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What's happening to Harvard happened in Hungary first
What's happening to Harvard happened in Hungary first

Boston Globe

time6 days ago

  • General
  • Boston Globe

What's happening to Harvard happened in Hungary first

Shattuck, currently a professor of the practice of diplomacy at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, has deep experience in and knowledge of politics, diplomacy and academia. In the 1980s, he was a vice president at Harvard, responsible for the university's relations with government, and taught at Harvard Law School and the Kennedy School. He was an assistant secretary of state for democracy and human rights in the Clinton administration, served as the US ambassador to the Czech Republic, and from 2001 to 2009 was chief executive of the John F. Kennedy Library Foundation. In 2009, he became the fourth president of Central European University in Budapest, which was founded by billionaire philanthropist George Soros in the heady days after the Soviet Union and communism collapsed, with an ambitious mission to help revive academic freedom in eastern Europe. Advertisement Shattuck's tenure as the president of CEU coincided with that of Hungary's prime minister Viktor Orban, the authoritarian whom Trump has described as his favorite European leader. The As Vice President JD Vance put it, when it comes to reshaping higher education, 'I think his way has to be the model for us.' Advertisement Shattuck said Orban's attacks on universities in general, and CEU in particular, was in keeping with his populist ideology. 'His principal appeal was to a rural constituency, an anti-elite appeal,' Shattuck said. 'The elites were in Budapest. They were running the universities.' Because Hungarian universities rely on government funding, Orban was able to control them with relative ease. Privately funded by the Hungarian-born Soros, a bogeyman in right-wing circles whom Orban accused of importing left-wing ideology, CEU presented a more difficult challenge. While the Trump administration has framed its 'He certainly didn't do everything at once the way Trump has been doing,' he said. 'Orban did this over a number of years. He didn't use a series of executive orders. He used various pressures from accrediting agencies. As time went on, it became clear he wanted to shut down parts of the university.' In CEU's case, Orban demanded action in three specific areas of academic disciplines: he wanted to abolish gender studies, end the study of immigration issues, and to dramatically alter the way the Holocaust was taught. Shattuck said gender studies and research into immigration conflicted with Orban's vision of Hungary as a Christian nation. Orban rose to power as a vocal opponent of immigration, especially that from Muslim nations. 'Most disturbing,' Shattuck said, 'was that Orban began to characterize the Holocaust as having been caused by outside forces in Germany whereas history and scholarship demonstrated quite clearly that Hungarian participation in the Holocaust was local, not imposed by Hitler. You can imagine how controversial that was.' Advertisement One of Shattuck's earliest clashes with Orban was over CEU's Institute of Advanced Study, a post-graduate program in collaboration with other universities. The Hungarian government had supplied a building for the program, but the Orban administration abruptly ended that. 'They made it clear they wanted to shut it down. We wanted to keep it,' Shattuck said. 'But there were no government funds used, so the institute continued.' A few months later, Shattuck said, he was summoned to the education ministry, where he said officials told him if he didn't shut the program he would be accused of stealing state assets. But there were no state assets involved, and the Obama administration intervened, asserting that the US government backed CEU's autonomy and independence. But if CEU won that battle, the war continued. To hold off Orban, CEU tried to emphasize its value to Hungary. Shattuck said school provided a platform for diverse points of view, including ministers from the Orban government. 'We explained the economic value of the university to Hungary, taking no taxpayer dollars in our case,' he said. 'We increased the number of Hungarian students. We worked with other Hungarian universities.' But, Shattuck said, he drew a red line. 'If they wanted to work with us, fine, but we would not allow the government to make or mandate academic decisions,' he said. 'So we defended gender studies, immigration studies, history.' Harvard President Alan Garber is trying to draw a similar red line as the Trump administration tries to dictate the university's business. Shattuck said he has talked to Garber, offering advice to him and other Harvard officials framed by his experience with the Orban government. Advertisement He gives Garber high marks for 'He's reforming and changing the model, the way Harvard operates, providing broader access and diversifying the political opinions of faculty. These are things a university can and should do,' Shattuck said. 'My advice has been, draw the red line and stick with it. But also be very reasonable about ways to operate the university in the community. He (Garber) is doing that. Once the government starts making decisions about what can be taught and learned and discussed, that's when we've crossed into an authoritarian world.' In Hungary, despite CEU's best efforts, Orban kept up the pressure, eventually Shattuck doesn't believe Harvard will be forced to relocate to another country in its showdown with the Trump administration. But he said it's important that other universities and civil society in general stand in solidarity with Harvard and academic freedom. He notes that 'Two things to say about rising authoritarians,' Shattuck said. 'The only way to defeat them is to come together, and bring together people who are otherwise competitors. The second thing is to take Maria Ressa's advice.' Paraphrasing Ressa, the Filipino journalist and Nobel Peace Prize laureate, Shattuck said: 'You have to stand up now, because now is when your strength is greatest.' Advertisement Kevin Cullen is a Globe columnist. He can be reached at

