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The Wire
6 hours ago
- Politics
- The Wire
Backstory: The Disappearance of Media Stories on the Disappeared Points to a Cruel Future
Menu हिंदी తెలుగు اردو Home Politics Economy World Security Law Science Society Culture Editor's Pick Opinion Support independent journalism. Donate Now Media Backstory: The Disappearance of Media Stories on the Disappeared Points to a Cruel Future Pamela Philipose 10 minutes ago A fortnightly column from The Wire's ombudsperson. File image. This photo shows people transporting goods to a camp for internally displaced Rohingya in Myanmar. Photo: EU Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid/Flickr/CC BY-ND 2.0. Real journalism holds power accountable Since 2015, The Wire has done just that. But we can continue only with your support. Contribute now Earlier this year, the sight of Indians deemed 'illegal' by the US government under President Donald Trump and peremptorily sent back in a US military aircraft to India, manacled and shackled, created widespread outrage in the country. Headlines like 'Indian Illegal Migrants Deported From US Tell Their Tales Of Abuse' marked the accompanying flood of media coverage. In sharp contrast, the Indian government's renewed attempts to push out Rohingya and Bangladeshis who have fled to India, into the shadow lands and waters bordering neighbouring countries, have been met by a conspicuous media silence. So rarely has there been any incisive, or even just plain, reportage on the issue, that when the Indian Express carried a front page report on May 20, headlined 'In last 6 months, at least 770 from Delhi alone deported to Bangladesh as part of crackdown', it came as a shock. While there may have been unconfirmed information floating around that a few individuals deemed to be Bangladeshi or Rohingya have been pushed across the Bangladesh or Myanmar borders, nobody knew that there was an actual 'crackdown', and nobody suspected that the number of those so deported had touched 'at least 770'. The forced evacuation of such a large cohort is alarming in a democratic country. It signals a breakdown of moral and ethical codes that had at one point in its history marked the country's response to those seeking shelter within its shores for their survival. There are five reasons why such developments do not capture empathetic media attention and why stories of the disappeared are literally disappeared from media coverage. First is the confusion of semantics, which in turn has clouded public understanding of who exactly constitute this unusually variegated group. India, after all, has not signed the Refugee Convention of 1951, so what is the legal framework by which to perceive a bewildering range of people who could be deemed as foreigners, refugees, the internally displaced, economic migrants, or even environmental refugees? Secondly, precisely because of this lack of a legal framework, they can be framed in dark shades as criminals or illegals, depending on political expediency. The use of terms like 'infiltrators', 'terrorists', 'militants' and even 'termites' (as the home minister once characterised them), only serves to dehumanise them further and invest them with an unverifiable patina of diabolism. Thirdly, what has made the confusion worse is the prism of communalism through which these communities have come to be viewed, particularly after the enactment of the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019. While those regarded as 'our migrants' enjoy fast-tracked citizenship, particularly harsh treatment is meted out to 'their migrants', which includes police repression, vigilante persecution and summary expulsion. Also read | 'Thrown Into the Sea': How India Allegedly Deported 38 Rohingya Refugees Without Due Process Fourthly, over a period of time, this amalgam of untenable formulations, hate speech for electoral purposes and systematic stigmatisation has led to sections of the Indian population and media professionals left incapable of adopting a more rational approach to the issue. Some have even become convinced that the undocumented pose an imminent threat to their own security and that of the state – again without offering a shred of proof. When a few thousand Rohingya settled in Jammu came under the scanner, the cry went out that their crimes would need to be publicised. The long and elaborate compilation exercise that followed revealed no evidence of any major crime or security threat perpetrated by the frightened community. Big power projections comprise the fifth factor. Israel's deliberate and strategic take-no-prisoners approach in Gaza, which could lead to the near annihilation of an entire population, has unfortunately come to be seen by many within the Indian media, not as the genocide it is but as the template that India needs to adopt to emerge as a 'strong state'. In the process, the capacity to accommodate, assimilate and absorb diversity and difference to a level unparalleled anywhere in the world, which had made India what it is today, is in danger of being lost forever. The centuries' old belief, a tithi devo bhava (guest is akin to god), is now robbed of any meaning and remains an empty