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Yahoo
6 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Opinion - Erin go MAGA: Conor McGregor wants to be president of Ireland
Oliver Cromwell came to Ireland in 1649 to bring the 'judgment of God upon these barbarous wretches.' Tucker Carlson's objective was ostensibly less destructive — he claimed that he came to Ireland in mid-April only to learn. In truth, it was mischief that brought Carlson to Dublin for an interview with a cage fighter with deluded political aspirations. Just after St. Patrick's Day, Conor McGregor launched his campaign to be Irish president in the White House press briefing room. Joe Rogan describes the former UFC champ as the best trash-talker of all time, but McGregor had clearly lost his trademark wit as he tried to explain how Ireland's social problems are self-inflicted. It was equally clear why President Trump loaned him the bully pulpit during his visit to the U.S. For American culture warriors, Ireland is a favorite rhetorical prop. McGregor's claims that the country was being ruined by an 'illegal immigration racket' permitted by a political establishment with 'zero accountability' harmonized with MAGA themes. McGregor likely knew he was being manipulated. Whatever else, he's no fool. With several assault charges under his belt, his nickname 'Notorious' is now a grim statement of fact. But, if his glories in the octagon are behind him, the Dubliner has made fame pay. In 2017, he earned $130 million for fighting Floyd Mayweather Jr. His matchup with Carlson was another overpromoted spectacle, painful to watch. Just as Mayweather carried the exhausted cage fighter through 10 rounds, Carlson struggled to elicit a coherent message. 'So, you have said immigration is treason,' Carlson leadingly queried his guest. Malapropisms tripped over solecisms, with McGregor sounding like a Celtic Idi Amin. 'You ask about my political aspirations,' he said. 'I am of the belief that the era of the politician must end. It must come to an end. It has proven unfruitful.' In a final paranoid touch, the interview took place in a Masonic temple. After the circus folded up its tent, all that's left for Ireland's embattled conservatives is a unlike many European countries, has no large right-leaning party advocating greater immigration controls. In the Fianna Fáil-Fine Gael coalition, Ireland has a center-left consensus with a firm grip on power. The opposition, Sinn Féin, criticizes the government's 'chaotic mismanagement' of immigration but lacks any serious plans to lower overall numbers. Unfortunately, some of the issues McGregor struggled to articulate are real. In 2023, 22 percent of Ireland's population was foreign-born. Only Cyprus and Malta have comparable rates in Europe. The 150,000 people that migrated to Ireland in 2024 are small beer by American standards, but plenty for a country of just 5.3 million. If Irish elites are insulated from negative effects of this influx, the wider population is less complacent. A 2024 Irish Times poll found that 59 percent of respondents wanted a more closed immigration policy. But that doesn't mean they want a president who traffics in conspiracies like Renaud Camus's Great Replacement theory. 'It's an attempted erasure of our people' McGregor told Carlson. The truth is more banal. There is no plan. Ireland is doing what it always does: copying Britain. During New Labour's rule from 1997 to 2010, annual net U.K. migration averaged 200,000. Prime Minister Tony Blair mocked working-class party members anxious about adding 2.5 million foreigners to the workforce, arguing that globalization was unstoppable. 'You might as well debate whether autumn should follow summer,' Blair said in 2005. Absent that flood, Brexit is impossible to understand, as are the 2024 anti-migrant Southport riots, which started after natural-born Briton of Rwandan ancestry, falsely reported to be a migrant, stabbed three schoolchildren to death. Prime Minister Keir Starmer was as contemptuous as Blair when he called the rioters 'a tiny, mindless minority in our society.' Similar disdain was heard in 2023 from Ireland's police chief when he blamed 'a complete lunatic hooligan faction driven by far-right ideology' for the looting, arson and violence that cost millions in property damage in Dublin. That riot was triggered by an naturalized Irish citizen from Algeria stabbing a five-year-old girl in a city school. Imagine, then, the relief of Ireland's ruling class to hear this intractable subject discussed by a washed-up palooka and an American firebrand. A gratified media had a field day 'fact checking' last month's interview. If McGregor didn't exist, the establishment would have to invent him. Those who share his concerns are effectively locked out of the political system, limited to noisy protests and occasional violence that is less easy to ignore. In Britain, where similar factors exist at scale, the results may be more explosive. David Betz, a professor of war at King's College London, predicts anarchy in the U.K. 'There has been a collapse in trust over the course of a generation,' he has said. Native discontent with 'a two-tier justice system' and a 'politically biased' police establishment exacerbate tensions. And since Westminster would have to take responsibility for the problem in order to fix it, Betz sees no democratic solution. This powder keg just needs a spark. Any Irish nationalists smirking at the thought of our ancestral enemy going up in smoke should remember that disorder spreads fast. The last time civil war came to Britain, Oliver Cromwell came to Ireland. Aidan Harte is a sculptor and writer based in Ireland. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
