Latest news with #Gauguin
Atlantic
30-05-2025
- Entertainment
- Atlantic
How to Look at Paul Gauguin
The life of Paul Gauguin is the stuff of legend. Or several legends. There's the Romantic visionary invoked by his friend August Strindberg—'a child taking his toys to pieces to make new ones, rejecting and defying and preferring a red sky to everybody else's blue one.' There's the voracious malcontent whom Edgar Degas pegged as a 'hungry wolf without a collar.' There's the accomplished swordsman and brawny genius hammed up by Anthony Quinn in Lust for Life, who takes a break from bickering with Vincent van Gogh to growl, 'I'm talking about women, man, women. I like 'em fat and vicious and not too smart.' And there's the 21st-century trope of the paint-smattered, colonizing Humbert Humbert, bedding 13-year-old girls and sowing syphilis throughout the South Seas. This arc from rebel to swashbuckling art hero to repellent villain tells us less about the artist than it does about the audience (Quinn won an Oscar for that moody growling in 1957). Still, given the hand-wringing and self-righteous mudslinging that have accompanied recent Gauguin exhibitions, the time is ripe to ask what we actually know, and how that knowledge should impinge on our experience of art, if at all. Wild Thing, Sue Prideaux's new biography of Gauguin, aims 'not to condemn, not to excuse, but simply to shed new light on the man and the myth.' Charting his life from birth (in Paris in 1848) to death (in French Polynesia in 1903), she makes use of the recently recovered manuscript of his stream-of-consciousness semi-memoir, Avant et après, as well as fresh conclusions about his sexual health suggested by his teeth. More broadly, she chooses to consider events in view of historical circumstance rather than moral dicta. (Prideaux, whose previous books have examined the lives of Strindberg, Friedrich Nietzsche, and Edvard Munch, has a gift for disrupting snap judgments about difficult men.) If the Gauguin who emerges here is not easy to love, he does seem of a piece with the willfully contradictory, persistently gripping art he left behind. The biographical facts are improbably cinematic. On his mother's side, he traced his ancestry back to the Borgias; the family tree included a pope, a saint, the viceroy of Peru, and his grandmother, the rabble-rousing feminist Flora Tristan. (Karl Marx was a fan.) Gauguin's childhood might have been dreamed up, tag team, by Gabriel García Márquez and Émile Zola. When he was an infant, his family set sail for Peru, where his journalist father planned to establish a left-wing newspaper and his mother hoped to reclaim an inheritance. His father dropped dead en route in Tierra del Fuego, but his mother continued on to Lima with her two small children, joining the palatial household of a great-uncle. She never got the money, but as one of the rare Europeans to take a serious interest in pre-Columbian art, she acquired a substantial collection of ancient Moche ceramics. Those animated dogs and portrait heads would burrow deep into her son's imagination. For his part, Gauguin recalled running free in the streets with the enslaved girl who was his closest companion and being visited in the night by a madman who lived on an adjacent roof. When he returned to France at the age of 7, he couldn't speak the language and understood none of the social codes. 'I am a savage from Peru' was the belligerent self-explanation he would use for the rest of his life. Boarding school provided a bit of classical education and a habit of skeptical inquiry, but he flunked out of higher education and, with no discernible skills, went to sea as a lowly ship's boy at 17. Returning six years later, he took up a position trading futures on the Paris Bourse arranged for him by Gustave Arosa, a financier, an art collector, and his de facto stepfather. (Arosa and Gauguin's mother had had a very French arrangement.) Improbably, Gauguin excelled. He disdained most of his colleagues—'prosperity did not make him clubbable,' Prideaux notes—but he made lots of money, fell in love, and married a Dane, Mette Gad, who shared his indifference to bourgeois convention. 'Carelessly rich, gleefully opulent,' Gauguin began, for the first time, to take an interest in art—initially as a collector of the new Impressionism and then dabbling on his own. He enlisted the help of Arosa's friend Camille Pissarro and began painting softly churning landscapes en plein air. Within a few years, he was showing with the Impressionists himself. Money continued to roll in from the Bourse and, Prideaux writes, 'delightful babies magically appeared at two-year intervals.' From the December 2024 issue: Susan Tallman on the exhibit that will change how you see Impressionism This halcyon bliss was too good to last. When the market crashed in December 1882, Gauguin was wiped out and lost his job. He and Gad had saved nothing, and Arosa, his safety net, died within months. In lieu of any new employment opportunities, Gauguin decided that he would support his wife and five children as an avant-garde painter. (Like many people who enjoy early success in the markets, he did a lot of magical thinking about money.) To economize, they moved to Copenhagen, but his painting stalled, so they decided that he should return to France and send for the family once he was again on a secure footing. Gad would stay in Copenhagen with the children, teaching French and sometimes selling things from his art collection to make ends meet. Prideaux depicts Gauguin's ensuing poverty without romance—the cold, the filth, the food insecurity. The son he briefly had charge of grew malnourished and contracted smallpox. The only job Gauguin managed to get was pasting up posters. As for the Paris art world, it was abuzz with Georges Seurat, color theory, and