shibboleth to be mouthed at the international summits that India hosts, and forgotten thereafter. Today, as a result, we have a media that is willing to stomach extraordinary levels of state-driven cruelty meted out to helpless communities of stateless people in the name of national interest. The legacy media may even get reliable information about atrocities being committed against them, but they will do nothing about it. Once in a way, a newspaper like the Indian Express may flash stories of this kind on its front page, but for hundreds of news channels and thousands of 'large' newspapers, this is not what makes news. In early May, when 38 Rohingya men, women and children were allegedly detained by the Delhi police on the pretext of getting their biometrics done; herded into a holding centre; taken to Port Blair; transferred to an Indian naval vessel; beaten; given life jackets and then pushed into the sea fringing Myanmar, with no legal process being followed whatsoever and in violation of international and national law, the stray reports that surfaced were only on social media. When a petition on this case was taken before the justices of the Supreme Court, they termed it a 'fanciful idea' and dismissed it out of hand. Such plausible deniability would not have been possible if the media had taken such information with the seriousness it demanded. What does this mean for the future? The process of othering is unlikely to stop at the hapless stateless. The persecutors and prosecutors will find new communities to target, new ways to make those who are 'insiders' today into 'outsiders' tomorrow, with the media willingly playing the role of accessory to the crime. It is a cruel future that awaits us. § Thoughts on World Environment Day Today, the impacts of environmental destruction are widely known, partly because there is far greater media coverage of issues like climate change and ecological destruction than was the case earlier. But it has been a long, bumpy journey. The first international conference hosted by the United Nations, the Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment, was held in 1972 and it proclaimed to the world that 'Man is both creature and moulder of his environment, which gives him physical sustenance and affords him the opportunity for intellectual, moral, social and spiritual growth.' There was that ring of anachronism interlacing those words in the way it privileged the male gender, but even more conspicuous was the misplaced optimism that they evoked: 'through the rapid acceleration of science and technology, man has acquired the power to transform his environment in countless ways and on an unprecedented scale.' The fear amongst the countries in the South at that juncture was that an agenda of 'conservation', the buzz word of the era, would be at the cost of 'development', or the attempts of the poorer parts of the globe, labelled unambiguously as the 'underdeveloped world', to improve its prospects. Two decades later, another international conference on the environment, this time at Rio, saw the North-South divide get even more pronounced and its articulation more sophisticated. When emissions of cattle and the methane generated by rice fields were cited in a report from the Washington-based World Resources Institute as a major contributor to pollution, Indian environmentalists pushed back. Also read: Yes, Environment Ministry Took 'Many Steps' Under Modi – But They Came At the Cost of Environment Itself Anil Agrawal and Sunita Narain from the Centre for Science and Environment Delhi observed: 'Can we really equate the CO2 contributions of gas-guzzling automobiles in Europe and North America or, for that matter, anywhere in the Third World with the methane emissions of draught cattle and rice fields of subsistence farmers in West Bengal or Thailand? Do these people not have a right to live? But no effort has been made in WRI's report to separate out the 'survival emissions' of the poor, from the 'luxury emissions' of the rich.' This observation did not of course take into adequate consideration the 'luxury emissions' of the rich in the poorer countries, or the emissions of 'poorer countries' seeking to achieve First World arsenals. Ultimately, there was no getting away from the fact that everyone on the planet, whether from the North or the South, whether from the developed world or the developing world, needed to get more aware of just what was happening to their environment at the national and international levels. It was this spirit that egged a group of concerned scientists, environmentalists and journalists to come together in 1982 to produce a citizens' report, edited by Anil Agarwal, Ravi Chopra and Kalpana Sharma on the 'The State of India's Environment'. What was striking about this volume – dedicated to the women of Chamoli – was how far ahead of its times it was, not just by being the first publication of its kind brought out by concerned citizens under the banner of the Centre for Science and Environment, but the effort it took to put across complex issues in a readable, usable style through quality design and the wide use of data, infographics and illustrations. There was also a liberal sprinkling of 