6 days ago
- Politics
- The Hill
Erin go MAGA: Conor McGregor wants to be president of Ireland
Oliver Cromwell came to Ireland in 1649 to bring the 'judgment of God upon these barbarous wretches.' Tucker Carlson's objective was ostensibly less destructive — he claimed that he came to Ireland in mid-April only to learn. In truth, it was mischief that brought Carlson to Dublin for an interview with a cage fighter with deluded political aspirations. Just after St. Patrick's Day, Conor McGregor launched his campaign to be Irish president in the White House press briefing room. Joe Rogan describes the former UFC champ as the best trash-talker of all time, but McGregor had clearly lost his trademark wit as he tried to explain how Ireland's social problems are self-inflicted. It was equally clear why President Trump loaned him the bully pulpit during his visit to the U.S. For American culture warriors, Ireland is a favorite rhetorical prop. McGregor's claims that the country was being ruined by an 'illegal immigration racket' permitted by a political establishment with 'zero accountability' harmonized with MAGA themes. McGregor likely knew he was being manipulated. Whatever else, he's no fool. With several assault charges under his belt, his nickname 'Notorious' is now a grim statement of fact. But, if his glories in the octagon are behind him, the Dubliner has made fame pay. In 2017, he earned $130 million for fighting Floyd Mayweather Jr. His matchup with Carlson was another overpromoted spectacle, painful to watch. Just as Mayweather carried the exhausted cage fighter through 10 rounds, Carlson struggled to elicit a coherent message. 'So, you have said immigration is treason,' Carlson leadingly queried his guest. Malapropisms tripped over solecisms, with McGregor sounding like a Celtic Idi Amin. 'You ask about my political aspirations,' he said. 'I am of the belief that the era of the politician must end. It must come to an end. It has proven unfruitful.' In a final paranoid touch, the interview took place in a Masonic temple. After the circus folded up its tent, all that's left for Ireland's embattled conservatives is a unlike many European countries, has no large right-leaning party advocating greater immigration controls. In the Fianna Fáil-Fine Gael coalition, Ireland has a center-left consensus with a firm grip on power. The opposition, Sinn Féin, criticizes the government's 'chaotic mismanagement' of immigration but lacks any serious plans to lower overall numbers. Unfortunately, some of the issues McGregor struggled to articulate are real. In 2023, 22 percent of Ireland's population was foreign-born. Only Cyprus and Malta have comparable rates in Europe. The 150,000 people that migrated to Ireland in 2024 are small beer by American standards, but plenty for a country of just 5.3 million. If Irish elites are insulated from negative effects of this influx, the wider population is less complacent. A 2024 Irish Times poll found that 59 percent of respondents wanted a more closed immigration policy. But that doesn't mean they want a president who traffics in conspiracies like Renaud Camus's Great Replacement theory. 'It's an attempted erasure of our people' McGregor told Carlson. The truth is more banal. There is no plan. Ireland is doing what it always does: copying Britain. During New Labour's rule from 1997 to 2010, annual net U.K. migration averaged 200,000. Prime Minister Tony Blair mocked working-class party members anxious about adding 2.5 million foreigners to the workforce, arguing that globalization was unstoppable. 'You might as well debate whether autumn should follow summer,' Blair said in 2005. Absent that flood, Brexit is impossible to understand, as are the 2024 anti-migrant Southport riots, which started after natural-born Briton of Rwandan ancestry, falsely reported to be a migrant, stabbed three schoolchildren to death. Prime Minister Keir Starmer was as contemptuous as Blair when he called the rioters 'a tiny, mindless minority in our society.' Similar disdain was heard in 2023 from Ireland's police chief when he blamed 'a complete lunatic hooligan faction driven by far-right ideology' for the looting, arson and violence that cost millions in property damage in Dublin. That riot was triggered by an naturalized Irish citizen from Algeria stabbing a five-year-old girl in a city school. Imagine, then, the relief of Ireland's ruling class to hear this intractable subject discussed by a washed-up palooka and an American firebrand. A gratified media had a field day 'fact checking' last month's interview. If McGregor didn't exist, the establishment would have to invent him. Those who share his concerns are effectively locked out of the political system, limited to noisy protests and occasional violence that is less easy to ignore. In Britain, where similar factors exist at scale, the results may be more explosive. David Betz, a professor of war at King's College London, predicts anarchy in the U.K. 'There has been a collapse in trust over the course of a generation,' he has said. Native discontent with 'a two-tier justice system' and a 'politically biased' police establishment exacerbate tensions. And since Westminster would have to take responsibility for the problem in order to fix it, Betz sees no democratic solution. This powder keg just needs a spark. Any Irish nationalists smirking at the thought of our ancestral enemy going up in smoke should remember that disorder spreads fast. The last time civil war came to Britain, Oliver Cromwell came to Ireland. Aidan Harte is a sculptor and writer based in Ireland.