Pointillism. Gauguin, who never met a system he didn't despise, was exasperated. He decamped to Brittany, with its dramatic coast and folkloric peasants speaking their strange Celtic tongue, and there his art stopped looking like anybody else's. Where Impressionist landscapes had dissolved in light, Gauguin's grew solid. The brushwork flickered, but the edges were hard. Breton Women Chatting (1886) is packed with elbows and aprons and acrobatic headdresses. He cribbed its tipped-up perspective from Japanese woodcuts; the square-shouldered, profile posture from ancient Egypt; the girl fiddling with her shoe from Degas. This kind of appropriation and stitching-together had been practiced by Degas and Édouard Manet, but Gauguin's painting doesn't look like theirs either. The strange mix of naturalism and frozen poses, the lasso-like outlines, the marriage of the familiar and the otherworldly would become his brand. Gauguin's new mode attracted fervent acolytes among younger artists, but it produced nothing resembling an income stream, so he sailed to Panama with a friend in pursuit of a job through his sister's husband. He was again disappointed. From there he went to Martinique ('I have always had a fancy for running away,' he wrote), where he lived in a hut, contracted malaria, and painted dense landscapes that suggest the interlocking shapes and eventful surfaces of tapestries. Those paintings stunned Vincent van Gogh and his art-dealer brother, Theo, who proposed that the two painters spend some months together in Arles, living and working on Theo's dime. The experiment ended in a bloody spectacle, with a straight razor, a severed ear, and Gauguin briefly accused of murder when the police thought that the razor was his and that Van Gogh was dead. (The Van Gogh brothers held him blameless, but the experience was harrowing for everyone.) Soon afterward, the 1889 Exposition Universelle, with its unprecedented display of distant cultures, gave fresh fuel to Gauguin's wanderlust. He was far better traveled than most Europeans, but the Javanese dancers and the full-scale replica of a tower from Angkor Wat were revelations—alternative ways of conceptualizing narrative and space, of arranging figures, of living. He was now in his 40s and years had passed since he'd left Copenhagen, but he and Gad remained married and he continued to seek means of uniting his family. He began applying for jobs in French colonies, hoping for something in Tonkin (for its proximity to Angkor Wat) or perhaps Madagascar with a friend. In the end, he headed for Tahiti, without a job but with an agreement from the government to buy a painting produced there. Before leaving, he wrote Gad promising that they would all be together within three years. Papeete, the capital, was a disappointment: brick buildings laid out in a grid, populated by pompous Frenchmen and Native women cloaked in missionary-imposed smocks known as Mother Hubbards. It was, he wrote, 'the Europe which I had thought to shake off' only worse, given 'the aggravating circumstances of colonial snobbism, and the imitation, grotesque even to the point of caricature, of our customs, fashions, vices, and absurdities of civilization.' He alienated the officials who might have offered him work and washed out as a portrait painter. (Flattery was not in his wheelhouse.) So he went off to a remote village in search of the prelapsarian Tahiti of his imagination. Gauguin had little money, lacked the ability to fish or farm, and was bad at languages, yet the Tahitians accepted and assisted him. Somehow he soon became 'married' to a teenager named Teha'amana, or so the story goes; our key source of information about her and the relationship is Gauguin's romanticized account of his early Tahitian adventures, Noa Noa, written after the fact for a French audience to build a poetic context for his paintings. (Noa noa means 'fragrance.') In one passage, he writes about another woman in his village, calling her 'not at all handsome according to our aesthetic rules. She was beautiful.' The same might be said of the paintings that now poured forth, described by Prideaux as 'a collective hymn of love' for Teha'amana 'and, through her, for the place and its people.' In his extraordinary 1891 painting Ia Orana Maria ('Hail Mary'), an Indigenous Mary carries an Indigenous Christ child on one shoulder (both with halos), while Indigenous worshippers pray and a yellow-winged angel lurks in flowering bushes. (The nonwhite casting, Prideaux notes, was considered 'blasphemous for over half a century.') It's a mash-up of Renaissance iconography, Javanese postures, and the busy patterning of the Pre-Raphaelites, but everything fits together with the kind of breathless sublimity you see in Fra Angelico: a world that is both physical and metaphysical, intoxicating and inevitable. This idyll was interrupted by, of all things, success. Van Gogh had died in 1890, but in Copenhagen, the first joint exhibition of his work and Gauguin's, in 1893, had stirred great excitement. Urged to return to Europe, Gauguin made the 10-week voyage back. Remarkably, he still aimed to bring his European family to Tahiti, but once again, his sales proved insufficient. He took a studio in Paris, and then, on a trip to Brittany, he got into a row with some locals, who shattered his leg. Months in the hospital were followed by years of dependence on laudanum and morphine. The leg never fully healed, but by July 1895 he was well enough to re-embark for the South Seas. Though Papeete was even worse than he remembered, his need for medical attention kept him nearby. He built a hut in a village a few miles from the capital. Teha'amana came to visit for a few days, but in Gauguin's absence she had taken a Tahitian husband, to whom she returned. A new teenager, Pau'ura, filled her place, and Gauguin