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Time of India
31-05-2025
- Time of India
Exhibition traces the story of India's first ‘fairytale palace of modernism'
In place of a turban, a safari hat crowns the Maharaja's head. As if weary of pearls and emeralds, the Maharani—seated beside him—wears a glowing smile instead. The striking black-and-white photo of Indore's royal couple in their minimalist chic—he in sunglasses and a blazer, coolly gazing out of his car; she, beautiful and jacket-shrouded, glancing shyly at the camera—was taken in 1933 by a German architect who understood their flair for understatement. By then, Berlin-based Eckart Muthesius spent over three years building the style-forward, young duo a sleek palace without a dome, a "temple of avant-garde" that was India's—perhaps Asia's—first centrally air-conditioned home. Even as external affairs minister S Jaishankar recently flew to Germany to strengthen diplomatic ties, an exhibition in Mumbai is showcasing a much older dialogue between the two nations, albeit in the realm of architecture. Sepia images on the green walls of the Kamalnayan Bajaj Gallery in Byculla's Dr Bhau Daji Lad Museum trace the century-old friendship between Yeshwant Rao Holkar II of Indore, his wife Sanyogita, and Muthesius—a bond that gave India one of its earliest modernist buildings: Manik Bagh. Commissioned amid the global economic crisis of 1930 by the slim, English-educated Maharaja who met like-minded Muthesius in Oxford in the 1920s, "Manik Bagh was far ahead of its time," says Raffael Dedo Gadebusch, head of the Asian Art Museum in Berlin who curated the showcase. Built long before Le Corbusier's Chandigarh, "the palace was a so-called Gesamtkunstwerk," says Gadebusch, the curator of the current exhibition, using the German term for a 'total work of art'. "It was a synthesis of architecture, arts, and design like hardly any other building in that period," he adds, comparing the palace—with its sleek lines and pitched roof—to The Bauhaus, the groundbreaking steel-and-glass art school designed by architect Walter Gropius in 1926. Art Deco buildings were just beginning to bloom along Mumbai's Marine Drive in 1933 when the palace—designed in the International Style—was dubbed by the media a "fairy tale palace of modernism". With just nine bedrooms and twenty-four rooms in all, "...this really was a family home rather than a Maharaja's palace," wrote Shivaji Rao 'Richard' Holkar, the Maharaja's son from his third marriage, in the run-up to the 2019 Paris exhibition on his father titled Modern Maharajah. Sent to England at the behest of the British at the age of 12, Yeshwant Holkar II returned to India at age 17 to ascend the throne. By the time he turned 22, he commissioned Muthesius to create his vision of a modernist palace—an Art Deco and Bauhaus-inspired fantasy called Manik Bagh. Muthesius, the son of renowned architect Hermann Muthesius, grew up in a country home frequented by intellectual luminaries such as Albert Einstein. His love of detail came from his mother, a singer and self-taught interior designer. Alongside little-known watercolours, drawings, and design studies by Muthesius, the show features 50 rare vintage photographs by Muthesius, German photographer Emil Leitner, and American visual artist Man Ray, who famously captured the royal couple between moments of affection. Sourced from collections loaned by art patrons Taimur Hassan and Prahlad Bubbar, the images highlight curated objects from the palace, crafted by avant-garde designers who shared Muthesius's minimalist vision. The use of already produced furniture—like the tubular steel chaise longue by Le Corbusier, red armchairs by brothers Wassili and Hans Luckhardt, and pieces by London's PEL company—reflected the jazz-music-loving Maharaja's admiration for the democratic ideals embedded in modernist design. "He was consciously moving away from colonial aesthetics," points out Gadebusch, who believes the Kamalnayan Bajaj gallery, with its original Art Deco tiles, harmonises beautifully with the abstract-patterned carpets designed by Ivan da Silva Bruhns, the French-Brazilian visionary known for his innovations in Art Deco textiles. In a picture titled The Machine Room, the palace's sophisticated air-conditioning unit, manufactured by Borsig in Berlin, looks like a grungy installation—an echo of the 1920s, when machines commanded their own aesthetic category. "Technically, it was a marvel," says Gadebusch, about the palace whose water faucets, staircase banisters, light fixtures, and retractable awnings were all produced in Germany as per Muthesius's strict specifications. Instead of wallpaper, the walls were painted with pigments mixed with glass or metal particles. Doors and windows employed steel