RTÉ News
04-05-2025
- Politics
- RTÉ News
Government never far from controversy 100 days in
The first 100 days of a new government is traditionally seen as its honeymoon period. But when the government in question almost didn't have a wedding in the first place - the groom momentarily being constitutionally locked out of his own ceremony - that romantic idea of allowing ministers time to bed-in was kissed goodbye long ago. The new version of the Fianna Fáil-Fine Gael marriage of convenience, with a sprinkling of Independents on the side, has never been far from controversy in the first three months of its term. In the Dáil there has been a dramatic stop-start Taoiseach appointment; a constitutional Dáil speaking rights row; an unprecedented Ceann Comhairle no confidence motion; and ongoing heated discussions over the role of Michael Lowry in the affairs. Irish society has seen a would-be housing 'tsar' effectively anointed before being quickly ousted by a political rivals' revolution; questions over pre-general election projected housing construction numbers; and deepening concern over the Grace case and findings of the Farrelly Commission. And abroad, the small matter of a certain businessman-turned-US president's obsession with tariffs, and the timing of the Taoiseach's White House visit meaning Ireland was the frontline line of the EU's initial response to it, has never been far from view either. Throw in an irony-laced dispute over whether politicians could ever possibly accuse each other of lying in parliament, and whatever language you choose to use the accepted translation is that it has not exactly been a quiet first 100 days. Despite separate criticism, the delay in establishing Oireachtas committees has meant Leinster House has effectively been a do-nothing Dail during that time, there has at least been plenty on the to-do list. So, with Taoiseach Micheál Martin and his cabinet now settled into their new roles, what have been the stand-out moments of their first 100 days in power? Appointment of the Taoiseach Start as you mean to go on is always good advice. But, given the occasionally dramatic moments of the 34th Dáil to date, perhaps that aged old adage was taken just a little bit too much to heart this time around. Fianna Fáil leader Micheál Martin officially became Taoiseach for the second time on 23 January, but that historic moment was of course meant to happen 24 hours earlier, before chaotic and unprecedented Dáil scenes intervened. A procedural row was the cause of the acrimony, with a high-profile and hotly disputed decision to allow Independent TDs who supported Government to have opposition speaking time resulting in a de facto parliamentary revolt on what was meant to be a by-the-book ceremonial day. On two occasions Ceann Comhairle Verona Murphy had to suspend the Dáil, before adjourning it entirely until the following morning, after a request from Government Chief Whip Hildegarde Naughton to push ahead with the Taoiseach nomination vote was shouted down by a choir of opposition criticism. That evening, a furious Taoiseach-elect Micheál Martin stood outside the Merrion Square gates entrance to Leinster House alongside Fine Gael leader and Tánaiste-elect Simon Harris, accusing his opponents of a "fundamental subversion of the Constitution" and saying what happened is "unacceptable and unprecedented". Soon after, a combined throng of opposition parties walked together to the Leinster House plinth, Labour's Ivana Bacik saying the situation was "chaos of the Government's own making" and Sinn Féin's Mary Lou McDonald - not for the last time in this Dáil - pointing out that you cannot be in Government and opposition at the same time. The fast-approaching constitutional crisis of the Dáil failing to elect a taoiseach was eventually resolved the following day, with Micheál Martin finally travelling to Áras an Uachtaráin to receive his seal of office from President Michael D Higgins, and later returning to announce his cabinet. The creation of a Dáil reform committee to smooth out the impasse was agreed, before everyone breathed a sigh of relief as the jaw-dropping saga was brought definitively to an end. If only. Row over speaking rights In hindsight maybe that initial sigh was double edged, with the speaking rights row soon raising its voice again. Perhaps not unexpectedly given the level of disagreement involved, the Dáil reform committee solution to the Taoiseach appointment stand-off soon led to an ongoing stand-off of its own. Government argued that Independent TDs who support the Coalition's creation but did not become ministers - including the Regional Independents group of Barry Heneghan, Gillian Toole, Danny Healy Rae and one Michael Lowry - should be allowed to form a technical group and be given opposition speaking time. The opposition, however, disagreed, joining forces again to say this in itself was an affront to democracy and an attempt to reduce or limit critical voices in the Dáil - a claim strongly denied by Government. Amid the acrimony, Government eventually decided to push through its proposals, winning a Dáil reform committee vote on 26 February by ten votes to eight - all ten Government TDs voting for the coalition's speaking rights plans, all eight opposition TDs against. After more parliamentary wrangling and increasingly heated claims and counter claims, Ceann Comhairle Verona Murphy ruled that the Independents at the centre of the dispute could not form a technical