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West Australian
26-05-2025
- Politics
- West Australian
Editorial: A reconciled Australia is a unified Australia
Along Australia's long path towards reconciliation, we've seen many milestones. Some have had immediate and lasting legal consequences — the 1967 referendum to include Indigenous Australians in official population counts and the High Court's 1992 Mabo decision which finally extinguished the damaging myth of terra nullius among them. Then there are the milestones the importance of which were rooted in their symbolism — Charles Perkins' Freedom Rides in 1965, the presentation of the Barunga Statement to then prime minister Bob Hawke in 1988, Kevin Rudd's Apology to the Stolen Generations in 2008. We wouldn't have achieved those 'practical' milestones if we didn't also see the 'symbolic' ones also. The two categories are indivisible, and both are integral if we are to achieve the long-held goal of a reconciled Australia. Rightly, when we talk about reconciliation, much of our focus is on tangible outcomes. And so it should be. It is a terrible truth that Indigenous Australians can expect to live significantly shorter lives than their non-Indigenous peers. They have fewer economic and educational opportunities. These are failures we must work hard to address with practical policies and public investment. But it will take more than money to achieve a truly reconciled Australia — one in which Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders can look forward to the same advantages as the rest of the population and in which Indigenous culture is respected and championed. In both of these goals we have made significant progress in decades past. However, addressing the impacts of 200 years of colonialism isn't an easy or quick task. The road to reconciliation isn't linear, and it's rarely smooth. The defeat of the Voice referendum was a blow to many Indigenous Australians who had hoped it would serve as a pivotal point in race relations. That wasn't to be. But the failure of the referendum shouldn't be read as proof Australians don't want reconciliation. According to the 2024 Australian Reconciliation Barometer, 85 per cent of Australians believe the relationship between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians is important for our nation. And 80 per cent say that it is important to learn about the issues brought by European colonisation. That's important, because without understanding the causes of Indigenous disadvantage, we cannot hope to achieve meaningful change. Along with the tragic and the uncomfortable, we must also acknowledge the good. The history of Aboriginal Australia is a story of dispossession and disadvantage. It's also a story of survival and of a culture so rich and strong it has endured for 65,000 years. It's important that we recognise both aspects to achieve a reconciled, unified Australia
New York Times
03-05-2025
- Politics
- New York Times
Bob Filner, Mayor of San Diego Who Left Amid Scandal, Dies at 82
Bob Filner, a progressive Democrat who served two decades in Congress and then successfully ran for mayor of San Diego, promising to shake up City Hall — but whose career imploded within months amid a storm of sexual harassment charges — died on April 20. He was 82. His family announced the death. The announcement did not give a cause or say where he died, but The San Diego Union-Tribune reported that he died in an assisted living home in Costa Mesa, Calif. Mr. Filner, who was known for his brash and combative style, resigned as mayor under pressure in August 2013, after 18 women accused him of sexual misconduct in his time as mayor and during his years in Congress. The women included a retired Navy rear admiral, a university dean and Mr. Filner's former communications director, who said that Mr. Filner had told her he wanted to see her naked and asked her to work without underwear. He left office denying any wrongdoing. But two months later, he pleaded guilty to a felony charge of false imprisonment and misdemeanor charges of battery involving two other women. He was sentenced to three months' home confinement and three years' probation. 