frames and thick tinted glass—unprecedented in Asian architecture. Lighting elements, such as the lamps above the Maharani's bed and the wall fixture in the Maharaja's library, were so stark and abstract that, as Gadebusch notes, "they seem to anticipate the minimalism movement of the late 1960s." This subtle aesthetic even extended to a train Muthesius designed later for the Maharaja, standing in sharp contrast to the ostentatious railcars associated with Indian royalty. When the initial plans and furnishings were unveiled in Berlin in the early 1930s, art critics celebrated it as a "fairy tale palace of modernism". Later, the palace evolved to blend beauty and utility, featuring innovations such as clear and darkly tinted glass panes set in metal frames to regulate natural light, India's first air-conditioning system, cubist para vents, pictorial carpets, and vibrantly coloured walls. The circulatory verandas facing the inner courtyard were a thoughtful nod to India's tropical climate. "My father put his foot down on only one major design element," wrote Richard Holkar. "Muthesius wanted a flat roof, in line with the modernist idiom of Le Corbusier, but my father insisted it wouldn't withstand the monsoon. Muthesius relented, designing a sloped roof covered with custom-made green ceramic tiles. International acclaim followed its completion in 1933. The palace became a showcase for modernist masterpieces, and Muthesius was appointed 'Chief Master Builder' of Indore. In 1934, he curated an exhibition at Bombay's Town Hall (now the Asiatic Society of Mumbai), bringing Manik Bagh's bold aesthetic to the heart of India's art scene. Even Romanian sculptor Constantin Brancusi became involved, travelling to Indore in 1937 to design a 'Temple of Love and Peace' for the royal family. That year, after the sudden death of the young Maharani in a Swiss clinic at age 23, the temple was reimagined as a memorial. Among the standout vintage prints at the exhibition, you will find Brancusi's iconic 'Bird in Space'—a sculpture that the Maharaja bought in black marble, white marble, and bronze—soaring in the Maharaja's living room. A dedicated section showcases other unrealised projects, including a sleek lakeside villa and houseboat in Kashmir. Though Manik Bagh faded from public consciousness following World War II—when Muthesius returned to Germany and Indore merged with the Indian state in 1947—the palace briefly resurfaced in 1970, when French journalist Robert Descharnes stumbled upon it, astonished by its preservation. Some years later, the Indian govt abolished the privileges of the Maharaja families and revoked the state's obligation to pay them maintenance. As a result, furniture, carpets, and lighting fixtures from their residences found their way—often via circuitous routes—back to Europe. In 1980, Sotheby's auctioned off many of these items, including rugs and a striking aluminium and chrome bed with built-in glass bookshelves. Among the bidders was designer Yves Saint Laurent, who also sought a pair of distinctive floor lamps. Stripped of his power and forced to adjust to a new socio-political landscape after independence, the Maharaja of Indore married twice more before passing away in Mumbai at age 53. His children and heirs, Usha Devi and Richard Holkar, preserved his legacy. However, after the abolition of privy purses and royal titles in 1976, they were required to hand over Manik Bagh Palace to the govt. Its eclectic European furnishings were sold at auctions and replaced with utilitarian Godrej cupboards now filled with bureaucratic files. Unironically, the former home of a couple who once enjoyed tax-free govt stipends now serves as the headquarters of the central GST and excise commissioner. When the Maharaja's Mumbai-based grandson, Yeshwant Holkar, visited Manik Bagh last year to invite the commissioner to an exhibition, he found the palace in a state "not befitting of its history or importance." "It's important that govt officials are made aware of its heritage so that any renovations are sensitive to its legacy," says Holkar, who believes the palace could thrive as a museum or a design institute. "Given its global reputation as a modernist icon, the govt could do far more with it." According to Gadebusch, Manik Bagh remains largely unknown to the Indian public outside design and architecture circles. Yet, it is a remarkable example of Indian patronage of Western design and architecture during the Great Depression. Few are aware of Muthesius's pivotal role in creating what is arguably India's most avant-garde residence. "On one hand, it's saddening to see it fall short of its potential. On the other hand, there's real hope. Much can still be restored," says Yeshwant Holkar. "The ball is in the govt's court."