Rubio's record challenging repressive regimes questioned after academics' immigration crackdown
Rubio's record challenging repressive regimes questioned after academics' immigration crackdown

Yahoo

time22-03-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Rubio's record challenging repressive regimes questioned after academics' immigration crackdown

Marco Rubio has long been a fierce critic of dictatorial leaders who have stifled speech in their countries and crushed opposition. As a senator, he spearheaded legislation and condemned 'the ongoing repression of dissent' in his parents' native Cuba and repeatedly called for 'expression not repression' in countries like Venezuela. But now as secretary of state, he's at the center of the government's recent actions to deny visa holders entry into the U.S. or arrest and try to deport people, including a green card holder married to a U.S. citizen. Critics of the administration's measures and those involved in the cases have said they were targeted because of their speech, their support for Palestinians or their criticism of Trump administration policies. Rubio dismissed backlash last week over the arrest and attempt to deport Mahmoud Khalil, a legal permanent resident who helped lead pro-Palestinian protests at Columbia University. 'This is not about free speech. This is about people that don't have a right to be in the United States to begin with,' Rubio told reporters on March 12. 'No one has a right to a student visa. No one has a right to a green card, by the way.' As secretary of state, Rubio has the right to revoke a green card or a visa under a 1952 immigration law, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt recently told reporters, though legal scholars say the government has to prove why it's warranted. Some experts who have followed Rubio's career see a dissonance between his actions as secretary of state and what he advocated as a senator, especially his intolerance for political repression, undercutting his authority to demand the restoration of democratic freedoms elsewhere. 'It's rank hypocrisy,' said Daniel Drezner, a professor of international politics at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University. Drezner, who has written about Rubio's political evolution, said the secretary of state has done a '180'-degree turn from what he's stood for in his political career. Drezner said Rubio's hawkishness toward Latin America, and particularly Cuba, is a constant in his political career. 'Maybe the thought is he's saying and doing things that contradict the substance of his critique of Cuba,' Drezner said, 'but if by doing that, he still gets to critique Cuba and have Donald Trump agree with him, maybe that in itself, in Rubio's mind, may be worth it.' There's no shortage of video, transcripts and legislative action in which Rubio defends democratic principles such as freedom of assembly and vilifies countries that repress those freedoms. After Sen. Tim Kaine discussed on the Senate floor his trip to Cuba in 2014 — the year then-President Barack Obama normalized relations with the country — Rubio responded with a searing speech saying Cuba was 'good at repression' and exporting it to places like Venezuela. He cited the example of Leopoldo Lopez, the former mayor of Caracas. 'He's sitting in jail right now because he's protesting against the government,' he said at the time. In 2022, Rubio protested Cuba's participation in the ninth Summit of the Americas because its president, Miguel Díaz-Canel, had 'criminalized criticism' of the government. In response to questions from NBC News, a State Department spokesperson repeated Rubio's comments that the issue isn't about free speech, adding that while the department doesn't discuss individual visa cases, all visa applicants 'are continuously vetted' by the government. Although not directly critical of Rubio, the founder of a U.S.-based group that monitors human rights in Cuba said she's wary of what she's seeing happening in the U.S. The arrests of the immigrant protesters and academics 'is a step backwards in human rights but also in democracy,' said Laritza Diversent, founder of Cubalex, adding it 'sends a clear message: Be careful what you say on social media, or you can be next.' Diversent grew up in Cuba under Fidel Castro and fled in 2017 when Cubalex, then a Havana-based legal group, became a target of government intimidation. Dictatorships use the strategy of denying dissenters entry to their countries, she said. If she tried to fly to Cuba for an emergency, the government might deny her entry, as has happened throughout the communist government's history, including what happened to the late famed singer Celia Cruz. She was denied entry to Cuba multiple times, including when her mother was dying. Regarding the recent Trump administration actions, 'this is the first step towards a society becoming silent before abuses, where people don't dare say what they think to avoid certain