Latest news with #Ecclesiastes
Yahoo
5 hours ago
- Entertainment
- Yahoo
Dear James: I'm Not Very Punk Rock
Is anything ailing, torturing, or nagging at you? Are you beset by existential worries? Every Tuesday, James Parker tackles readers' questions. Tell him about your lifelong or in-the-moment problems at dearjames@ Don't want to miss a single column? Sign up to get 'Dear James' in your inbox. Dear James, I'm not very punk rock. Not even a little. I'm well into middle age and experiencing my first taste of the many small indignities sure to come. I wear sensible shoes with gel insoles scientifically designed to relieve the pain and discomfort of plantar fasciitis. I have long and detailed conversations about insurance. And yet, in my heart, I believe that all is mendacity. That virtue is impossible. That the system crushes us all beneath its relentless wheel. I tell hilarious jokes about the cruel pointlessness of existence and receive only blank stares in return. If the world were to perish in flames, I'm pretty sure it would be no more than it deserved. So my question to you is simple: Is this any way to live? Also: Can you recommend any good bands? Dear Reader, You are punk rock to the tips of your gel-cushioned toes, my friend. Don't worry about that. I'm sorry that nobody's digging your nihilistic humor. Maybe work on your material a bit, soften the edges, angle it a touch toward the mainstream? Day-to-day discourse, in my experience, can absorb a remarkable amount of savage absurdism, gags about doom, and so on (this stuff is highly relatable!)—as long as you don't come off as aggressive or out of your mind. As long as you don't come off too punk rock. To your larger point: How are we to live, make our way, proceed in the world when so much of said world is clearly an evil farce? (Huge pause while advice columnist slurps his coffee, stares out the window, and considers the question.) The punk rockers were not the first to have this insight, of course: The poets and the prophets have always known it. No one is more punk rock than the unknown author of Ecclesiastes. Or John Donne. Or Sylvia Plath. Or the author(s) of the Psalms, in certain moods. The trick, I think, is to use this world-withering vision as a stimulant rather than as a philosophical end point. Don't let it shut you down; let it wake you up. Use it to sharpen your senses and file your encounters to a keen edge. As in: It's all bollocks and everyone dies, but wow, this bag of Dunkin' Donuts Snackin' Bacon tastes amazing. Or: It's all bollocks and everyone dies, so why don't I help this elderly person with her shopping? Use it, this flame of disgust, to refine your language! Regarding bands, I have one word for you: Godflesh. (Cue sound of Godflesh fans across America falling to their knees in grateful assent.) It's all there. The beauty, the horror, the low end that purges your bowels, the guitar tone that scrapes the plaque from your heart. Start with Hymns. Wanting to be sedated, James Dear James, What are some great movies that have come out this year? Dear Reader, The last great movie I saw was Friendship. Profoundly awkward person (Tim Robinson) is absorbed at dizzying speed into charmed friend circle of smooth bro (Paul Rudd) and then—even more abruptly—rejected. At which point he shouts, in despair, 'You made me feel too free! You accepted me too quickly!' Genius. Feet up in the back row, James By submitting a letter, you are agreeing to let The Atlantic use it in part or in full, and we may edit it for length and/or clarity. Article originally published at The Atlantic
Atlantic
7 hours ago
- Entertainment
- Atlantic
Dear James: I'm Not Very Punk Rock