Time of India
31-05-2025
- Time of India
From Berlin to Indore: The making of India's first 'fairytale palace of modernism'
In place of a turban, a safari hat crowns the Maharaja's head. As if weary of pearls and emeralds, the Maharani—seated beside him—wears a glowing smile instead. The striking black-and-white photo of Indore's royal couple in their minimalist chic—he in sunglasses and a blazer, coolly gazing out of his car; she, beautiful and jacket-shrouded, glancing shyly at the camera—was taken in 1933 by a German architect who understood their flair for understatement. By then, Berlin-based Eckart Muthesius spent over three years building the style-forward, young duo a sleek palace without a dome, a "temple of avant-garde" that was India's—perhaps Asia's—first centrally air-conditioned home. Even as external affairs minister S Jaishankar recently flew to Germany to strengthen diplomatic ties, an exhibition in Mumbai is showcasing a much older dialogue between the two nations, albeit in the realm of architecture. Sepia images on the green walls of the Kamalnayan Bajaj Gallery in Byculla's Dr Bhau Daji Lad Museum trace the century-old friendship between Yeshwant Rao Holkar II of Indore, his wife Sanyogita, and Muthesius—a bond that gave India one of its earliest modernist buildings: Manik Bagh. Commissioned amid the global economic crisis of 1930 by the slim, English-educated Maharaja who met like-minded Muthesius in Oxford in the 1920s, "Manik Bagh was far ahead of its time," says Raffael Dedo Gadebusch, head of the Asian Art Museum in Berlin who curated the showcase. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 2025 Top Trending local enterprise accounting software [Click Here] Esseps Learn More Undo Built long before Le Corbusier's Chandigarh, "the palace was a so-called Gesamtkunstwerk," says Gadebusch, the curator of the current exhibition, using the German term for a 'total work of art'. "It was a synthesis of architecture, arts, and design like hardly any other building in that period," he adds, comparing the palace—with its sleek lines and pitched roof—to The Bauhaus, the groundbreaking steel-and-glass art school designed by architect Walter Gropius in 1926. Art Deco buildings were just beginning to bloom along Mumbai's Marine Drive in 1933 when the palace—designed in the International Style—was dubbed by the media a "fairy tale palace of modernism". With just nine bedrooms and twenty-four rooms in all, "..this really was a family home rather than a Maharaja's palace," wrote Shivaji Rao "Richard" Holkar, the Maharaja's son from his third marriage, in the run-up to the 2019 Paris exhibition on his father titled 'Modern Maharajah'. Sent to England at the behest of the British at the age of 12, Yeshwant Holkar II returned to India at age 17 to ascend the throne. By the time he turned 22, he commissioned Muthesius to create his vision of a modernist palace—an Art Deco and Bauhaus-inspired fantasy called Manik Bagh. Muthesius, the son of renowned architect Hermann Muthesius, grew up in a country home frequented by intellectual luminaries such as Albert Einstein. His love of detail came from his mother, a singer and self-taught interior designer. Alongside little-known watercolours, drawings, and design studies by Muthesius, the show features 50 rare vintage photographs by Muthesius, German photographer Emil Leitner, and American visual artist Man Ray, who famously captured the royal couple between moments of affection. Sourced from collections loaned by art patrons Taimur Hassan and Prahlad Bubbar, the images highlight curated objects from the palace, crafted by avant-garde designers who shared Muthesius's minimalist vision. The use of already produced furniture—like the tubular steel chaise longue by Le Corbusier, red armchairs by brothers Wassili and Hans Luckhardt, and pieces by London's PEL company—reflected the jazz-music-loving Maharaja's admiration for the democratic ideals embedded in modernist design. "He was consciously moving away from colonial aesthetics," points out Gadebusch, who believes the Kamalnayan Bajaj gallery, with its original Art Deco tiles, harmonizes beautifully with the abstract-patterned carpets designed by Ivan da Silva Bruhns, the French-Brazilian visionary known for his innovations in Art Deco textiles. In a picture titled 'The Machine Room', the palace's sophisticated air-conditioning unit, manufactured by Borsig in Berlin, looks like a grungy installation—an echo of the 1920s, when machines commanded their own aesthetic category. "Technically, it was a marvel," says Gadebusch, about the palace whose water faucets, staircase banisters, light fixtures, and retractable awnings were all produced in Germany as per Muthesius' strict specifications. Instead of wallpaper, the walls were painted with pigments mixed with glass