'I never intended to be a mayor who went out like this,' he said. His humiliating downfall overshadowed a long record of liberal activism in which he represented largely low-income, racially diverse districts of San Diego and Southern California, and a career as a progressive champion that traced to his jailing in Mississippi as a Freedom Rider in 1961. He was the first Democrat elected mayor of San Diego in 20 years and came into office with sweeping plans for a liberal agenda for California's second-largest city, which was more conservative than other big cities in the state. He battled the city's business establishment, including the conservative editorial page of The Union-Tribune, which in a cartoon compared him to the Joker in the 'Batman' movies. A former college history professor at San Diego State University, Mr. Filner entered electoral politics in 1979 by winning a seat on the San Diego school board, which led to a seat on the City Council in 1987. He was elected to Congress in 1992 from California's newly drawn 50th district, which included most of the state's border with Mexico, with a large Hispanic population. In the House, Mr. Filner helped establish the Congressional Progressive Caucus. Over his 10 terms he rose to chairman of the House Committee on Veterans' Affairs. He championed labor, environmental and civil rights issues. As a sophomore at Cornell, he had volunteered in the summer of 1961 for the Freedom Rides, protests against segregated bus terminals in the Deep South. Arriving by bus in Jackson, Miss., Mr. Filner was arrested on charges of disturbing the peace and inciting a riot. Rather than post bond, he followed the protesters' agreed-on tactics and accepted a two-month jail term in the notorious Mississippi State Penitentiary, known as Parchman Farm. 'The Freedom Ride changed my whole life personally and politically,' Mr. Filner later said. Robert Earl Filner was born on Sept. 4, 1942, in Pittsburgh, to Sarah and Joseph Filner. His father was a labor organizer who went on to run a series of metal trading businesses. After serving prison time in Mississippi, Mr. Filner returned to Cornell, where he earned a degree in chemistry in 1963 and a Ph.D. in the history of science in 1969. He then moved to San Diego and taught college history there for 20 years. His two marriages, to Barbara Christy in 1966 and Jane Merrill in 1985, both ended in divorce. He is survived by a son, Adam, and a daughter, Erin, from his first marriage; two grandchildren; and a brother, Bernard. In July 2013, just seven months into Mr. Filner's four-year term as mayor, he was engulfed in a blizzard of sexual harassment accusations. A former City Council member who had once worked for Mr. Filner, Donna Frye, held a news conference in which she declared that several women had accused the mayor of unwanted advances, including groping and kissing. 'Bob Filner is tragically unsafe for any woman to approach,' Ms. Frye said, calling on him to quit. Mr. Filner apologized for any misbehavior he might have committed, calling himself a 'very demonstrative person' and a 'hugger of men and women.' But he refused to step down. Within days, Irene McCormack Jackson, his former communications director, filed a lawsuit and said at a news conference that the mayor would wrap his arm around her neck and pull her 'like a rag doll, while he whispered sexual comments' in her ear. More accusers came forward, including military veterans who said Mr. Filner had used his position of authority to pressure them for dates or intimate contact. Elected Democrats and former political allies demanded that the mayor resign. The chorus included Senator Barbara Boxer of California, who published an open letter calling on him to step aside. He did so on Aug. 23 but remained defiant, suggesting that he was being pushed out by 'a lynch mob mentality.' He later pleaded guilty to a felony charge of restraining a woman and to two misdemeanor charges of kissing a woman against her will and touching the buttock of another woman. The plea deal was reached by Kamala Harris, who prosecuted the case as the state attorney general. 'This conduct was not only criminal, it was also an extreme abuse of power,' Ms. Harris, who was later the 2024 Democratic presidential nominee facing Donald J. Trump, said. 'No one is above the law.'
Yahoo
14-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Remembering Selma and finding inspiration for what we face today in Florida, U.S.