Editor's Note: Is anything ailing, torturing, or nagging at you? Are you beset by existential worries? Every Tuesday, James Parker tackles readers' questions. Tell him about your lifelong or in-the-moment problems at dearjames@ Don't want to miss a single column? Sign up to get 'Dear James' in your inbox. Dear James, I'm not very punk rock. Not even a little. I'm well into middle age and experiencing my first taste of the many small indignities sure to come. I wear sensible shoes with gel insoles scientifically designed to relieve the pain and discomfort of plantar fasciitis. I have long and detailed conversations about insurance. And yet, in my heart, I believe that all is mendacity. That virtue is impossible. That the system crushes us all beneath its relentless wheel. I tell hilarious jokes about the cruel pointlessness of existence and receive only blank stares in return. If the world were to perish in flames, I'm pretty sure it would be no more than it deserved. So my question to you is simple: Is this any way to live? Dear Reader, You are punk rock to the tips of your gel-cushioned toes, my friend. Don't worry about that. I'm sorry that nobody's digging your nihilistic humor. Maybe work on your material a bit, soften the edges, angle it a touch toward the mainstream? Day-to-day discourse, in my experience, can absorb a remarkable amount of savage absurdism, gags about doom, and so on (this stuff is highly relatable!)—as long as you don't come off as aggressive or out of your mind. As long as you don't come off too punk rock. To your larger point: How are we to live, make our way, proceed in the world when so much of said world is clearly an evil farce? (Huge pause while advice columnist slurps his coffee, stares out the window, and considers the question.) The punk rockers were not the first to have this insight, of course: The poets and the prophets have always known it. No one is more punk rock than the unknown author of Ecclesiastes. Or John Donne. Or Sylvia Plath. Or the author(s) of the Psalms, in certain moods. The trick, I think, is to use this world-withering vision as a stimulant rather than as a philosophical end point. Don't let it shut you down; let it wake you up. Use it to sharpen your senses and file your encounters to a keen edge. As in: It's all bollocks and everyone dies, but wow, this bag of Dunkin' Donuts Snackin' Bacon tastes amazing. Or: It's all bollocks and everyone dies, so why don't I help this elderly person with her shopping? Use it, this flame of disgust, to refine your language! Regarding bands, I have one word for you: Godflesh. (Cue sound of Godflesh fans across America falling to their knees in grateful assent.) It's all there. The beauty, the horror, the low end that purges your bowels, the guitar tone that scrapes the plaque from your heart. Start with Hymns. James Dear James, Dear Reader, The last great movie I saw was Friendship. Profoundly awkward person (Tim Robinson) is absorbed at dizzying speed into charmed friend circle of smooth bro (Paul Rudd) and then—even more abruptly—rejected. At which point he shouts, in despair, 'You made me feel too free! You accepted me too quickly!' Genius. Feet up in the back row, James
Black America Web
23-05-2025
- General
- Black America Web
7 Bible Verses to Uplift You This Summer
7 Bible Verses to Uplift You This Summer Summer is a season of sunshine, rest, and reflection — a time to reconnect with God, recharge your spirit, and embrace the beauty of creation. Throughout Scripture, we find verses that speak to renewal, peace, and the power of God's presence in every season. Summer is not just a break from routine — it's a chance to slow down and soak in His promises. Here are seven encouraging Bible verses that remind us of God's faithfulness and goodness in every warm breeze and sunset. As you enjoy summer adventures and peaceful moments, let these Scriptures guide your heart, restore your soul, and remind you that God is always near. Related: 7 Signs You May Be Under Spiritual Attack 7 Bible Verses to Uplift You This Summer was originally published on 1. Ecclesiastes 3:1 There is a time for everything, and a season for every activity under the heavens.' 2. Psalm 113:3 'From the rising of the sun to the place where it sets, the name of the Lord is to be praised.' 3. Proverbs 16:3 'Commit to the Lord whatever you do, and he will establish your plans.' 4. Isaiah 40:31 But those who hope in the Lord will renew their strength… They will run and not grow weary.' 5. James 1:17 Every good and perfect gift is from above, coming down from the Father of the heavenly lights…' 6. Psalm 74:17 'It was you who set all the boundaries of the earth; you made both summer and winter.' 7. Philippians 4:6-7 'Do not be anxious about anything… And the peace of God… will guard your hearts and your minds.'