or metal particles. Doors and windows employed steel frames and thick tinted glass—unprecedented in Asian architecture. Lighting elements, such as the lamps above the Maharani's bed and the wall fixture in the Maharaja's library, were so stark and abstract that, as Gadebusch notes, "they seem to anticipate the minimalism movement of the late 1960s." This subtle aesthetic even extended to a train Muthesius designed later for the Maharaja, standing in sharp contrast to the ostentatious railcars associated with Indian royalty. When the initial plans and furnishings were unveiled in Berlin in the early 1930s, art critics celebrated it as a "fairy tale palace of modernism". Later, the palace evolved to blend beauty and utility, featuring innovations such as clear and darkly tinted glass panes set in metal frames to regulate natural light, India's first air-conditioning system, cubist para vents, pictorial carpets, and vibrantly coloured walls. The circulatory verandas facing the inner courtyard were a thoughtful nod to India's tropical climate. "My father put his foot down on only one major design element," wrote Richard Holkar. "Muthesius wanted a flat roof, in line with the modernist idiom of Le Corbusier, but my father insisted it wouldn't withstand the monsoon. Muthesius relented, designing a sloped roof covered with custom-made green ceramic tiles. International acclaim followed its completion in 1933. The palace became a showcase for modernist masterpieces, and Muthesius was appointed 'Chief Master Builder' of Indore. In 1934, he curated an exhibition at Bombay's Town Hall (now the Asiatic Society of Mumbai), bringing Manik Bagh's bold aesthetic to the heart of India's art scene. Even Romanian sculptor Constantin Brancusi became involved, travelling to Indore in 1937 to design a 'Temple of Love and Peace' for the royal family. That year, after the sudden death of the young Maharani in a Swiss clinic at age 23, the temple was reimagined as a memorial. Among the standout vintage prints at the exhibition, you will find Brancusi's iconic 'Bird in Space'—a sculpture that the Maharaja bought in black marble, white marble, and bronze—soaring in the Maharaja's living room. A dedicated section showcases other unrealised projects, including a sleek lakeside villa and houseboat in Kashmir. Though Manik Bagh faded from public consciousness following World War II—when Muthesius returned to Germany and Indore merged with the Indian state in 1947—the palace briefly resurfaced in 1970, when French journalist Robert Descharnes stumbled upon it, astonished by its preservation. Some years later, the Indian govt abolished the privileges of the Maharaja families and revoked the state's obligation to pay them maintenance. As a result, furniture, carpets, and lighting fixtures from their residences found their way—often via circuitous routes—back to Europe. In 1980, Sotheby's auctioned off many of these items, including rugs and a striking aluminium and chrome bed with built-in glass bookshelves. Among the bidders was designer Yves Saint Laurent, who also sought a pair of distinctive floor lamps. Stripped of his power and forced to adjust to a new socio-political landscape after independence, the Maharaja of Indore married twice more before passing away in Mumbai at age 53. His children and heirs, Usha Devi and Richard Holkar, preserved his legacy. However, after the abolition of privy purses and royal titles in 1976, they were required to hand over Manik Bagh Palace to the govt. Its eclectic European furnishings were sold at auctions and replaced with utilitarian Godrej cupboards now filled with bureaucratic files. Unironically, the former home of a couple who once enjoyed tax-free govt stipends now serves as the headquarters of the central GST and excise commissioner. When the Maharaja's Mumbai-based grandson, Yeshwant Holkar, visited Manik Bagh last year to invite the commissioner to an exhibition, he found the palace in a state "not befitting of its history or importance." "It's important that govt officials are made aware of its heritage so that any renovations are sensitive to its legacy," says Holkar, who believes the palace could thrive as a museum or a design institute. "Given its global reputation as a modernist icon, the govt could do far more with it." According to Gadebusch, Manik Bagh remains largely unknown to the Indian public outside design and architecture circles. Yet, it is a remarkable example of Indian patronage of Western design and architecture during the Great Depression. Few are aware of Muthesius's pivotal role in creating what is arguably India's most avant-garde residence. "On one hand, it's saddening to see it fall short of its potential. On the other hand, there's real hope. Much can still be restored," says Yeshwant Holkar. "The ball is in the govt's court."