returned to his easel, painting dreamy narratives with mythological overtones, such as Where Do We Come From? What Are We? Where Are We Going? (1897–98), but his life refused to settle into the old idyll. He lost his home, and even attempted suicide. Unable to pay his hospital bills, he was declared 'indigent.' Eventually Gauguin got a job as a draftsman for the department of public works and began writing political commentary for a local paper, but his sense of having betrayed his values and gifts in Tahiti's colonial milieu only grew. In 1901, he moved on to the remote island of Hiva Oa, in the Marquesas. Pau'ura chose to remain in Tahiti with their infant son. In Europe, his paintings began to turn a profit at long last, but two years later he was dead, at 54. Posthumous exhibitions cemented Gauguin's status as the most transformative of the post-Impressionist painters. His willingness to reimagine the visible world pointed the way to symbolism, expressionism, and abstraction. Meanwhile, the warmth and muscular grace of his Polynesian paintings made them perennially popular. For a time, this combination of wayward emotional expression and cultural openness, this embrace of other forms of beauty, seemed to embody a new, modern ideal. All of this got turned on its head beginning in the 1970s, as the art world became sensitized to the deep inequities between men and women, white and nonwhite, colonizer and colonized. Paintings whose reverence for Indigenous people had once shocked were now held in contempt, viewed as defiling those same people. Gauguin was castigated for failing to shake off European pictorial traditions, and for appropriating non-European traditions. The man who from the age of 7 had considered himself an outsider to Western civilization was now seen as the abusive beneficiary of its entitlements. Because political power was vested in European men, interpersonal relations were presumed to follow suit. A narrative of exploitation was inferred. A Gauguin retrospective last year occasioned the headline: 'Paul Gauguin Was a Violent Paedophile. Should the National Gallery of Australia Be Staging a Major Exhibition of His Work?' Its description of the artist as a 'serial rapist' has been widely repeated online. We have no testimony from Teha'amana, and other than Pau'ura's late-in-life recollections of a man she fondly referred to as a 'rascal,' none from his other partners, so this accusation presumably reflects current definitions of statutory rape. Prideaux sees Teha'amana as a victim of her own family, who apparently offered her up before Gauguin had asked, as well as of 'the lust of the much older European man.' She is also at pains to note that even in France itself the age of consent was then 13 (in most American states, it was even younger), and that sex between teenagers and adults was 'unremarkable.' People today may find this repugnant, but what Teha'amana felt about it all, we cannot know. From the May 2023 issue: It's okay to like good art by bad people New scientific evidence, however, sheds light on one charge. An excavation of Gauguin's Hiva Oa property in 2000 turned up four teeth whose DNA matched that of his father's remains and of living descendants in Europe and Polynesia. Tests run for cadmium, mercury, and arsenic—the standard treatments for syphilis—were negative. Absence of treatment is not absence of illness, of course, but given how much time Gauguin spent in hospitals, that such a familiar disease would have been missed seems unlikely. Actual evidence for his syphilitic status appears to be nonexistent. For a man whose sex life has attracted so much attention, Gauguin appears surprisingly circumspect in Prideaux's telling. Surrounded by randy young artists helping themselves to everything on offer in Brittany, he remained 'strait-laced about casual sex.' Of brothels, he commented to a friend: 'Not my cup of tea.' In art, he derided the pliant painted ladies who dotted the walls of the Paris Salon clad in nothing but allegorical pretense, calling them 'bordello art.' The women he depicted, by contrast, come across as individual, self-possessed people. They rarely smile and are never coy. The girls in his Tahitian village, he wrote, 'made me timid with their sure look, their dignity of bearing, and their pride of gait.' The one European nude he deeply admired was Manet's Olympia, with her hauteur, her calculating gaze, her hand clamped firmly over her crotch. He kept a reproduction with him throughout his adult life, along with the books of his radical-feminist grandmother. In a diatribe on the Catholic Church, he wrote that a woman 'has the right to love whomever she chooses' and 'to spit in the face of anyone who oppresses her.' One might be tempted to blame that 'fat and vicious and not too smart' line from Lust for Life on the macho art ethos of mid-century writers. But on page two of Avant et après, you can read in Gauguin's own hand, ' J'aime les femmes aussi quand elles sont vicieuses et qu'elles sont grasses ' ('I also like women when they're kinky and fat'). He might have been speaking from the heart, though his statement—as so often—has the ring of a provocation. Gauguin never outgrew the juvenile urge to scorn, shock, or just prank the elders. For his last home, he carved a horned portrait of the local monseigneur dubbed Father Lechery. And after all, contradiction was his stock-in-trade. Some pages further on in Avant et apr è s, he observed that 'precision often destroys the dream, takes all the life out of the Fable.' It was a sloppy life, full of colliding impulses, thwarted aspirations, and scattered commitments. But in his paintings, prints, and sculptures, he could make it right—building a world where unreasonable combinations contrive to make unexpected sense and things that don't belong nonetheless fit.