This month marks the 60th anniversary of the historic march from Selma to Montgomery, capping the struggle to pass the Voting Rights Act. It was the apex of the civil rights movement — fueled mainly by the unimaginable courage of young people, from lunch counter sit-ins in Greensboro to the Children's Crusade in Birmingham to the Freedom Rides to Mississippi Freedom Summer to Selma. I was so inspired by the moral leadership of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and the bravery of those in the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) that when we received the telegram from King at my college's student government office pleading for volunteers, my two closest friends and I boarded a bus to Selma. Student government expertise with messy mimeograph machines got me assigned to the office at Brown Chapel to assist Rev. Andrew Young, King's lieutenant for the planned 54-mile march to confront then-Gov. George Wallace at the capitol in Montgomery. The national response to the march and the shocking murder of Viola Liuzzo, the Detroit mother of five who also came to Selma to volunteer, and other Klan murderous violence helped secure passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 The inspiration of Selma 60 years ago stayed with me, leading to a 45-year career as director of two state ACLU affiliates fighting for civil liberties and especially voting rights. If Selma was the apex of the civil rights movement, we are now witnessing the apex of the anti-human rights backlash — heard in President Donald Trump's absurd claim, echoed by acolytes like Gov. Ron DeSantis, that DEI (diversity, equity and inclusion) is the source of all social ills. This attitude has roots in resentment over the 1964 Civil Rights Act's requirement of equal accommodations and the cartoonish characterization of affirmative action as a mandate to hire unqualified minorities over more qualified white candidates. The personification of this movement seems to be Archie Bunker, the sitcom character from All in the Family. The current hostility to human rights is also aimed at reproductive freedom, which is essential for women's equality. Unfortunately, we have yet to see that apex. Same story with regard to demonizing immigrants. And then there is the assault on transgender youth, supported by the belief that there are no non-binary persons and that gender dysphoria does not exist. It is, they claim, a political ideology to be shunned, therefore legitimizing discrimination against trans people. Eventually, folks will catch on to the many cons that bolster the backlash: 'We will end voter fraud and restore election integrity.' This is cover for 'we can cling to power by making it difficult for the 'wrong' people to vote.' 'We will restore a merit-based system. 'Anyone notice the qualifications of Trump's cabinet appointees? 'We will be true defenders of free speech,' but we are OK removing books from library shelves and restricting university discussions about Black history. 'We will restore sanity to our educational system.' This means that we will replace curriculum we dislike with our propaganda. It is naive to take it for granted that our democracy can't be disassembled. Study what happened in Viktor Orban's Hungary. That's the model leaders of the backlash have in mind for the U.S. An authoritarian right-wing populist won power in a democratic election — and then consolidated control over the judiciary, the universities, the media and other centers of dissent. Elections are manipulated to give the illusion of democracy. Democracy needs defending. This generation has a rendezvous to cross its Edmund Pettus Bridge. Let them take inspiration from the courage and humility of leaders like the late John Lewis, a hero of Selma, rather than the arrogance and historical blindness of J.D. Vance. Most of all, defending democracy depends on staying engaged — not retreating into silence and submission. Howard L. Simon served as executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union of Florida from 1997-2018. He is president of the Clean Okeechobee Waters Foundation.
Miami Herald
13-03-2025
- Politics
- Miami Herald
Remembering Selma and finding inspiration for what we face today in Florida, U.S.
This month marks the 60th anniversary of the historic march from Selma to Montgomery, capping the struggle to pass the Voting Rights Act. It was the apex of the civil rights movement — fueled mainly by the unimaginable courage of young people, from lunch counter sit-ins in Greensboro to the Children's Crusade in Birmingham to the Freedom Rides to Mississippi Freedom Summer to Selma. I was so inspired by the moral leadership of the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and the bravery of those in the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) that when we received the telegram from King at my college's student government office pleading for volunteers, my two closest friends and I boarded a bus to Selma. Student government expertise with messy mimeograph machines got me assigned to the office at Brown Chapel to assist Rev. Andrew Young, King's lieutenant for the planned 54-mile march to confront then-Gov. George Wallace at the capitol in Montgomery. The national response to the march and the shocking murder of Viola Liuzzo, the Detroit mother of five who