Hans India
25-05-2025
- Politics
- Hans India
Reassessing the collaborative genesis of Indian Constitution
The narrative that B.R. Ambedkar single-handedly crafted India's Constitution, reinforced by his statues holding the Constitution and his title as 'chief architect,' dominates public and judicial discourse. However, historical evidence reveals a collaborative process involving B.N. Rau's foundational draft, Jawaharlal Nehru's political leadership and contributions from the Constituent Assembly's 299 members. Drawing on primary sources, including Ambedkar's 1953 Rajya Sabha speech disclaiming sole authorship and Constituent Assembly debates, this article challenges the oversimplified narrative. It examines the roles of Rau, Nehru, and others, while addressing the narrative's socio-political origins, including its potential amplification by Christian missionaries among marginalised communities, and its reinforcement through events like the 2025 Gwalior bench of Madhya Pradesh High Court statue controversy. By advocating for educational and judicial reforms, it seeks a balanced recognition of all contributors without diminishing Ambedkar's pivotal role in championing social justice. Historical context-Constitutions and the colonial legacy: Constitutions codify governance systems, often embodying a society's cultural and philosophical values. In ancient India, Dharmashastras like Manu Smriti and Yagnavalkya Smriti guided Hindu civilization. In China, Confucian texts such as the Five Classics and Four Books shaped governance until the rise of Communism. In the West, the Bible influenced legal systems until secularism prevailed, while Islamic societies rely on Sharia. These examples highlight constitutions as human creations reflecting their societies' core beliefs. After the religion-based partition, which created Islamic Pakistan (including present-day Bangladesh), many expected India to adopt a Hindu-centric framework. Instead, the English-educated elite in the Constituent Assembly chose a secular model, rejecting Dharmashastras. They drew heavily on the Government of India Act 1935, a comprehensive British law, embedding colonial continuities in India's Constitution and shaping its governance structure. Colonial continuity; cultural disconnect: The Indian Constitution, often celebrated as a post-colonial milestone, largely reworks the British-enacted Government of India Act of 1935, perpetuating colonial governance with limited engagement with India's ancient civilizational values or modern India's aspirations. The Constituent Assembly, led by English-educated elites unfamiliar with indigenous political traditions, crafted a voluminous document by blending western constitutional models into the 1935 Act's colonial framework. Symbolic gestures, such as illustrations of Hindu gods, goddesses, and historical figures in the Constitution's original manuscript, aimed to reflect Indian identity. However, these gestures, and adopting Satyameva Jayate from the Mundaka Upanishad as the national motto and the Dharmachakra on the national flag, could not bridge the Constitution's disconnect from India's socio-cultural needs. This reliance on colonial and foreign frameworks has perpetuated persistent challenges in governance and social cohesion. These challenges stem from the Constitution's continued misalignment with India's socio-cultural and governance needs. The Constituent Assembly: A contested foundation: The Constituent Assembly, formed in December 1946 by the British, was tasked with drafting India's Constitution. Its legitimacy remains contentious due to its unrepresentative composition. The Indian National Congress (INC) demanded an assembly elected through universal adult franchise but the British opted for indirect elections via provincial assemblies, representing only 15 per cent of Indians and 70 nominated members from the Princely States. Socialist member Damodar Swarup Seth on November 5, 1948 challenged the Assembly's legitimacy, arguing that its unrepresentative nature and reliance on the 1935 Act and foreign models fails to reflect India's civilizational ethos. His motion for a new assembly elected by universal franchise was defeated, but it exposed the Assembly's democratic deficits and lack of legitimacy. The Constitution's Preamble, claiming to represent 'We, the people of India,' is often criticised as misleading due to its limited representation. Justifications for the Constitution's legitimacy, such as its 75-year operation, are dismissed as flawed, like legitimising British colonial rule for its duration. Seth's critique, combined with Nehru's admission of British