Phone Arena
22-05-2025
- Phone Arena
Hands-on: Style meets function in the new Honor 400 mid-ranger
Honor officially launched its 400 series at a special event in London on May 22. The Royal Academy of Arts hosted the announcement, and under the works of Rembrandt and Gauguin, we got to experience the phones for the first was a fitting scene for the 400 series launch, as the stylish models in this lineup not only look great but also feature some AI camera magic that's very impressive. We won't dare to compare it to the aforementioned fine arts grandmasters, but it's impressive already covered the Honor 400 Pro, which is a flagship in disguise really, but the vanilla Honor 400 is also very interesting and quite different from its Pro sibling. The vanilla model in the Honor 400 portfolio is a very different animal compared to its Pro sibling. For what it's worth, it looks and feels much more "western" and modern, mainly because of the flat design and the camera layout. It's a bit of a contradiction, as it's the more affordable model of the two, but here we Honor 400 comes in a slightly more compact form than the Pro model, courtesy of the 6.5-inch display. The phone is flat all around and looks very classy, especially the Desert Gold color variant. At just 7.3 mm thickness, the Honor 400 feels great in the hand, even though there's no curvature to wrap your palm around. The smooth surface of the frosted back glass is also great, with a satin feel to it. The phone weighs around 180 grams, which is just perfect—not too light, not too heavy. As far as aesthetics are concerned, we like the Honor 400 more than the Pro, not only because its flat design results in a more modern look, but also because the camera bump is much more understated compared to the Pro. The camera housing of the Honor 400 looks quite stylish | Image by PhoneArena It has the same rounded trapezoid shape, but the two cameras are vertically positioned with the LED flash offset in a smaller circle. It's a stylish and unique 6.5-inch display is very bright, at least that's how it feels. Honor says it can output up to 5000 nits, and we're going to test this pretty soon. But subjectively, our first impressions are very positive—the image is bright and vivid and also smooth thanks to the 120 Hz refresh rate. We really should put this hands-on in some context here, and in order to do this, we need to compare the Honor 400 to its Pro sibling. First, the vanilla model starts at £399.99, compared to £699.99 for the Honor 400 is almost half the price, so let's see what sacrifices had to be made to achieve this much more attractive price tag. The Honor 400 features the same main and ultrawide cameras but ditches the 50MP telephoto. All the zooming is done via crops from the main 200MP sensor and some AI magic. And the results are pretty good (samples will appear here shortly). The processor inside is the Snapdragon 7 Gen 3, which is a proper midrange chip compared to the 8 Gen 3 found in the Pro model. The Honor 400 also comes with 8GB of RAM as opposed to the 12GB inside the Pro model. And finally, the charging support caps at 66W wired on the Honor 400, while the Pro can do else is the same: the battery capacity is the same, the two main and ultrawide cameras are the same, and the display metrics (apart from the size difference) are also the same. The same software magic with AI sprinkles is present on the Honor 400 as well, and put side by side, both phones work identically well—fast and smooth. A great package in a stylish enclosure | Image by PhoneArena Stay tuned for the full review, as it will be interesting to test the 5000 nits brightness claims, as well as see how the Snapdragon 7 Gen 3 performs inside the Honor 400. But our first impressions are very positive. At £399.99, the Honor 400 offers a lot of bells and whistles, and it also looks quite classy. In our opinion, this model has the potential to persuade more people to reach out and grab it instead of a Galaxy A56, for example. Honor is making a statement with its Magic series already, and now the 400 series offers a great package at a very reasonable price.
Wall Street Journal
16-05-2025
- Entertainment
- Wall Street Journal
‘Wild Thing' Review: The Sorcery of Paul Gauguin
Sue Prideaux's gruesomely fascinating 'Wild Thing' begins with four teeth in a well. Local inhabitants of Hiva Oa, in French Polynesia, found them in 2000 while restoring the nearby hut in which Paul Gauguin lived. Scientific analysis proved the teeth were indeed the famed painter's. When Gauguin died in 1903, he had been on Hiva Oa for two years. All his life he had been in pursuit of wild things. Born in Paris in 1848, he had spent several childhood years with his maternal family in Lima, Peru. For the rest of his life, he would belligerently call himself 'a savage from Peru.' Gauguin always considered himself an outsider. Even while thriving as a young Parisian stockbroker, his amateur painting defied rules. In early works such as 'The Market Gardens of Vaugirard' (1879), he rejected the tight, smooth realism of Academic art and caught up with the variegated brushwork and unblended colors of his mentor, the Impressionist Camille Pissarro. Several of the core Impressionists incubated the generation after theirs, even though the post-Impressionists were moving rapidly toward distinct and remarkably individual styles. The last of the Impressionist exhibitions, held in 1886 and financed in large part by Mary Cassatt, Edgar Degas and Berthe Morisot, launched not only the career of Gauguin but also Georges Seurat, with the latter's monumental 'A Sunday on La Grande Jatte' (1886). Degas would be one of Gauguin's most stalwart collectors for the rest of his life. Post-Impressionism quickly delivered more than its fair share of images that have stayed in our collective imagination. By 1889, Vincent van Gogh, who had attended the 1886 exhibition and tried to become Gauguin's friend, had painted 'The Starry Night.'