'not-so-fun facts' ('70 per cent of all the available water in India is polluted. About 73 million workdays are lost due to water-related diseases'). Many of those associated with the publication are no longer with us. They include Anil Agrawal, the passionate prime mover of this effort; Anupam Mishra, the Gandhian water conservationist; newspaper editor Darryl D'Monte; and Smitu Kothari, ecologist and author. Others went on to achieve personal milestones, many in the environmental field. Today, as we mark yet another World Environment Day (on June 5), it may be worth our while to revisit a paragraph in the introduction to this volume: 'Most of us come to know of environmental problems and effects in a piecemeal manner. But when we read this overview of the state of the nation's rivers, dams, forests, air, soil, plants, animals, towns, village, health and energy problems, the impact is certainly overwhelming.' It comes as a reminder that our journalism on the environment also cannot exist in silos and needs to keep the larger backdrop of climate change within its sights. As Sanjay Asthana recalled in the elegant environmental portal, Mongabay, the efforts made by students and environmentalists to protect the priceless 400-acre forest of Kancha Gachibowli adjoining Hyderabad University were invaluable. The courts woke up to the destruction too late. He recalled how that patch of forest had educated him on the local biophysical sphere as a young PhD scholar. Ecological destruction is happening in plain sight and if we don't have the information and words to push back against the onslaught, posterity will never forgive us. § Readers write in… Conversations that educate Santosh Gade writes on The Interview with Karan Thapar (excerpts)… 'As I reflect on the profound impact your work has had on my perspective and understanding, by and large, of the world and India in particular, I am filled with a sense of awe and reverence for the exceptional journalistic endeavors you have undertaken. Your series of interviews– The Interview with Karan Thapar–for The Wire, in addition to Devil's Advocate, Hard Talk India in the past with individuals from diverse spheres of life, are a masterclass in journalistic excellence, and I am deeply humbled to call myself an ardent admirer of your craft… 'What sets you apart, in my opinion, is your unique ability to create a space for meaningful dialogue, where ideas can be exchanged, and perspectives can be challenged. Your thoughtful reflections and insightful questions not only inform but also inspire critical thinking, encouraging us to reflect on our own values and principles. 'Your most recent conversation with Avay Shukla for the Wire (May 27) on the moral decline of our society metaphorically making us a Duffer Zone and the struggles faced by the intellectually liberal and spirited individuals resonated deeply with me. The way you navigated the complexities of this topic, shedding light on the duffer zone that many find themselves in, was nothing short of remarkable. The manner in which you teased out the author's thoughts on this pressing issue, and the ensuing discussion, was delightful yet enlightening and thought-provoking… 'Please continue to share your gift with the world. Your work has the power to inspire, educate, and challenge us, and I am grateful for the opportunity to engage with your ideas and perspectives.' Civility in the civic space Murali Reddy from New Albany, USA, however, expresses disappointment with a recent episode from The Interview… 'A recent episode featuring Mr. Karan Thapar and former Ambassador Hussein Haqqani was disappointing (May 20). Given the recent escalation in border tensions, particularly following the tragic killing of innocent tourists in Pahalgam, I was eager to hear Ambassador Haqqani's perspectives on the situation. Unfortunately, throughout the conversation, Mr. Thapar interrupted his guest far too frequently. Instead of allowing Ambassador Haqqani to share his insights on the current crisis, Mr. Thapar often interjected, lectured, and appeared intent on compelling him to take a particular stance. This approach detracted from what could have been a meaningful and constructive exchange. 'Ambassador Haqqani is one of the few moderate voices advocating for rational dialogue between the two countries. His measured perspective is especially important at a time like this, and I had hoped to hear more from him during the discussion. As a longtime admirer of The Wire and its commitment to high-quality journalism, I found this episode to fall short of the standards I have come to expect from it. I hope Mr. Thapar might consider inviting Ambassador Haqqani back for a fuller, more respectful, conversation—one that allows for uninterrupted, thoughtful dialogue. A rational and open exchange is what we need now more than ever. 