group, with these TDs later re-assigned as "Others". Both sides dug in, with Government saying opponents are not losing speaking time, and the opposition withdrawing pairing arrangements which in normal circumstances would see an opposition TD not take part in a Dáil vote if a Government member had a genuine reason for not being available. As such, the row dragged on into late March, meaning the Dáil business committee was unable to formulate new Dáil committees which are crucial to the work of the Oireachtas in examining issues of the day, and resulting in accusations of a "do nothing Dail". That issue has now been resolved, with committees preparing to begin their work for the first time since last autumn. But the fallout from the heated argument did not dissipate as quickly as some may like to think, with politicians on all sides keeping their ears pricked for more whispers of dispute. Lost in translation, but all is forgiven... During the speaking rights row, plenty of informed sources accused the other side of lying. But politicians, of course, would never use such below the belt language on a subject. And certainly not on the record in parliament. Most of the time, anyway. In mid-February during what appeared to be a relatively standard Dáil leader's questions debate, Sinn Féin leader Mary Lou McDonald told Taoiseach Micheál Martin the Government was "singing from the same hymn sheet as institutional property funds" and "being led by the nose by lobbyists" when it came to housing policy. The Taoiseach responded by saying "normal service" had resumed in the Dáil as in his view the opposition was misrepresenting his views, before the multi-lingual Fianna Fáil leader switched to Irish, using the phrase as Gaeilge: "Tá an Teachta Dála ag insint bréaga arís." The comment appeared to initially fly under the radar, with neither Deputy McDonald nor the Ceann Comhairle Verona Murphy immediately responding. But the equally multi-lingual Sinn Féin TD Pearse Doherty was quick to point out the phrase to his party leader, and how it contravened the Dáil standing orders rule that - among a plethora of other banned insults - a TD may not accuse a colleague of being "a liar, lying or telling a lie; telling untruths or not telling the truth; deliberately misstating what was said". Cue another Dáil row over whether "ag insint breaga" means "telling lies" or "is a liar", an argument not helped by the fact there is no direct Irish translation for the English word "untruth". Sinn Féin made a formal complaint and demanded an apology. The Taoiseach argued, with a smile, that he cannot apologise for a remark he did not say. The fresh division was only put to one side as the growing threat of US tariffs began to overshadow political events. But, within weeks, Dáil rows were back on the agenda yet again, this time involving an unprecedented no confidence motion in Ceann Comhairle Verona Murphy. The motion - the first in the history of the Dáil - was tabled by Sinn Féin due to what opposition parties said was a U-turn by the Ceann Comhairle over the Dáil speaking rights row. While it had initially been an open question as to whether the Ceann Comhairle would survive, by the time of the vote she did so comfortably by 96 votes to 71. After staring down her opponents and surviving the vote, the Ceann Comhairle said in a speech to the Dáil that she bore "no ill will" to those who wished to remove her. That speech, it was noted by more than a few, was on April Fool's Day. Housing The political drama to take place over the past 100 days in the Dáil chamber has understandably grabbed the spotlight. But that is not to dilute the importance of serious issues affecting the daily lives of the general public, and, as a result, the potential futures of the Government of the day, which have never been far from the headlines during this period too. Chief among these concerns is housing, with more than 15,000 people now homeless in Ireland, including close to 5,000 children. Since entering Government, the Coalition has made it clear addressing the housing crisis is its main priority. But whether that prioritisation is turning into results - both current and projected - is an ongoing matter of debate. In March, just as Government ministers were preparing for their St Patrick's Day trips abroad, Sinn Féin released internal Department of Housing correspondence it said indicated Government had not been entirely forthcoming about projected house builds for 2024 before November's general election. The party's finance spokesperson Pearse Doherty told reporters at Leinster House the correspondence indicated that the projected housing completion numbers for last year would be below the 40,000 figure publicly said at the time by Government. Deputy Doherty said this was "a conscious decision to mislead the public", a view opposition parties believe had weight added to by the fact other projections from the same period also indicated the same trend. However, current Minister for Public Expenditure Jack Chambers, who was Minister for Finance before the general election and therefore, it was argued, was aware of the files at the time, rejected the claim. He was supported by both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael ministers, although in recent weeks both Taoiseach Micheal Martin and new Minister for Housing James Browne have appeared to be less keen to outline targets for how many houses will be built this year. A Housing Activation Office