Boston Globe
13-05-2025
- Entertainment
- Boston Globe
Is it time to uncancel Gauguin?
Gauguin's reputation did not have far to fall. Already, he'd scandalized the art world with his depictions of canonical Christian icons — Eve, the Virgin Mary, the Christ child — as contemporary Polynesians. He'd been arrested — briefly — on suspicion of having murdered his troubled friend Vincent Van Gogh (who had, in fact, severed his own ear, leaving a bloody mess the police mistook for a murder scene). And he'd long since abandoned his wife and their five children to live in service to his twin callings: making art and chasing an Arcadian dream. Get The Gavel A weekly SCOTUS explainer newsletter by columnist Kimberly Atkins Stohr. Enter Email Sign Up Redemption came in 1917 when Edgar Degas, an early champion and avid collector of Gauguin's work, died. The sales of Degas's vast collection of Gauguins in 1918 and 1919 sparked a triumphant reappraisal of Gauguin's work. Matisse swooned over and adopted Gauguin's emotion-driven, imaginative use of color. Picasso thrilled to Gauguin's exotic figures and was inspired to travel to Africa in search of unconventional subjects of his own. Advertisement But if Gauguin's work had at last won him a place among Europe's big men on canvas, unsavory insinuations clung to his legacy as a man. Even artistic genius can't undo the stain of being viewed as a pedophile sex tourist, a libertine colonizer spreading louche morals — and syphilis — through the South Seas. As recently as last summer, a sprawling Gauguin exhibition at the National Gallery of Australia was plagued by controversy for soft-pedaling the artist's misdeeds — colonialist exploitation, taking child brides — in the Marquesas Islands. Sue Prideaux's new biography of French artist Paul Gauguin relies on newly discovered material that recasts his legacy in a less damning light. W. W. Norton & Co. How unexpected, then, that in this time of looking through parted fingers at the art of terrible men, of grappling with whether or not we can separate the masterpiece from the monster, comes a new official account that invites us to reconsider everything we thought we knew about Gauguin. We might even call it an uncanceling. Sue Prideaux is a biographer of Friedrich Nietzsche and Edvard Munch. Now, to her other lives of complicated men she has added 'Wild Thing: A Life of Paul Gauguin,' a biography that mines new source material to deliver something previous accounts have lacked: Gauguin's side of the story. I spoke with Prideaux from her home in London. Our conversation has been edited and condensed. What compelled you to write a biography of Paul Gauguin? I was coming out of my biography of Nietzsche when, in 2019, London's National Gallery put on an exhibition of Gauguin's portraits. And it was the absolute height of cancel culture, and there was a great furor around that show. People were calling for him to be canceled and for his paintings to be burned because of his interest in young girls and because he apparently spread syphilis throughout the Polynesian islands. So I, being sort of in a philosophical mood, thought, well, I've always adored Gauguin's paintings. But it's certainly not good enough to love the paintings and hate the man. So let's do a bit of exploration. Advertisement What did you discover? In 2000, the mayor on the island of Hiva Oa had decided to build a replica of Gauguin's bamboo hut that he lived in for the last three years of his life. When they were excavating Gauguin's well, they found a glass jar with four human teeth in it. Those teeth were analyzed by the Human Genome Project at [the University of] Cambridge. Long story short, they turned out definitely to be Gauguin's. They then went on a trip through laboratories, being analyzed for cadmium, mercury, and arsenic — what people were given to treat syphilis. No traces were found. So that kind of set me off. I thought: No syphilis? Gosh . What else don't we know? And then a remarkable bit of literary serendipity followed just a year later. What happened? Gauguin, in his last three years, had written this wonderful manuscript — 200 pages, lots of pictures — and he called it ' Advertisement I was surprised to read that Gauguin had an almost Rousseauian early life in Peru. You call it 'the lost beatitude' he would seek all his life and find only once he landed in Tahiti. Why were those years in Peru key to the man he would become? Gauguin is 2½, 3 years old, and his mother and his sister — his father died during the voyage — arrived in Peru to live with his mother's uncle, who had been a governor and lived in this incredible, huge palace. And then you look out the window and there's a line of volcanoes erupting from time to time. And he plays in the jungle, barefoot, with jaguars. But suddenly, when he's 7 years old, his mother decides that he must learn to read and write and she takes him back to France, and he goes to school and he can't speak French. He is rather small for his age and swarthy-looking and the other boys bully and tease him. And he puts up his fists and he says, 'I am a savage from Peru!' And from then on, he says 'I have two natures, the civilized and the savage.' That duality is a through-line in Gauguin's biography. So is his early education — Greek tragedies, Roman histories. He learns to 'question everything.' How do we see that in his work? Advertisement Really he challenges the whole canon upon which the idea of white Western 'civilized' assumptions was founded, so that on his arrival in Tahiti, one of the first pictures he painted, 'Ia Orana Maria' ['Hail Mary,' 1891], showed a brown-skinned Tahitian Virgin Mary carrying a brown-skinned Tahitian Christ child, and he shocked the white-skinned world. He was called