Telegraph
17-04-2025
- Politics
- Telegraph
Jews against Netanyahu cannot claim to speak for the majority
Why does it matter if 36 British Jews disagree with Israel's wartime government? Readers of the recent letter published in the Financial Times, signed by a very small minority of members from the Board of Deputies of British Jews, might well ask themselves what the letter signifies. Diaspora Jews feel a deep connection to the holy land, the Jewish homeland – the state of Israel. If 'God Save the King' rouses our hearts, Hatikva moves our Jewish soul. We can and do have deep loyalty to both. But if Israel was an 'insurance policy' against us being slaughtered again, October 7 proved that sometimes premiums go up. While it can be painful when they do, if you want continued cover, you just have to cough up and shut up. Though I write sometimes on Jewish issues, I do not claim to represent some amorphous Jewish community. Many Jews agree with me, others do not. Our religion and culture values disagreement. But the FT letter marks a deeply regrettable moment – not because it expresses dissent toward Israel's government, which is every Jew's right, but because of the way it does so. It conflates political grievance with moral prophecy, presents personal ideology as communal leadership, and in doing so, likely misrepresents the views of many of us. Let us begin with a necessary statement of principle: it is entirely legitimate for Jews and anyone in the world to criticise Israeli policy, including during wartime, even if potentially inadvisable or unhelpful. No country is above scrutiny, and Jewish tradition has long prized argument, debate, and conscience. But it must not – particularly in times of war – blur the moral lines between those who defend life and those who seek its destruction. The signatories, just over ten per cent of the Board of Deputies, present themselves as speaking on behalf of British Jewry. They do not. Their views are largely drawn from a specific sliver of the Jewish world – primarily progressive, liberal, or Reform congregations – who are entitled to their opinions, but are not particularly representative of the broader British Jewish 'community'. Yet it is no surprise to many of us that British news outlets have jumped on this opportunity to show how even the Jews don't like Israel's actions. The authors claim that 'Jewish values' are on their side – that war is inherently at odds with Judaism, and that diplomacy alone offers a path forward. But this is a selective reading of our tradition. Jewish values embrace both compassion and realism. The Torah commands us to pursue peace, yes – but it also commands us to defend life, to confront evil, and to understand that in a world where enemies plot genocide, force is sometimes not only justified but required. Ecclesiastes teaches, 'There is a time for war and a time for peace.' The signatories would have us believe that Judaism demands surrender. It does not. Their central claim – that diplomacy alone, not military action, has saved hostages – is historically and logically flawed. Every negotiated release of hostages has taken place under the shadow of Israeli military pressure. The idea that negotiations occurred in a vacuum of force is a fantasy. Hamas has never released hostages out of goodwill; it has done so because it has feared the consequences of continued defiance. Diplomacy works when backed by credible strength. Without it, there is no leverage – only wishful thinking. And if Benjamin Netanyahu is responsible for the 59 hostages still languishing in Gaza, he must also be responsible for the 174 live and 49 dead hostages brought back to their families. This is not just about numbers, it is about the acknowledging the whole, complex picture. Most British Jews understand this. They have stood with Israel since it was attacked by a genocidal terrorist organisation whose charter calls for the extermination of Jews. They know that the true extremists are not sitting in the Knesset, but in the terrorist command centres and tunnels in Gaza and further afield in Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and ultimately in Tehran. And they grasp what the letter's authors do not: that the Israeli government did not 'choose' to return to war, as if it were an option freely available. Rather, it resumed military action after Hamas repeatedly violated ceasefires, paraded hostages for propaganda, and rejected further disarmament proposals – even on the very day this letter was published the BBC ran the headline: 'Hamas rejects Israeli ceasefire disarmament proposal, Palestinian official says.' Ignoring these facts is not a difference in opinion – it is a refusal to deal with reality. It must also be said, however uncomfortably, that airing these intra-communal disagreements in the national press is unedifying – and, for many outside the Jewish world, tiresome. It undermines Israel's moral legitimacy, and bolsters those who somehow think Jews disagreeing with Israel proves some kind of bigger truth. Yet for many, now it has been published, the letter cannot go unanswered – not to silence dissent, but at least to restore balance. The deeper concern is ethical and strategic: a small group has taken a time of anguish and danger, and used it as a platform to vent political frustration against a government they dislike. That is their prerogative. But the dilemmas faced by Israel's leaders are excruciating. Every option is dreadful. But to pretend that there is an easy, bloodless alternative – while living safely abroad, far from the burden of responsibility – is not an act of conscience. It is an abdication of solidarity. This letter does not save lives. It does not free hostages. It makes the hard choices harder, and the lonely ones lonelier. The letter does not speak for many of us. In a time of war, clarity – about who we are, what we believe, and whom we stand with – is not just necessary. It is an obligation.