also came to Selma to volunteer, and other Klan murderous violence helped secure passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 The inspiration of Selma 60 years ago stayed with me, leading to a 45-year career as director of two state ACLU affiliates fighting for civil liberties and especially voting rights. If Selma was the apex of the civil rights movement, we are now witnessing the apex of the anti-human rights backlash — heard in President Donald Trump's absurd claim, echoed by acolytes like Gov. Ron DeSantis, that DEI (diversity, equity and inclusion) is the source of all social ills. This attitude has roots in resentment over the 1964 Civil Rights Act's requirement of equal accommodations and the cartoonish characterization of affirmative action as a mandate to hire unqualified minorities over more qualified white candidates. The personification of this movement seems to be Archie Bunker, the sitcom character from All in the Family. The current hostility to human rights is also aimed at reproductive freedom, which is essential for women's equality. Unfortunately, we have yet to see that apex. Same story with regard to demonizing immigrants. And then there is the assault on transgender youth, supported by the belief that there are no non-binary persons and that gender dysphoria does not exist. It is, they claim, a political ideology to be shunned, therefore legitimizing discrimination against trans people. Eventually, folks will catch on to the many cons that bolster the backlash: 'We will end voter fraud and restore election integrity.' This is cover for 'we can cling to power by making it difficult for the 'wrong' people to vote.''We will restore a merit-based system. 'Anyone notice the qualifications of Trump's cabinet appointees?'We will be true defenders of free speech,' but we are OK removing books from library shelves and restricting university discussions about Black history.'We will restore sanity to our educational system.' This means that we will replace curriculum we dislike with our propaganda. It is naive to take it for granted that our democracy can't be disassembled. Study what happened in Viktor Orban's Hungary. That's the model leaders of the backlash have in mind for the U.S. An authoritarian right-wing populist won power in a democratic election — and then consolidated control over the judiciary, the universities, the media and other centers of dissent. Elections are manipulated to give the illusion of democracy. Democracy needs defending. This generation has a rendezvous to cross its Edmund Pettus Bridge. Let them take inspiration from the courage and humility of leaders like the late John Lewis, a hero of Selma, rather than the arrogance and historical blindness of J.D. Vance. Most of all, defending democracy depends on staying engaged — not retreating into silence and submission. Howard L. Simon served as executive director of the American Civil Liberties Union of Florida from 1997-2018. He is president of the Clean Okeechobee Waters Foundation.
Yahoo
10-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Note to the Resistance: Protest Takes Planning. Learn From Dr. King.
When I see people planning marches and other actions against Trump and his attack on the U.S. government, I am sympathetic. I endorse their revulsion at the president's disruptive methods and chaotic goals. But I don't think it is time to march—yet. Big protest marches without follow-up steps could even be counterproductive at this point, because they might simply drain off energy and tensions without leading to anything. To deal effectively with a major problem, you have to hunker down and ready yourself for a long-term struggle. This was one of the great lessons learned by Martin Luther King Jr. and others in the Civil Rights Movement. There was little that was spontaneous about their movement, and that was a good thing. Preparation for actions was essential. In the Montgomery bus boycott in the mid-1950s, which essentially was a year-long siege of the white power structure of the city, elaborate efforts were made to secure communications, enlist churches, organize carpools to provide alternative transportation, and raise funds to pay for the gas for the cars being used. By contrast, when the Civil Rights Movement got pulled into an action in Albany, Georgia, in 1961, it was not prepared, had not studied its adversary, and essentially was defeated. King and his colleagues studied such setbacks and learned. Before going into Birmingham, Alabama, in 1963, they spent months preparing. As he would put it in his letter from that city's jail that year, 'In any nonviolent campaign there are four basic steps: collection of the facts to determine whether injustices exist; negotiation; self-purification; and direct action.' Those steps may sound airily Gandhian, but they actually were quite practical as they were applied by the Civil Rights Movement. First, figure out who you are, and what you want to change, what actions might achieve those goals, and how much you are willing to sacrifice in those actions. This involves a lot of heartfelt conversation and intense listening. For example, before people were permitted to join the 1961 Freedom Rides to desegregate bus stations in the South, they had to write a will and a letter explaining to their parents what they