blasphemous when that painting made its debut. More recently, he has been accused of cultural appropriation. You say he was ahead of his time? He was indeed. And as I say in the book, it's only in 1951 that there was a papal encyclical that permitted the depiction of the holy family as nonwhite. And there's Gauguin doing it in 1891, saying, you know, we're all brothers, we're all part of this universality. Paul Gauguin, "Ia orana Maria," ("Hail Mary"), 1891. W. W. Norton & Co. Gauguin's views about women were not at all what I thought they would be. In Brittany, he meets a smitten young female painter. Instead of taking her to bed, he writes her a letter offering some advice: Earn your own living. Don't rely on a man. Am I right to trace a line from his notions about women's autonomy and worth to his grandmother and mother? You are absolutely right. His grandmother was Flora Tristan [the proto-feminist French-Peruvian writer and activist, a survivor of domestic abuse, who fought for women's progress]. He kept Flora's published works with him all his life. They were very, very precious to him. And then his mother is widowed on the voyage to Peru, yet on she goes. She could have stayed there, but no, no, no, she knew that life must be forged, and back she went to France with her two children. She was a very brave woman and very artistic, tasteful, civilized. She took her Peruvian ceramics and artifacts back with her and really made Paris interested in pre-Columbian art, which was extraordinary. So yes, this incredibly strong grandmother, an incredibly strong mother. Lucky man. How could he not realize that women are just as good as men? Advertisement Their influence shows in his choice of a wife. Mette Gauguin was strong, opinionated, independent. That must have rung some bells for him? Absolutely. I'm pleased you picked up on all that because I think it's pretty cool, really. Mette's independence shocked Gauguin's friends. That he let her have such freedom. But in 'Avant et Après,' he writes that society's most appalling theft from women, apart from taking from them the right to develop their gifts and talents, was the fact of their forced material dependency on men. Yet he left Mette and their kids in Copenhagen to go paint wilder shores in Brittany and, later, French Polynesia. Just when I'm relieved to find he's more sympathetic than I thought, I think he must also have been impossible to live with. Absolutely. I think both things are completely true. OK, but how to reconcile the side of Gauguin that valued women's freedom and equality with the 40-something version of himself taking pubescent lovers in Tahiti? His reputation as a pedophile, to put it bluntly? Well, of course if you go into the age of consent in France and the colonies at the time, the age of consent was 13, which is pretty average for the world. In the United States, it was between 10 and 12 depending on the state. And as I came to the end of writing the book in June 2023, Japan raised the age of consent from 13. This is all very horrifying and not something I approve of or like in any way. But what it does show is that Gauguin was not doing anything unusual or illegal within the historical context. And in fact he was quite appalled to learn that the Polynesians did not view women as equals. They were not even considered worthy of human sacrifice. What about this idea of Gauguin as the worst kind of colonialist? You write that in 'Avant et Après,' Gauguin 'excoriates colonialism.' How so? It's the most extraordinary story, really. He wrote a letter to the paper in Tahiti complaining about the French governor's corruption and oppression, and that got him employed by the paper. He wrote many political articles, which he illustrated most wonderfully. And then it all became rather serious on Tahiti when he wrote to Paris charging the governor with corruption. Gauguin knew that if the matter went to court, he'd lose because the colonial courts were corrupt. And that was when he took the 500-mile journey to the island of Hiva Oa as a refugee, whereupon arriving he was greeted as a celebrity, not for his art, because they really didn't know or care about it, but as a political journalist. And it went on from there, with his urging the Polynesians not to pay their taxes and fighting on their behalf with the colonialist authorities. There is a touching coda to Gauguin's friendship with Vincent Van Gogh that I want to end on, because I believe it reveals something important about Gauguin. First, how did those two become friends? Vincent saw Gauguin's Martinique paintings and became terribly enthusiastic about painting with Gauguin, and they exchanged portraits the way that painters did in those days, which is a lovely thing. And Vincent wanted Gauguin to live with him in Arles in what he called the Studio of the South. Vincent Van Gogh's "Self-Portrait Dedicated to Paul Gauguin," 1888. W. W. Norton & Co. I had no idea that Van Gogh painted his sunflower series — a dozen paintings in all — over just five days, in a frenzy of anticipation for Gauguin's arrival. What did you learn about their time together? They spent nine weeks in the yellow house in Arles, just the two of them painting away. Their painting progressed most wonderfully. Vincent had this wonderful collection of Japanese prints that they both used to look at in the evening, and they would go out and they would paint the same subject together and they would learn from each other's interpretation of the subject. But unfortunately poor Vincent's mind was getting worse and worse. And of course it culminated in the terrible evening after Vincent's brother Theo, an art dealer in Paris, told Vincent that he was getting engaged, and Vincent felt very lost because without his brother, who