consequences,' Diversent said. Concerns over the visa denials and arrests are not confined to Cuban exiles. Juan Carlos Avita, 19, an aerospace engineering student in Elroy, Arizona, said he cast his first presidential ballot for Trump in November, hoping he'd usher in a new economy. But the Mexican American student said he's disturbed by the clamping down on free speech and the right to protest. He accepts the need to take steps against those who commit violence, but said immigrants 'bring unique perspectives from across the world' that maybe that could enrich Americans, he said, 'as long as they're following the other laws. They're not hurting anyone physically. They're not damaging private property.' Rubio 'shouldn't be two-faced when it comes to America, especially [on] Palestine,' said Avita, who said he's come to 'think I made a mistake' when he voted for Trump. Daniel Pedreira, a visiting assistant teaching professor of politics and international relations at Florida International University, said the steps taken by the U.S. and Rubio's role in them are distinct from what has occurred in countries with repressive governments, because the U.S. continues to have a separation of powers. Khalil's case is in the courts and a judge has blocked the deportation of Badar Khan Suri, a Georgetown graduate student from India, who was picked up by immigration agents and accused of spreading Hamas propaganda. Suri's lawyer, Hassan Ahmad, denied Thursday that Suri ever made pro-Hamas or antisemitic statements. In Cuba or Venezuela, Pedreira noted, there would be no pushback or chance for appeal. Immigration law has allowed the deportations of legal residents, visa holders or foreign tourists for a number of crimes, including crimes involving 'moral turpitude.' Homeland Security, law enforcement and border officials have long had to balance public safety with international immigration and cross-border commerce. John Suarez, executive director of the Center for a Free Cuba, said the Florida Cuban community has seen terrorists and spies infiltrating the U.S. and torturers and prison guards from Cuba getting legal residence. He noted the recent arrest of Tomas Emilio Hernandez Cruz, 71, a former high-ranking official in the Cuban intelligence service. Suarez, who's also a human rights activist, said his organization ardently supports free speech, 'even speech we find repugnant,' he said. But he also said he does not see a contradiction in Rubio's actions and his record challenging repressive regimes because the secretary of state has said that he's targeting people who 'occupy university buildings and vandalize them and tear them apart, and hold campuses hostage.' Rubio still enjoys strong support in Florida's Cuban American community, Suarez said. The secretary of state was greeted warmly by the community at the recent funeral for Lincoln Díaz Balart, the former congressman, which Suarez also attended. Back in Arizona, 64-year-old Eric Busch of Phoenix, a Trump supporter in 2016, 2020 and 2024, said he has respected U.S. laws since coming to the country from Chile. 'You're here on a tourist visa, a student visa or business, you have to respect the law,' said Busch, a semitruck salesman and naturalized citizen. He said he agreed with Rubio on Khalil's case. 'He should respect the law and be peacefully protesting. This guy is not peaceful,' Busch said of Khalil, adding, 'If the Cubans want to come and do the same, they should be kicked out as well, or Chileans. I don't care.' But the history of Cuba's slide to authoritarianism, from the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista to Castro's communist takeover and the party's ongoing control should be familiar to Rubio — and one that should be taken seriously, according to a scholar of Cuban history. When Castro took power in 1959, he relied on mob mentality and portrayed conditions as 'black and white' to ensure that 'he and his power and those loyal to him would predominate,' said Lillian Guerra, a professor of Cuban and Caribbean history at the University of Florida. 'Marco Rubio as secretary of state should be very aware of the history of the rise of authoritarianism in Cuba and how that really dismantled more than 100 years of the struggle for democracy on the island, as well as the lessons of how Fidel Castro managed to centralize authority and create authoritarianism — the strategies, the means, the enabling,' Guerra said. 'All of those things are very close to his history,' Guerra said of Rubio. 'I don't know how he could sanction what seems to be happening at all levels of the Trump administration.' This article was originally published on

Rubio's record challenging repressive regimes questioned after academics' immigration crackdown
Rubio's record challenging repressive regimes questioned after academics' immigration crackdown

NBC News

time22-03-2025

  • Politics
  • NBC News

Rubio's record challenging repressive regimes questioned after academics' immigration crackdown