influence, suggests a possible quid pro quo to secure personal power, with the Constitution serving as a tool to align with British interests perpetuating colonial legacy as post-colonial triumph. Rau's foundational contribution: Benegal Narsing Rau, a Cambridge-educated civil servant and jurist, was appointed Constitutional Adviser in July 1946. His distinguished career included service in the Indian Civil Service, as a jurist, and as Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir. In 1945, he joined the Viceroy's Secretariat to work on constitutional reforms, leveraging his expertise in law and governance. A year later, Rau produced an outline of a New Constitution in January, followed by a comprehensive draft in October 1947, comprising 243 articles and 13 schedules. This draft, completed eleven months before the Constituent Assembly's formation, drew heavily on the Government of India Act 1935, and incorporated elements from global constitutions, including those of the United States, Canada, Australia, and Ireland. His work formed the backbone of the final Constitution, yet his contributions remain largely unrecognised in public discourse, overshadowed by political figures like Ambedkar and Nehru. Even his role as a drafter remains underacknowledged. Critics may argue that Rau, as a civil servant, should not be credited with the Constitution's creation, despite his pivotal role. This argument falters against the principle of recognizing contributions over titles. If Rau's bureaucratic status diminishes his legacy, how do we justify celebrating Mokshagundam Visvesvaraya, a government engineer lauded for nation-building contributions to infrastructure, such as dams and irrigation systems? A legacy lies in the impact of one's work, not the position held. Rau's meticulously crafted draft formed the Constitution's bedrock. To overlook his role due to his civil service designation is to prioritise form over substance, undermining the Constitution's collaborative genesis. Honouring Rau's contributions, alongside those of Nehru, Ambedkar, and others, celebrates deeds over titles. Sardar Patel's role in shaping Part III and Schedules 5 and 6: As Chairman of the Advisory Committee on Fundamental Rights, Minorities, and Tribal and Excluded Areas, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel played a key role in shaping Part III (Articles 12–35) and Schedules 5 and 6 of the Indian Constitution. This committee, central to the Constituent Assembly, was responsible for framing fundamental rights for all, and governance structures for tribal communities. However, Patel's committee did not grant Hindus rights equal to those provided to minorities under Articles 25–30. It also failed to integrate tribal communities in forest areas into mainstream society, perpetuating colonial policies that isolated these groups. These decisions downgraded Hindus to second-class status and left tribal communities in Scheduled Areas vulnerable to missionary-led Christian conversions. The Ambedkar-centric narrative has eclipsed Patel's controversial role and related concerns in public discourse. Ambedkar's editorial role: On August 29, 1947, the Constituent Assembly established a 'Committee to Scrutinize Draft Constitution' chaired by B.R. Ambedkar, who was then Minister for Law and Justice. Erroneously referred to as the 'Drafting Committee' in common parlance, this body was tasked with refining Rau's draft, not drafting a new constitution. The committee included distinguished members such as Alladi Krishnaswamy Ayyar, N. Gopalaswami Ayyangar, and K.M. Munshi, whose legal and administrative expertise shaped the final document. Ambedkar's role was primarily editorial, ensuring that the draft aligned with the Assembly's decisions and reflected India's democratic aspirations. Ambedkar's prominence in Assembly debates as Law Minister, coupled with his identity as a Dalit leader and champion of social justice, drew public attention. However, in a 1953 Rajya Sabha speech, he explicitly disclaimed sole authorship, stating, 'People keep saying I am the maker of the Constitution. My answer is I was a hack. What I was asked to do, I did much against my will … I am quite prepared to burn it out. It does not suit anybody.' This candid admission, preserved in Rajya Sabha archives, reflects his frustration with the attribution and the compromises embedded in the Constitution, particularly its failure to fully address the governance problems. (The writer is a retired IPS officer and former Director of CBI. Views are personal)
Business Times
28-04-2025
- Politics
- Business Times
GE2025: What is the Fullerton rally?