would look after him? Gauguin and Vincent went down to the pub that night, and Vincent pursued Gauguin with a knife, which rather frightened Gauguin, who spent that last night in a hotel because he feared that Vincent would attack him again. And when he woke up the following morning, going back to the yellow house to pick up his luggage to leave, he found the place surrounded by a crowd. And the chief of police, a little man in a bowler hat, said, 'What have you done to your friend? You've killed him.' And Gauguin was arrested. But they went into the yellow house, and Gauguin describes the floor covered in wet towels that were pink from mopping up blood. Gauguin said, 'Let's go upstairs and see,' and that is when they discovered that Vincent was in fact still alive and just had cut off his ear. They never see each other again. Poor old Vincent shoots himself in 1890. But then, 10 years later, when Gauguin is back in Tahiti, he sends to Paris for sunflower seeds. They didn't grow sunflowers in the islands. They still don't grow out there. But Gauguin grew them and brought them to flower and painted them on a chair 'in memory,' he wrote, 'of my gentle friend Vincent.' Paul Gauguin, "Sunflowers on a Chair," 1901. W. W. Norton & Co. Kelly Horan is the deputy editor of Ideas. She can be reached at
The Guardian
17-03-2025
- Entertainment
- The Guardian
‘The Polynesians loved him': the astonishing revelations that cast Paul Gauguin in a new light
In 2019, the National Gallery held an exhibition of Paul Gauguin's portraits that provoked uproar. Was Gauguin not a French colonialist who spread syphilis to underage girls throughout the islands of the South Seas? The London show was caught in the crosshairs of cancel culture and there were calls for his paintings to be burned. I have always loved Gauguin's pictures. Having just written I Am Dynamite!, a biography of controversial philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche, and feeling a strong sympathy with #MeToo, I couldn't live in the dishonest and hypocritical position of loving the paintings and hating the man. I embarked on research. My purpose was simply to discover the facts so I could measure my feelings against the truth. But my research turned up so many new sides to the story that this private project turned into a book, which I titled Wild Thing, as that is what Gauguin called himself. His first seven years were spent in Peru, but they ended when he was brought back to France to go to school. He hated it: fitting in was never Gauguin's forte. He put up his fists and snarled: 'I am a wild thing from Peru.' Schoolmates quailed. Did he have syphilis? Gauguin, who died in 1903 at the age of 54, spent his last three years on the tiny island of Hiva Oa in French Polynesia. In 2000, its mayor decided to restore his hut on its original site in time for the centenary of the artist's death. Excavations discovered a glass jar containing four human teeth. Examined by the Human Genome Project in Cambridge, they proved to be Gauguin's. Further tests were carried out for cadmium, mercury and arsenic – standard treatments for syphilis at the time. No trace was found. This was written up in the scientific journal Anthropology in 2018. But I wanted to know more. Syphilis was widespread in the islands in Gauguin's time. I discovered that his doctor in Tahiti, the largest of the French Polynesian islands, knew the disease well and concluded that the painter did not have syphilis, but rather eczema and erysipelas, aggravated by infected bites of the Simulium buissoni fly. The two doctors who later treated him on Hiva Oa were of the same opinion. Next, the question of underage girls. The age of consent in France and the colonies was 13. This was not untypical of the world at the time. In the US, it varied between 10 and 12. As I finished the book in 2023, Japan raised the age from 13 to 16. These facts horrify and disgust me. However, within the context of the time, Gauguin's Polynesian lovers were without exception 'of age'. Revolting as it is, he was doing nothing illegal or even unusual for that time. Gauguin had three serious relationships. Tehamana, the best known partner, had been supposed to be 13 but a recently discovered birth certificate shows her to have been 15. Within these relationships, Gauguin followed local custom. Sexually experienced girls were offered by their families. No money changed hands. After a couple of weeks, the girl went home to her family for a period, to decide if she then wanted to go back to her new husband. Tehamana returned to Gauguin. There was no coercion. She, like Gauguin's later lovers, was free to come and go, to return home for good if she liked, and to take other lovers. There was no financial advantage in staying: Gauguin in his beach hut was no richer than the average villager. When he went back to Paris for a couple of years to sell his paintings, Tehamana remarried. On his return, she went to live with him for a couple of weeks for old times' sake. It argues affection. Wild Thing is the first full biography of Gauguin for 30 years. It has been shortlisted for the Baillie Gifford prize and won the Duff Cooper award. I feel particularly proud to be on the longlist of the Women's prize for nonfiction, too. Let's face it, given Gauguin's historic reputation, it would have been much easier for them to leave it off. The book is based on the discovery of much new information: not only the teeth and Tehamana's birth certificate, but also a crucial new literary source that emerged as I started writing. In 2020, the manuscript of Gauguin's most important written work – Avant et Après, or Before and After – reappeared. Missing for a century, it contains 200 handwritten pages of Gauguin's thoughts on life, art, religion