era is that 40 years ago, Republican lawmakers — like McConnell, who is still in office — rejected Reagan's approach. 'That's the gulf that exists here,' Gaspard said. 'It's not the gulf between Ronald Reagan and Donald Trump. It's a gulf between the young Mitch McConnell and the party that he now helps to preside over that seems to have lost its tongue and its spine.' The domestic political effect of Trump's confrontation is that for Wednesday, at least, his failure on Capitol Hill was knocked off TV screens, replaced by the latest in a series of cringey dressings-down of foreign leaders. Trump might rather appear strong in the Oval Office than dwell on the reality that deficit hawk House Republicans in the Freedom Caucus have, for now, placed a blockade on the 'big, beautiful bill' that would extend his tax cuts and cut Medicaid and SNAP (food stamp) spending while still adding trillions to the national debt over the next 10 years. But it's hard to believe the trap Trump laid for Ramaphosa was simply to control headlines, given how prepared Trump appeared to be with his presentation. Reagan's belief was that free trade between the US and South Africa's apartheid regime would ultimately lead to change. It's another indication of how the GOP has shifted; Ramaphosa came into the meeting to talk about trade, but that part of the conversation did not happen in front of TV cameras. The topic of the day was for Trump to advocate for White farmers. Ramaphosa signed a law this year allowing the government to seize land if it is deemed to be in the public interest, something Trump criticized, although Ramaphosa compared it to the seizure of land in the US by eminent domain. It is a full-circle moment for American presidents.
CNN
21-05-2025
- Politics
- CNN
Analysis: Trump's ‘opposite of apartheid' crusade contrasts with Reagan's approach
The 40-year arc of US relations with South Africa goes something like this: ► In 1984, President Ronald Reagan wrote in his diary that Desmond Tutu was 'naive' for pressuring him — unsuccessfully — to support sanctions to pressure South Africa to end apartheid. Reagan refused to confront South Africa's White regime in that way. ► In 2025, President Donald Trump cut aid to South Africa back in February and then ambushed post-apartheid South African President Cyril Ramaphosa with right-wing allegations of 'genocide' against the country's White minority that are not backed by evidence. He put the country's Black president on the spot in front of TV cameras on Wednesday. 'I will say, apartheid – terrible,' Trump told Ramaphosa, as he prepared to complain there isn't more awareness of the plight of Whites in South Africa. 'This is sort of the opposite of apartheid,' the US president said, although he did not mean it as a good thing. Trump came armed with videos of South Africa's militant political minority, printouts from right-wing websites, two professional golfers and Elon Musk to demand that Ramaphosa do more for the White minority that controls most of the farmland in his country. Repeatedly using the term 'genocide,' Trump created an uncomfortable scene when he lowered the lights to play video of the militant political opposition in South Africa and told Ramaphosa that White farmers in the country are being persecuted, repeating claims that percolate in the right-wing ecosystem. Read CNN's fact check. There is no 'genocide' against White South African farmers. It was a much calmer Oval Office scene when Reagan had to be pressured to make room in his schedule for Archbishop Desmond Tutu, newly awarded the Nobel Peace Prize and on a mission to get Western democracies to impose sanctions on South Africa's apartheid regime. Tutu called the Reagan administration 'immoral' for pursuing an appeasing strategy of 'constructive engagement' with the regime. After meeting with Tutu, Regan wrote in his diary that Tutu was 'naive' about sanctions. Reagan thought 'quiet diplomacy' was doing plenty to improve the lives of Black South Africans. 'The Bishop seems unaware, even though he himself is Black, that part of the problem is tribal not racial,' Reagan wrote as if he were an expert on South Africa. 'If apartheid ended now there still would be civil strife between the Black tribes,' he argued in the diary. Reagan would ultimately veto sanctions approved by Congress in 1986, a decision that has not aged well. Lawmakers overrode Reagan's veto and imposed the sanctions anyway, one of only a handful of times lawmakers so overwhelmingly corrected Reagan. 'Because I have chosen to stand with those who struggle for freedom, I must stand apart from my president,' then-freshman Sen. Mitch McConnell said at the time. Tutu would go on to accuse Reagan of being racist for opposing sanctions. 