[SINGAPORE] A lunchtime election rally will be held on Apr 28 for the 2025 General Election, the first to take place at UOB Plaza's promenade in 10 years. The rally, which in the past has attracted thousands of white-collared workers, is known as the Fullerton rally because of its venue close to Fullerton Square, where Singapore's founding prime minister, Lee Kuan Yew, gave many election campaign speeches from the 1950s to the 1980s. This year's lunchtime rally, from noon to 3 pm, will see Prime Minister Lawrence Wong taking this stage to address the crowd for the first time in his new role, along with other PAP candidates. When and where did the first lunchtime rally happen? Lee held the first rally in 1959 at Fullerton Square, near the old General Post Office, when the Republic became a self-governing state. He used the platform to reach out to the English-educated office crowd and thus bypass the media, which he thought portrayed the PAP then as 'extremists'. The PAP's lunchtime rally at Fullerton Square in 1959. PHOTO: ST FILE From the 1950s to the 1980s, the rally was a fixture that attracted a large lunchtime crowd, with people huddled together, shoulder to shoulder, to hear Lee speak. The Straits Times' archives show that rallies such as this drew large crowds in the past, as the only way for voters to hear and see the candidates in person. BT in your inbox Start and end each day with the latest news stories and analyses delivered straight to your inbox. Sign Up Sign Up In 1980, despite a drizzle, a crowd gathered to hear Lee speak on the hot topic of succession. On that occasion, he endorsed the second-generation leaders and urged citizens to help him test them. Lee Kuan Yew speaking at the PAP's rally at Fullerton Square on Dec 19, 1980. PHOTO: ST FILE Since 1996, the Fullerton rally has been held at the UOB Plaza promenade in Boat Quay, a short walk from its original location. Has the lunchtime rally been missed or postponed before? In 1984, Fullerton Square was nearly abandoned as a rally site as many more buildings had sprung up around it, reducing the standing space. But attempts to find an alternative site were unsuccessful. It was retained as a rally site just days before the election in December 1984. Lee Hsien Loong speaking at the PAP's rally at Fullerton Square during his first election in 1984. PHOTO: LEE HSIEN LOONG/FACEBOOK The first time the rally was skipped was in 1991, when Fullerton Square was not on the list of approved rally sites by the police. The area had been landscaped, with a small park and circular road replacing the old carpark rally site. The rally was also halted in October 2001, due to security concerns following the Sep 11 terrorist attacks in the United States that year. Most recently, the Covid-19 pandemic put paid to in-person rallies, with then Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong holding a virtual lunchtime rally instead in 2020. When was the last lunchtime rally held? The last Fullerton rally was held in 2015, five years before the pandemic curtailed all in-person campaign events. It turned out to be the last as prime minister for Lee, who is now Senior Minister, after having served as PM from 2004 to 2024. Then Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong greeting supporters at the PAP's lunchtime rally in Boat Quay on Sep 8, 2015. PHOTO: BERITA HARIAN FILE Does the rally happen only during a general election? Who is allowed to speak at the rally? Yes, it is only held every four or five years, during campaigning for the election. The site has seen some of the biggest election rallies over the decades, held by both the PAP and opposition parties on different days. This includes the 1997 General Election, when the focus was on Cheng San GRC, which was contested by the PAP and WP. The WP slate included new candidate Tang Liang Hong, a man the PAP labelled a 'dangerous Chinese chauvinist'. In an unexpected turn of events, then Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong said at the Fullerton rally that he was so determined to stop Tang from stepping into Parliament that he was personally entering the battle for Cheng San GRC. THE STRAITS TIMES For more election coverage, visit our GE2025 microsite
Straits Times
27-04-2025
- Politics
- Straits Times
GE2025: What is the Fullerton Rally?