Marco Rubio has long been a fierce critic of dictatorial leaders who have stifled speech in their countries and crushed opposition. As a senator, he spearheaded legislation and condemned 'the ongoing repression of dissent' in his parents' native Cuba and repeatedly called for 'expression not repression' in countries like Venezuela. But now as secretary of state, he's at the center of the government's recent actions to deny visa holders entry into the U.S. or arrest and try to deport people, including a green card holder married to a U.S. citizen. Critics of the administration's measures and those involved in the cases have said they were targeted because of their speech, their support for Palestinians or their criticism of Trump administration policies. Rubio dismissed backlash last week over the arrest and attempt to deport Mahmoud Khalil, a legal permanent resident who helped lead pro-Palestinian protests at Columbia University. 'This is not about free speech. This is about people that don't have a right to be in the United States to begin with,' Rubio told reporters on March 12. 'No one has a right to a student visa. No one has a right to a green card, by the way.' As secretary of state, Rubio has the right to revoke a green card or a visa under a 1952 immigration law, White House spokesperson Karoline Leavitt recently told reporters, though legal scholars say the government has to prove why it's warranted. Some experts who have followed Rubio's career see a dissonance between his actions as secretary of state and what he advocated as a senator, especially his intolerance for political repression, undercutting his authority to demand the restoration of democratic freedoms elsewhere. 'It's rank hypocrisy,' said Daniel Drezner, a professor of international politics at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University. Drezner, who has written about Rubio's political evolution, said the secretary of state has done a '180'-degree turn from what he's stood for in his political career. Drezner said Rubio's hawkishness toward Latin America, and particularly Cuba, is a constant in his political career. 'Maybe the thought is he's saying and doing things that contradict the substance of his critique of Cuba,' Drezner said, 'but if by doing that, he still gets to critique Cuba and have Donald Trump agree with him, maybe that in itself, in Rubio's mind, may be worth it.' There's no shortage of video, transcripts and legislative action in which Rubio defends democratic principles such as freedom of assembly and vilifies countries that repress those freedoms. After Sen. Tim Kaine discussed on the Senate floor his trip to Cuba in 2014 — the year then-President Barack Obama normalized relations with the country — Rubio responded with a searing speech saying Cuba was 'good at repression' and exporting it to places like Venezuela. He cited the example of Leopoldo Lopez, the former mayor of Caracas. 'He's sitting in jail right now because he's protesting against the government,' he said at the time. In 2022, Rubio protested Cuba's participation in the ninth Summit of the Americas because its president, Miguel Díaz-Canel, had 'criminalized criticism' of the government. In response to questions from NBC News, a State Department spokesperson repeated Rubio's comments that the issue isn't about free speech, adding that while the department doesn't discuss individual visa cases, all visa applicants 'are continuously vetted' by the government. 'Sends a clear message' Although not directly critical of Rubio, the founder of a U.S.-based group that monitors human rights in Cuba said she's wary of what she's seeing happening in the U.S. The arrests of the immigrant protesters and academics 'is a step backwards in human rights but also in democracy,' said Laritza Diversent, founder of Cubalex, adding it 'sends a clear message: Be careful what you say on social media, or you can be next.' Diversent grew up in Cuba under Fidel Castro and fled in 2017 when Cubalex, then a Havana-based legal group, became a target of government intimidation. Dictatorships use the strategy of denying dissenters entry to their countries, she said. If she tried to fly to Cuba for an emergency, the government might deny her entry, as has happened throughout the communist government's history, including what happened to the late famed singer Celia Cruz. She was denied entry to Cuba multiple times, including when her mother was dying. Regarding the recent Trump administration actions, 'this is the first step towards a society becoming silent before abuses, where people don't dare say what they think to avoid certain consequences,' Diversent said. Concerns over the visa denials and arrests are not confined to Cuban exiles. Juan Carlos Avita, 19, an aerospace engineering student in Elroy, Arizona, said he cast his first presidential ballot for Trump in November, hoping he'd usher in a new economy. But the Mexican American student said he's disturbed by the clamping down on free speech and the right to protest. He accepts the need to take steps against those who commit violence, but said immigrants 'bring unique perspectives from across the world' that maybe that could enrich Americans, he said, 'as long as they're following the other laws. They're not hurting anyone physically. They're not damaging private property.' Rubio 'shouldn't be two-faced when it comes to America, especially [on] Palestine,' said Avita, who said he's come to 'think I made a mistake' when he voted for Trump. Daniel Pedreira, a visiting assistant teaching professor of politics and international relations at Florida International University, said the steps taken by the U.S. and Rubio's role in them are distinct from what has occurred in countries with repressive governments, because the U.S. continues to have a separation of powers. Khalil's case is in the courts and a judge has blocked the deportation of Badar Khan Suri, a Georgetown graduate student from India, who was picked up by immigration agents and accused of spreading Hamas propaganda. Suri's lawyer, Hassan Ahmad, denied Thursday that Suri ever made pro-Hamas or antisemitic statements. In Cuba or Venezuela, Pedreira noted, there would be no pushback or chance for appeal. Immigration law has allowed the deportations of legal residents, visa holders or foreign tourists for a number of crimes, including crimes involving 'moral turpitude.' Homeland Security, law enforcement and border officials have long had to balance public safety with international immigration and cross-border commerce. No contradiction John Suarez, executive director of the Center for a Free Cuba, said the Florida Cuban community has seen terrorists and spies infiltrating the U.S. and torturers and prison guards from Cuba getting legal residence. He noted the recent arrest of Tomas Emilio Hernandez Cruz, 71, a former high-ranking official in the Cuban intelligence service. Suarez, who's also a human rights activist, said his organization ardently supports free speech, 'even speech we find repugnant,' he said. But he also said he does not see a contradiction in Rubio's actions and his record challenging repressive regimes because the secretary of state has said that he's targeting people who 'occupy university buildings and vandalize them and tear them apart, and hold campuses hostage.' Rubio still enjoys strong support in Florida's Cuban American community, Suarez said. The secretary of state was greeted warmly by the community at the recent funeral for Lincoln Díaz Balart, the former congressman, which Suarez also attended. Back in Arizona, 64-year-old Eric Busch of Phoenix, a Trump supporter in 2016, 2020 and 2024, said he has respected U.S. laws since coming to the country from Chile. 'You're here on a tourist visa, a student visa or business, you have to respect the law,' said Busch, a semitruck salesman and naturalized citizen. He said he agreed with Rubio on Khalil's case. 'He should respect the law and be peacefully protesting. This guy is not peaceful,' Busch said of Khalil, adding, 'If the Cubans want to come and do the same, they should be kicked out as well, or Chileans. I don't care.' But the history of Cuba's slide to authoritarianism, from the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista to Castro's communist takeover and the party's ongoing control should be familiar to Rubio — and one that should be taken seriously, according to a scholar of Cuban history. When Castro took power in 1959, he relied on mob mentality and portrayed conditions as 'black and white' to ensure that 'he and his power and those loyal to him would predominate,' said Lillian Guerra, a professor of Cuban and Caribbean history at the University of Florida. 'Marco Rubio as secretary of state should be very aware of the history of the rise of authoritarianism in Cuba and how that really dismantled more than 100 years of the struggle for democracy on the island, as well as the lessons of how Fidel Castro managed to centralize authority and create authoritarianism — the strategies, the means, the enabling,' Guerra said. 'All of those things are very close to his history,' Guerra said of Rubio. 'I don't know how he could sanction what seems to be happening at all levels of the Trump administration.'