and everything. Then, a year later, the Catalogue Raisonné was completed. This is like the official bible of the artist, gathering every bit of information on all the verified works. I discovered a great-great-granddaughter, too, with family stories, papers and letters. Gauguin had a Danish wife and a son who lived in Norway. There are letters in both languages and a lengthy untranslated family memoir by the son. Norwegian is my mother tongue and I can read Danish, too. One of the most surprising things I discovered was Gauguin's strong belief in equality between the sexes. His grandmother, Flora Tristan, was a fierce fighter for women's rights and much admired by Karl Marx. Gauguin cherished her published writings. He actively encouraged the women in his circle, including his wife, to find fulfilment through independence. This sheds new light on Gauguin's complex relationship with Tehamana, who appears in several paintings. Tehamana Has Many Parents, completed in 1893, is a portrait of an individual, but also a portrait of a culture in flux. Tehamana wears a missionary dress but carries a Polynesian fan. On a wall behind her, a line of mysterious hieroglyphs reference the ancient island culture, much of which was destroyed by missionaries. Below them stands Hina, the Polynesian goddess of the moon and creation. Gauguin shows Tehamana as a synthesis of many cultures and many bloodlines, as Gauguin believed we all are. But Manao Tupapau, or Spirit of the Dead Watching, is the picture that has done greatest damage to Gauguin's reputation. I can easily see why. The 1892 painting, showing Tehamana naked and face down on a bed, can be seen as misogynistic, exploitative and colonialist. But there are other ways of viewing it, which suggest a more sympathetic, caring Gauguin. For Tehamana, as for most Polynesians, Christianity was a veneer – she believed in tupapau, malign spirits who stole your spirit in the dark. For that reason, she always kept an oil lamp burning in their hut. One evening, the lamp had gone out and Gauguin found her terrified by the dark. He embodies her fear in the figure of the old woman, symbolising the tupapau, standing at the foot of the bed for our benefit. But what he wanted to capture, he said, was Tehamana's terror of the unseen. When Gauguin sent the picture back to his wife, Mette, to exhibit and sell in Denmark, she was not offended by it. Rather, she thought it 'wonderful'. Mette herself was also frightened of the dark, always keeping a lamp burning. Gauguin believed in cultural synthesis, which today is often condemned as cultural appropriation. He saw the human race as a great synthesis of race, creed and colour. One of the first pictures he painted in Tahiti was Ia Orana Maria, or Hail Mary. This 1891 work depicts a Polynesian Mary carrying the Polynesian Christ Child on her shoulder. Exhibited in Paris, the picture caused a scandal. A non-white holy family! It was not until 1951 that a papal encyclical made it permissible to represent such a thing. Horrified by Tahiti's oppressive and exploitative French colonial regime, Gauguin took up political journalism. He wrote articles for a local newspaper and later started his own paper exposing the corruption and injustice of French officials. He also wrote to the government in Paris pleading for fairer taxation and treatment. Tahiti's governor brought a libel suit against him but there wasn't a chance Gauguin would get justice in the corrupt French colonial court, so he fled 500 miles to Hiva Oa, also a French colony. On arrival, he was surprised to be mobbed like a celebrity – not, he discovered, for his painting, but for his journalism. Hiva Oa was run by Bishop Martin, a fearsome puritan who had forbidden nudity, polyandry, the sacred art of tattooing, and any performance of the erotic Upa Upa dance. Bishop Martin compelled all Indigenous children to attend French Catholic boarding school until the age of 14. They were taught the French curriculum and allowed to speak only French, the aim being to erase the Polynesian language, culture, family structure and national identity in one generation. The children's families were distraught. But Gauguin discovered a minor French law stating that only children living within two miles of a school need attend it. Mass relocation to the countryside ensued. Language, culture and family unity survived on the island and Gauguin became more popular than ever. He was asked to exchange names. When you did this, it was believed, you exchanged souls and had all your property in common, including wives. It was the greatest honour you could confer, the equivalent of becoming a blood brother. On Hiva Oa, Gauguin continued to petition Paris for fairer treatment of Indigenous people and to act as their lawyer in the local court. The Polynesians loved him, the French hated him. The governor reported back to Paris that Gauguin was 'a defender of native vices. A subverter of the rule of law and a dangerous anarchist.' He was a marked man. When he accused a gendarme on a nearby island of accepting bribes, the governor responded with a charge of libel. The case was heard by the local French magistrate and Gauguin was found guilty, fined 500 francs and sentenced to three months in prison. Barely a year later, the case would be re-examined and Gauguin's accusations found to be correct. But by that time, the artist was dead. Wild Thing was driven by all the new material that began appearing in 2019, which coincided with the reopening of the debate about Gauguin's troubling reputation. It seemed important to re-examine his life: not to condemn, not to excuse, but simply to shed new light on the man and the myth. Wild Thing: A Life of Paul Gauguin, by Sue Prideaux is published by Faber, price £30