'Polarisation in civic space has corroded democracy in America, my adopted country. I'd very much like civility to prevail in public conversation in India.' Crores, not millions Adhiraj, coordinator, NREGA Sangharsh Morcha, makes a correction… 'I would like to flag an error I noticed in the Wire article titled, 'Demand For Work Under MGNREGS Goes Up, Actual Job Creation Declines: Report' (May 20). It mentioned that 'according to the data from the ministry of rural development, 20.12 million rural households were among those who sought employment under the scheme in April. The figure slightly increased to 20.37 million in May (till May 18), reported Mint.' The figures in bold (20.12 million and 20.37 million) should be in crores not in millions.' Facts about Odisha Deba Mohanty writes in… 'This is with regard to the Wire video, While it is good, it has some misinformation about Odisha. Odisha now ranks above Bengal in per capita income and it is also opposing delimitation. Its population has registered a declining trend as the female fertility rate is around 1.8. Replacement levels require a country/state to have a female fertility rate of 2.1. The fertility of women in Tamil Nadu has touched an even lower 1.5 something. I think your research team didn't present the statistic correctly. Remember, around the year 2000, Odisha was poorest/second poorest state of the country.' Write to ombudsperson@ Make a contribution to Independent Journalism Related News 'Tortured Like Criminals': Rohingya Refugees Reveal Chilling Details of Police Abuse Amid Deportations 'Thrown Into the Sea': How India Allegedly Deported 38 Rohingya Refugees Without Due Process When the Supreme Court Echoes Populist Sentiments, It Risks Undermining the Constitution's Voice Full Text: India is Getting Re-Hyphenated With Pakistan Because Under Modi We're Democratically Regressing Over 700 Undocumented Bangladeshi Migrants in Delhi Sent Back in Last Six Months Backstory | India's Media Betrayed the Country In a Time of War, Here's How From Balochistan to Kashmir, the Region's Unresolved Grievances Refuse To Stay Buried Organisation of Indian Origin People in the US Objects to Proposed Tax on Immigrants' Remittance Interview | What to Do When Your Mother-Tongue Fades Away About Us Contact Us Support Us © Copyright. All Rights Reserved.
Yahoo
21 hours ago
- Health
- Yahoo
Held lawsuit plaintiffs file climate change lawsuit against Trump, federal agencies
Glenns Lake in Glacier National Park (Photo by Jeff Pang via Glacier National Park and Flickr | CC-BY-SA 2.0). Twenty-two young plaintiffs, led by a contingent of Montanans who earned a landmark victory in the constitutional climate change lawsuit Held v. Montana, filed suit in U.S. District Court on Thursday against the federal government over a series of climate and energy policies. The plaintiffs in the lawsuit, Lighthiser v. Trump, argue three of Trump's executive orders issued earlier this year to 'unleash' the fossil fuel industry and remove climate protections threaten their constitutional rights to life and liberty. 'President Trump's EOs falsely claim an energy emergency, while the true emergency is that fossil fuel pollution is destroying the foundation of Plaintiffs' lives,' the lawsuit states. 'These unconstitutional directives have the immediate effect of slowing the buildout of U.S. energy infrastructure that eliminates planet-heating fossil fuel greenhouse gas pollution … and increasing the use of fossil fuels that pollute the air, water, lands, and climate on which Plaintiffs' lives depend.' The lead plaintiff, 19-year-old Eva Lighthiser, from Livingston, is one of several Montana plaintiffs who also filed the landmark Held case, which prevailed in Montana District Court and, in late 2024, in the Montana Supreme Court. Lighthiser is joined in the suit by Rikki Held, Lander and Badge Busse — sons of former Democratic gubernatorial candidate Ryan Busse — and five others from the Montana lawsuit, as well as young people from Hawai'i, Oregon, California, and Florida. Plaintiffs from Hawai'i were also involved in a successful youth-led climate lawsuit against the state's Department of Transportation. During a seven-day bench trial before Lewis and Clark District Court Judge Kathy Seeley in 2023, Held and 15 youth plaintiffs were found to have a right to a stable climate system under Montana's constitutional right to a 'clean and healthful environment.' The Held decision, affirmed by the state Supreme Court in December, is mentioned numerous times in the Lighthiser case, and several of the same law firms are representing the plaintiffs in the new suit. Eleven federal agencies and their respective agency heads, including the Department of Energy, Department of Transportation, Environmental Protection Agency, and NASA, are named as defendants along with the president. Three of Trump's executive orders — 14156, 14154 and 14261 — declare a 'national energy emergency' and direct numerous federal agencies to 'unleash American energy' by accelerating oil, gas and coal production on federal lands, and bolster fossil fuel development. They also roll back funding that bolstered climate protections, including through the Inflation Reduction Act. Various clean energy grant programs, including wind, solar battery storage and electric vehicles, were also targeted in the orders. The 126-page complaint argues that the federal directives threaten the plaintiffs' health and wellbeing by accelerating harms from the fossil fuel industry and climate change. 