How Trump's Trade War Could Affect Climate Change
How Trump's Trade War Could Affect Climate Change

New York Times

time04-02-2025

  • Business
  • New York Times

How Trump's Trade War Could Affect Climate Change

President Trump's trade war has begun, with tariffs against all Chinese imports going into effect today. Levies against Mexican and Canadian imports were paused at the last minute, for 30 days, after Trump said both countries had offered concessions to his demands, though how significant these were is unclear. But the threat of steep tariffs against the United States' closest trading partners remains. The effect of these disputes is already being felt worldwide. Global markets gyrated on Monday, and China retaliated with penalties of its own. Before the tariffs were paused, Mexico and Canada had also pledged to retaliate. And though most industries are set to be affected, the U.S. energy sector, including fossil fuels and renewables, is particularly vulnerable to trade disputes. Not only are oil and gas major imports and exports, but the complex supply chain needed to produce clean energy technologies is deeply reliant on global trade. To help make sense of a complex economic and geopolitical puzzle, I called up Kelly Sims Gallagher, the dean of the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University. During the Obama administration, she was the senior China adviser in the office of the Special Envoy for Climate Change at the State Department. One thing about trade wars is that other countries often hit back. Already, China has announced a new 15 percent tax on coal and natural gas imported from the United States, and a 10 percent tax on crude oil. Those levies could dampen U.S. exports. 'We have U.S. oil and gas exports going all over the world now, and those are in jeopardy,' Sims Gallagher said. Thank you for your patience while we verify access. If you are in Reader mode please exit and log into your Times account, or subscribe for all of The Times. Thank you for your patience while we verify access. Already a subscriber? Log in. Want all of The Times? Subscribe.

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