'Certainly the support of this racist policy is racist,' Tutu told the New York Times in 1985. Now it's Trump all but accusing South African's post-apartheid government of racism for not doing enough to protect White farmers. Trump has also welcomed White refugees from South Africa into the US even as he closed the US to all other refugees. 'We have many people that feel that they're being persecuted,' Trump told Ramaphosa. 'And they're coming to the United States, and we take from many locations if we feel there is persecution or genocide going on,' he said. At the same time, Trump bragged that because of a Supreme Court ruling, he will be able to deport Venezuelans who he said are criminals. It was by coincidence that I was learning about Reagan's history with South Africa from the biography 'Reagan: His Life and Legend' by the historian Max Boot on the same day Trump created a scene with Ramaphosa in the Oval Office. I reached out to Boot to get his reaction. Here are his two cents, which he sent by email: South Africa has long been a touchstone for America's own racial relations, with opponents of civil rights in the United States decrying pressure on South Africa to end apartheid. Republican politicians — including Ronald Reagan — spent many years catering to those sentiments by opposing tough sanctions on South Africa. Yet when apartheid did fall, the result was not — as so many American conservatives predicted — a race war or a Marxist dictatorship. It was a free-market, multi-ethnic democracy in which the white minority continued to control a disproportionate share of the country's wealth. So it is dismaying to see President Trump today repeating the canards of white extremists who claim that Afrikaners have been victims of 'genocide.' This is dog-whistle politics at its most ridiculous. Patrick Gaspard was US ambassador to South Afrida under President Barack Obama. He told me that Trump's confrontation of Ramaphosa confirmed his worst fears of what might happen — 'a crass appeal to the worst element in society.' White South Africans, Gaspard said, represent a small minority in the country, but own much of the land. Farmers account for only a fraction of murder victims, so Trump's arguments are not backed up by fact. South African authorities strongly reject the allegation that there is genocide in their country, as CNN's Nimi Princewill reported in a larger story about Afrikaners who want to stay in South Africa with help from the US. 'It's astonishing to see that kind of behavior and performance in the Oval Office, but we all shrug it off and move on to the next scandal with this guy,' Gaspard said. He added that the inclusion of Musk and the South African billionaire Johann Rupert, who called for Musk's Starlink to be provided to South Africa, gave the meeting the feel of a grift. The more profound difference between the Trump era and the Reagan era is that 40 years ago, Republican lawmakers — like McConnell, who is still in office — rejected Reagan's approach. 'That's the gulf that exists here,' Gaspard said. 'It's not the gulf between Ronald Reagan and Donald Trump. It's a gulf between the young Mitch McConnell and the party that he now helps to preside over that seems to have lost its tongue and its spine.' The domestic political effect of Trump's confrontation is that for Wednesday, at least, his failure on Capitol Hill was knocked off TV screens, replaced by the latest in a series of cringey dressings-down of foreign leaders. Trump might rather appear strong in the Oval Office than dwell on the reality that deficit hawk House Republicans in the Freedom Caucus have, for now, placed a blockade on the 'big, beautiful bill' that would extend his tax cuts and cut Medicaid and SNAP (food stamp) spending while still adding trillions to the national debt over the next 10 years. But it's hard to believe the trap Trump laid for Ramaphosa was simply to control headlines, given how prepared Trump appeared to be with his presentation. Reagan's belief was that free trade between the US and South Africa's apartheid regime would ultimately lead to change. It's another indication of how the GOP has shifted; Ramaphosa came into the meeting to talk about trade, but that part of the conversation did not happen in front of TV cameras. The topic of the day was for Trump to advocate for White farmers. Ramaphosa signed a law this year allowing the government to seize land if it is deemed to be in the public interest, something Trump criticized, although Ramaphosa compared it to the seizure of land in the US by eminent domain. It is a full-circle moment for American presidents.