'Plaintiffs were born into and now live in a destabilized climate system. Fossil fuel pollution has created this emergency—a dangerous situation for Plaintiffs requiring immediate action,' the suit states. '… EPA reports that climate change effects, including heat, displacement, financial or food insecurity, loss of recreation, loss of sleep, and risk of PTSD (Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder), harm children's health.' The plaintiffs are asking for the court to find the three executive orders 'and any implementing executive actions' unlawful, unconstitutional and invalid, and seek a permanent injunction against implementing and enforcing the orders. In a statement, Deputy White House press secretary Harrison Fields said the executive orders are part of President Donald Trump's efforts to protect Americans. 'Promoting domestic energy production is crucial for shielding American families from price volatility and securing a stable energy supply for our nation and its allies. The President has a proven history of bolstering American energy production and will restore our nation's position as a global energy leader,' Fields said in a statement. A representative for the Department of Justice declined to comment. In a press release about the lawsuit, Lighthiser said Trump's executive orders amount to a 'death sentence for my generation.' 'I'm not suing because I want to — I'm suing because I have to. My health, my future, and my right to speak the truth are all on the line. He's waging war on us with fossil fuels as his weapon, and we're fighting back with the Constitution.' In the suit, the plaintiffs list harms experienced in their young lives related to climate change, including from longer wildfire seasons that affect their health, increasingly extreme weather patterns that affect their livelihoods, and changes to their local environments and cultural homes. The suit also mentions the executive orders' effect on decreasing career opportunities for some plaintiffs, through canceled climate science research and study programs. The complaint also condemns the federal government's directives to implement the executive orders by 'a wholesale scrubbing, suppression and dismantling of government agencies' climate science, thereby blinding the government,' and argues that the President exceeded his constitutional and statutory authority— 'acting ultra vires' — in issuing the executive orders. The youth are represented by Our Children's Trust, an Oregon-based law firm, along with Gregory Law Group, McGarvey Law in Kalispell, and Public Justice. l'These young plaintiffs refuse to be collateral damage in a fossil fuel war on their future,' lead attorney Julia Olson of Our Children's Trust said in a press release. 'They are demanding accountability where it still matters—in a court of law. The executive branch is not above the Constitution, and these young people are here to prove it.'
Yahoo
a day ago
- General
- Yahoo
Pine City Pride 20 years later: a proclamation about being yourself in rural Minnesota
(Photos courtesy of themncolumn, from "Pine City Pride 2012," Flickr.) Two decades ago, a quiet but radical act took place in Pine City, Minnesota. It didn't involve picket signs, marches or sweeping legislative change. It was a picnic. In a park. With a rainbow flag fluttering from a folding table, a handful of brave souls gathered near the Snake River to celebrate who they were — out loud — for the first time in their rural town. That picnic was the beginning of East Central Minnesota Pride. And, unbeknownst to many at the time, it was the first rural LGBTQ Pride event in the United States. This June, Pine City — population 4,200 and growing — will celebrate the 20th anniversary of that event. In doing so, we celebrate more than a milestone. We honor the legacy of a place that chose community over conformity, compassion over silence, and inclusion over fear. The story of rural Pride didn't begin in a metro center with corporate floats or glitter bombs. It started in a town known more for fishing derbies and Friday fish fries than for progressive firsts. Back in 2005, when rural queerness was still mostly whispered or erased, a small group of LGBTQ locals and allies chose to be visible. Their gathering was met with curiosity, quiet resistance, and eventually, something even more powerful: acceptance. In fact, the event drew enough attention that by 2007, the Star Tribune ran a headline that captured both the controversy and the charm of it all: 'Hot-button issues with potato salad.' The picnic may have seemed simple on the surface, but it challenged deeply held assumptions about who belongs in rural spaces — and how loudly they're allowed to exist. Over time, East Central Minnesota Pride became an anchor — both for LGBTQ residents, and for the whole region. Today, the event features live music, drag performances, speakers and families pushing strollers past booths staffed by churches, businesses and nonprofits. The small town where it began now hosts crowd sizes that crack the thousand mark each year, including people from towns that still don't have a Pride of their own. What Pine City proved is that Pride doesn't require a skyline. It requires courage. And community. And a willingness to believe