has been earmarked as a potential solution to help speed up construction, a plan first flagged in the Programme for Government. But that plan has also led to some difficulties for those in power, with Minister Browne's preferred candidate to lead the office and become what he has termed a housing 'tsar' - NAMA chief executive Brendan McDonagh - saying this week he no longer wants to be considered for the position. A tense coalition row between Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil over suggestions Mr McDonagh might retain his current €430,000 salary in the role, and the opposition outcry over any hint of such a move, were this week cited as reasons why. That row has resulted in Government confirming this week that the head of the Housing Activation Office will now be appointed via the formal public recruitment process. The decision has been welcomed by many ministers and backbenchers as the best way forward, in part to address the housing crisis and in part to throw a fire blanket over the Brendan McDonagh appointment flames before they are given any more oxygen. But the opposition believes it is further proof the Coalition is struggling to address an issue all politicians accept is an immediate priority, with Labour's housing spokesperson Conor Sheehan saying this week he believes Government has failed its first big housing test. Farrelly Commission One issue that is not dividing opinion in political circles is the Farrelly Commission findings, a controversy which is among the biggest the Government has had to handle during its first 100 days. The commission of inquiry was established in 2017 to examine serious allegations of physical, sexual and financial abuse involving a woman with severe intellectual and physical disabilities who has been given the pseudonym Grace. After eight years and a €13.6m cost, the nearly 2,000-page commission's final report stopped short of confirming a series of allegations, to the almost universal criticism of politicians, campaign groups and whistleblowers. And their views were added to this week by the general solicitor of the High Court, who took the unprecedented step of confirming her evidence on behalf of Grace was not included in the document before seeking a meeting with Fianna Fáil TD and Minister for Children Norma Foley. While a Dáil debate on the matter has now taken place, Minister Foley - as well as both Taoiseach Micheál Martin and Tánaiste Simon Harris - still have a big decision about what to do next in relation to the affair. Opposition parties want officials, including the chair and sole member of the commission senior counsel Marjorie Farrelly, to appear before Oireachtas committees to explain the findings. Discussions are taking place both inside and outside Government about whether the investigation shows the difficulties with commissions of investigation, with RTÉ reporting this week that more than €500m has been spent on commissions since they were established. The Taoiseach similarly told the Dáil last month of the risk of lengthy investigations leading to limited answers, saying in response to separate calls for an inquiry into the unrelated issue of child spinal surgeries: "Inevitably these inquiries last years. "They don't give you the closure, they don't give victims the closure they want, they cost millions, the legal profession and I don't mean this in any negative way to the legal profession, but there's huge fees involved." "Since 1998, half a billion has been spent on inquiries... Inevitably, victims of those who seek inquiries don't get closure from inquiries." That concern is shared by other Government members, meaning the future use of commissions of investigation is now very clearly among the issues the still-new Coalition will need to address. Tariffs and Trump While many of the issues to have dominated the first 100 days of the new Government have been domestic, there is of course one subject that is far less within the control of the Coalition. The election of US President Donald Trump and the sudden sea change in US foreign policy has inevitably been among the most important areas of focus for Government since it came to power. The potential impact of a tariffs war on our long-standing economic policy's reliance on the pharmaceutical sector and multi-national companies; the potential for that to exacerbate and already apparent cost of living crisis; and the risk Ireland could be caught in the middle of a stand-off between Brussels and Washington, have overshadowed almost all other debate in the first three months of the new Coalition. While Ireland so far has avoided the worst of the potential impact of global events, Taoiseach Micheál Martin has at times found himself at its epicentre, with his White House visit during the St Patrick's Day festivities coming in the lead up to tariffs being announced. That meeting also came just days after an explosive meeting between Mr Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky in the Oval Office, an unexpected event that underlined how suddenly the political sands can shift. In the first 100 days of the new Government, those shifting sands have seen constitutional crises in the Dail, serious issues concerning the wider public at home, and an unprecedented change in atmosphere in the wider world. All of which pose challenges, and potential opportunities, as the Coalition's ministers begin to find their feet. 100 days down. Only another four and half years (or less) to go.