Yahoo
17-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Jews against Netanyahu cannot claim to speak for the majority
Why does it matter if 36 British Jews disagree with Israel's wartime government? Readers of the recent letter published in the Financial Times, signed by a very small minority of members from the Board of Deputies of British Jews, might well ask themselves what the letter signifies. Diaspora Jews feel a deep connection to the holy land, the Jewish homeland – the state of Israel. If 'God Save the King' rouses our hearts, Hatikva moves our Jewish soul. We can and do have deep loyalty to both. But if Israel was an 'insurance policy' against us being slaughtered again, October 7 proved that sometimes premiums go up. While it can be painful when they do, if you want continued cover, you just have to cough up and shut up. Though I write sometimes on Jewish issues, I do not claim to represent some amorphous Jewish community. Many Jews agree with me, others do not. Our religion and culture values disagreement. But the FT letter marks a deeply regrettable moment – not because it expresses dissent toward Israel's government, which is every Jew's right, but because of the way it does so. It conflates political grievance with moral prophecy, presents personal ideology as communal leadership, and in doing so, likely misrepresents the views of many of us. Let us begin with a necessary statement of principle: it is entirely legitimate for Jews and anyone in the world to criticise Israeli policy, including during wartime, even if potentially inadvisable or unhelpful. No country is above scrutiny, and Jewish tradition has long prized argument, debate, and conscience. But it must not – particularly in times of war – blur the moral lines between those who defend life and those who seek its destruction. The signatories, just over ten per cent of the Board of Deputies, present themselves as speaking on behalf of British Jewry. They do not. Their views are largely drawn from a specific sliver of the Jewish world – primarily progressive, liberal, or Reform congregations – who are entitled to their opinions, but are not particularly representative of the broader British Jewish 'community'. Yet it is no surprise to many of us that British news outlets have jumped on this opportunity to show how even the Jews don't like Israel's actions. The authors claim that 'Jewish values' are on their side – that war is inherently at odds with Judaism, and that diplomacy alone offers a path forward. But this is a selective reading of our tradition. Jewish values embrace both compassion and realism. The Torah commands us to pursue peace, yes – but it also commands us to defend life, to confront evil, and to understand that in a world where enemies plot genocide, force is sometimes not only justified but required. Ecclesiastes teaches, 'There is a time for war and a time for peace.' The signatories would have us believe that Judaism demands surrender. It does not. Their central claim – that diplomacy alone, not military action, has saved hostages – is historically and logically flawed. Every negotiated release of hostages has taken place under the shadow of Israeli military pressure. The idea that negotiations occurred in a vacuum of force is a fantasy. Hamas has never released hostages out of goodwill; it has done so because it has feared the consequences of continued defiance. Diplomacy works when backed by credible strength. Without it, there is no leverage – only wishful thinking. And if Benjamin Netanyahu is responsible for the 59 hostages still languishing in Gaza, he must also be responsible for the 174 live and 49 dead hostages brought back to their families. This is not just about numbers, it is about the acknowledging the whole, complex picture. Most British Jews understand this. They have stood with Israel since it was attacked by a genocidal terrorist organisation whose charter calls for the extermination of Jews. They know that the true extremists are not sitting in the Knesset, but in the terrorist command centres and tunnels in Gaza and further afield in Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and ultimately in Tehran. And they grasp what the letter's authors do not: that the Israeli government did not 'choose' to return to war, as if it were an option freely available. Rather, it resumed military action after Hamas repeatedly violated ceasefires, paraded hostages for propaganda, and rejected further disarmament proposals – even on the very day this letter was published the BBC ran the headline: 'Hamas rejects Israeli ceasefire disarmament proposal, Palestinian official says.' Ignoring these facts is not a difference in opinion – it is a refusal to deal with reality. It must also be said, however uncomfortably, that airing these intra-communal disagreements in the national press is unedifying – and, for many outside the Jewish world, tiresome. It undermines Israel's moral legitimacy, and bolsters those who somehow think Jews disagreeing with Israel proves some kind of bigger truth. Yet for many, now it has been published, the letter cannot go unanswered – not to silence dissent, but at least to restore balance. The deeper concern is ethical and strategic: a small group has taken a time of anguish and danger, and used it as a platform to vent political frustration against a government they dislike. That is their prerogative. But the dilemmas faced by Israel's leaders are excruciating. Every option is dreadful. But to pretend that there is an easy, bloodless alternative – while living safely abroad, far from the burden of responsibility – is not an act of conscience. It is an abdication of solidarity. This letter does not save lives. It does not free hostages. It makes the hard choices harder, and the lonely ones lonelier. The letter does not speak for many of us. In a time of war, clarity – about who we are, what we believe, and whom we stand with – is not just necessary. It is an obligation. Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.