that small towns can be big-hearted. Don Quaintance, one of the event's founding members, put it best: 'Small-town Pride events are the ones that create the change. It's easy to blend in with 500,000 of your friends at the Twin Cities Pride festival — and another to be one of 500 in Pine City. That takes a good deal of courage.' In many ways, Pine City's embrace of Pride helped shape its evolution. Last year, the town elected Minnesota's only openly gay mayor, Kent Bombard — a lifelong resident who volunteered for the other big event in town, the Pine County Fair — long before running for office. The city continues to grow, becoming more diverse, inclusive and welcoming with each passing year. Of course, it hasn't always been easy. There have been critics, letters to the editor, even threats. But each year the rainbow returns to the town square at Robinson Park, each year families attend together, and each year more younger people see a future for themselves here — without needing to leave home to live authentically. That matters. Because for every rural LGBTQ person who finds support in their hometown, we chip away at the idea that queerness belongs only in cities. We push back against the false choice between authenticity and belonging. And we remind the world that rural America is not a monolith. As someone who grew up in Pine City and has watched this transformation firsthand, I can tell you that the real success of rural Pride isn't measured in crowd size or media mentions. It's measured in conversations between neighbors. In rainbow stickers on truck bumpers. In the kid who doesn't flinch before saying 'my boyfriend' at Walmart. That's where the revolution lives. There are now more than 20 rural and small-town Pride celebrations across Minnesota, and dozens more nationally. Some have grown big and bold; others remain intimate. All of them owe a quiet debt to Pine City. As we gather again on June 7 to celebrate 20 years of rural Pride, we do so with gratitude — for the founders who risked being seen, for the allies who showed up, and for the small-town queers who keep choosing visibility. Because visibility in rural America is powerful. It's political. And it's deeply personal. Pride in Pine City may have started as a picnic, but it became a proclamation: We are here. We've been your neighbors. And we're not going anywhere. SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE
Yahoo
2 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Group formed to invest, grant money from state's largest environmental damages settlement
The Lower John Day River, pictured, is among the Oregon waterways contaminated by polychlorinated biphenyls. (Photo by Greg Shine/U.S. Bureau of Land Management/Flickr) More than two years ago, Oregon settled with agrochemical giant Monsanto over the company's alleged role in polluting waters of the state for more than 90 years with toxic chemicals harming humans and aquatic species. Now, Gov. Tina Kotek and the newly established Oregon Environmental Restoration Council will begin planning, investing and distributing that settlement money – $698 million – over the course of 50 years, using it to pay for environmental restoration and cleanup work across the state. Kotek announced the council's chairs Wednesday, as well as details about how the money in the state's Environmental Restoration Fund will eventually be allocated. 'The term 'once-in-a-generation opportunity' can be a little bit hyperbolic, but I think in this case, it's absolutely true,' said Nicole Maness, manager of the fund. 'This is a significant amount of money, and it's coming at a time when there's a huge amount of uncertainty around federal funding for restoration.' The settlement money will be invested by the State Treasury, and earn interest income that will be distributed by the Environmental Restoration Council and the Oregon Watershed Enhancement Board biennially, Maness said. Half of the settlement money awarded each biennium will go to state agencies to support work on water and environmental restoration. One quarter will go to the nine federally recognized tribes in Oregon for conservation and natural resources; and the remaining quarter will go to local communities and community-based organizations for projects benefitting people and neighborhoods disproportionately harmed by pollution. The deal between the Oregon Department of Justice and Monsanto is the largest environmental damages settlement in state history. The company agreed to pay in December 2022 to end a lawsuit brought by then Oregon Attorney General Ellen Rosenblum over allegations that Monsanto had for decades polluted state waters with Polychlorinated biphenyls, also called PCBs. Oregon is among several states that have sued the company, which has not admitted guilt or liability for the pollution. Monsanto was for decades the only manufacturer, seller and distributor of PCBs — colorless or light yellow compounds once used in coolants, electrical equipment, hydraulic oils, paints and caulking and copy paper — until it voluntarily ceased production of the compounds in 1977. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has found the compounds can cause cancer in animals, and the federal Environmental Protection Agency says they are likely human carcinogens. PCBs continue to leach from landfills and travel into ground and surface waters where they are difficult to remove. More than a dozen waterways in Oregon are damaged by PCBs, including the Portland Harbor, Lower Columbia River, Middle Columbia River, Willamette River, Upper and Lower John Day Rivers and Coos Bay. The money will be used for more than just trying to tackle PCB pollution, Maness said, and 'in a way that is going to be meaningful to Oregonians, that is going to strike that balance between addressing past harms, but also opportunities to restore places that are important to people, important to wildlife.' These could include removing barriers to fish passage, improving overall water quality and aquatic habitat and ensuring salmon consumed among many tribes in Oregon are abundant and safe to eat, she said. Kotek on Wednesday announced she appointed Chuck Sams, an enrolled member of the Confederated Tribes of the Umatilla Indian Reservation and the former director of the National Park Service, and Michael Dembrow, former Democratic state senator representing Portland, as co-chairs of the council. She also appointed Vice Chair Cheyenne Holliday, advocacy director at the nonprofit Portland-based environmental and social justice group Verde. 'This is a tremendous opportunity for us to improve the health and living conditions of Oregonians in every part of the state, year after year for the next fifty years at least,' Dembrow said in a news release. 'It's especially important to have this stable source of funding right now, given our uncertain state budget and little hope for federal support for this important work.' The rest of the council will be made up of the directors, or a designee of the directors, of the Oregon Health Authority, Oregon Department of Fish and Wildlife and the Oregon Department of Environmental Quality; Oregon's attorney general or someone from the Office of the Attorney General; and two non-voting members from the Oregon House of Representatives and the Oregon Senate, chosen by those chambers. Kotek has yet to pick the final two members of the 11-member council she gets to appoint, but Maness said they will have to possess expertise in either PCBs or a wide range of environmental toxins. The council aims to have its first meeting this summer, Maness said. SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX
Yahoo
2 days ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Trump visa changes put UW-Madison international students at risk again
UW-Madison's Bascom Hall (Phil Roeder | Flickr) The visas of UW-Madison's Chinese students, who make up about half of the school's international student body, could be at risk after the administration of President Donald Trump said Wednesday night it plans to 'aggressively' revoke Chinese student visas and pause the rescheduling of visa review appointments. U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said that international students with ties to the Chinese Communist Party or studying in 'critical fields' could have their visas revoked. Rubio didn't define what those critical fields would be and also provided little detail when he said that the State Department would 'enhance scrutiny' on new student visa applications. The administration has also said it plans to increase the vetting of visa applicants' social media accounts. The announcement that the administration would be revoking the visas of Chinese students came the same day the State Department announced it had paused scheduling appointments for visa applicants. UW-Madison had 3,414 international students from China this spring semester. In recent years, the university has worked to expand its international student body, aiming to increase the international population from 4% to 8% by 2028. The acceptance of international students helps the university increase revenue as state aid has remained flat and inflation has increased costs because international students pay an average of four times the amount of tuition as in-state students. The university said Thursday it is monitoring the situation. 'We are deeply concerned about the impact of such a policy on our Chinese student community,' the university said. In a message to its international students, the university advised them to attend visa appointments that are already scheduled and inform university staff if an appointment is canceled. The message also told the students to schedule appointments as quickly as possible once the pause on scheduling is lifted and to enroll in classes for the fall. These moves are the latest in the Trump administration's efforts to attack international student visas. Earlier this spring, the administration deleted visa records for some students over minor traffic infractions and encounters with law enforcement. That effort temporarily canceled the visas of more than two dozen students and alumni at UW schools across the state. The Trump administration rolled back that decision and reinstated the visas after a federal judge ruled in favor of a number of students who sued to stop the revocation. SUBSCRIBE: GET THE MORNING HEADLINES DELIVERED TO YOUR INBOX