Then Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong speaking at the PAP's lunchtime rally in Boat Quay on Sept 8, 2015. PHOTO: ST FILE Follow our live coverage here. SINGAPORE - A lunchtime election rally will be held on April 28 during GE2025, the first to take place at UOB Plaza's promenade in 10 years. T he rally, which in the past has attracted thousands of white-collared workers, is known as the Fullerton Rally because of its venue close to Fullerton Square, where Singapore's founding prime minister, Mr Lee Kuan Yew, gave many election campaign speeches from the 1950s to the 1980s. This year's lunchtime rally, from noon to 3pm, will see Prime Minister Lawrence Wong take the stage to address the crowd for the first time in his new role, along with other PAP candidates. When and where did the first lunchtime rally happen? Mr Lee held the first rally in 1959 at Fullerton Square, near the old General Post Office, when the Republic became a self-governing state. He used the platform to reach out to the English-educated office crowd and thus bypass the media, which he thought portrayed the PAP then as 'extremists'. Fr om the 1950s to the 1980s, the rally was a fixture that attracted a large lunchtime crowd, with people huddled together, shoulder to shoulder, to hear Mr Lee speak. The Straits Times' archives show that rallies such as this drew large crowds in the past, as the only way for voters to hear and see the candidates in person . Then Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew (third from right) with his fellow PAP members (from left) S. Jayakumar, Lee Hsien Loong, Yeo Ning Hong, Goh Chok Tong and George Yeo at a rally at Fullerton Square during the 1988 General Election. PHOTO: ST FILE In 1980, despite a drizzle, a crowd gathered to hear Mr Lee speak on the hot topic of succession. On that occasion, he endorsed the second generation leaders and urged citizens to help him test them. Since 1996, the Fullerton Rally has been held at the UOB Plaza promenade in Boat Quay, a short walk from its original location. Has the lunchtime rally been missed or postponed before? In 1984, Fullerton Square was nearly abandoned as a rally site, as many more buildings had sprung up around it, reducing the standing space. But attempts to find an alternative site were unsuccessful. It was retained as a rally site just days before the election in December 1984. The first time the rally was skipped was in 1991, when Fullerton Square was not on the list of approved rally sites by the police. The area had been landscaped, with a small park and circular road replacing the old carpark rally site . The rally was also halted in October 2001, due to security concerns following the Sept 11 terrorist attacks in the United States that year. Most recently, the Covid-19 pandemic put paid to in-person rallies, with then-prime minister Lee Hsien Loong holding a virtual lunchtime rally instead, in 20 20. When was the last lunchtime rally held? The last Fullerton Rally was held in 2015, five years before the pandemic curtailed all in-person campaign events. It turned out to be the last as prime minister for Mr Lee, who is now Senior Minister, after having served as PM from 2004 to 202 4. Then Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong greeting supporters at the PAP's lunchtime rally in Boat Quay on Sept 8, 2015. PHOTO: BERITA HARIAN FILE Does the rally only happen during the General Election? Who is allowed to speak at the rally? Yes, it is only held every four or five years during campaigning for the election. The site has seen some of the biggest election rallies over the decades, held by both the PAP and opposition parties on different days. This includes the 1997 General Election, when the focus was on Cheng San GRC, which was contested by the PAP and WP. The WP slate included new candidate Tang Liang Hong, a man the PAP labelled a 'dangerous Chinese chauvinist'. In an unexpected turn of events, to stop Mr Tang from entering Parliament, then-Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong said at the Fullerton Rally that he would be contesting Cheng San GRC. Join ST's WhatsApp Channel and get the latest news and must-reads.