died for. This helped them when they were attacked with rocks, boards, and firebombs by mobs in Anniston, Alabama, and then Birmingham and Montgomery, as police stood by and watched. Second, consider what tactics you will need to employ. For King, his fellow leaders James Lawson, James Bevel, Diane Nash, and the people around them, this meant studying how to apply the methods of confrontational nonviolence—and also studying the methods of your foes. It took a lot of training for people to learn how to take a blow without either fleeing or responding with violence—and then to show up again the next day for more mistreatment. Fundamentally, it meant changing how people thought about themselves. As one leader taught, 'The sheriff is not after you; you are after the sheriff.' The movement sought conflict in order to make the system of repression show its true face, and then to try to recycle that destructive energy into something positive. For example, in Birmingham, so many marchers were arrested, many of them children, that there was no more room for them in the jails. To deter other marchers, city authorities brought out police dogs and fire hoses, which shocked the nation, including President John F. Kennedy. That reaction finally forced the city to seek a negotiated end to the demonstrations. Third, figure out what sort of people are needed to carry out such creative, disciplined tactics. Find them and recruit them. Then train them intensely in those tactics, not just talking about them, but acting them out. For example, before the Nashville sit-ins in 1960, students spent hours in church basements rehearsing how they would sit in at lunch counters; how they would react to being hit, spat on, having cigarettes ground out on their backs, or hot coffee poured on them. These exercises not only prepared them for what they would endure but also built bonds of trust and common understanding. Then go out and do it in direct action. And do it again the next day, each time with focus and discipline. 'Keep your eyes on the prize' was not just an inspirational song; it was good strategic advice. Have team leaders enforcing the rules, and monitors on the sidelines watching and taking notes, so they would be able to testify later in court about what they saw, and when events occurred. One of the participants in the Nashville sit-ins, John Lewis, actually typed up and mimeographed 10 basic rules for demonstrators, such as, 'Sit straight. Always face the counter.' The key to these protests was not size but sustainability. For example, rather than have 100,000 people coming and going in a one-day march without any result, it probably would be more effective to have 200 people show up outside the White House or the offices of, say, Senator Chuck Schumer, every day for 500 consecutive days. Chant all day, make it clear that the resistance to Trump runs strong and deep. Don't blow off pressure. Build it up and set the pace. Make it so the system simply can't ignore your demands. Some might ask, what about the 1963 March on Washington that followed the Birmingham campaign? That indeed was a splendid one-day action. But it was not a classic protest. Rather, it was a ceremony of observance and a celebration in which the Civil Rights Movement took the stage in Washington, D.C., in order to introduce itself to the nation. Before then, it had been seen as a regional movement that often went uncovered by the national media. That memorable day in Washington was designed to speak directly to the American people without intermediation by politicians or journalists. It succeeded marvelously. But it was a victory lap, not the beginning of a new series of protests. And just a few weeks after the March on Washington, the opponents of the movement responded by planting 19 sticks of dynamite in a church in Birmingham, killing or maiming 16 worshippers on a Sunday morning, many of them children. It was a shattering moment that was disorienting for the movement. Dr. King found himself wondering, he later wrote, 'If men were this bestial, was it all worth it? Was there any hope?' This may have been the time when all that training and preparation, and the organizational cohesion it produced, proved most essential. In its wake, one of King's advisers, Diane Nash, wrote a proposal to shut down Montgomery, the capital of Alabama. Even King was skeptical of it, responding, 'Oh, Diane, get real.' Yet Nash's plan came to fruition early in 1965, with the march from Selma to Montgomery. By then the leaders of the Civil Rights Movement were seasoned veterans. They knew how to run a march, how to maintain security, how to keep an eye out for provocateurs who might use violence to provoke a police reaction. They ran circles around Governor George Wallace. And they shut down his Capitol while he hid inside his office behind a drawn curtain. And they soon had in hand one of the most important laws in American history, the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Arguably, through their actions, they made America a genuine democracy for the first time in its history. So, I think, slow and steady will prove more effective than fast and unfocused. This is a time to prepare. We should reflect, decide how to act, prepare to act, and put together a resistance to Trump that is strong, sustainable, and relentless.
