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How did European identity develop? Three authors take on colonialism, imperialism and witchcraft
How did European identity develop? Three authors take on colonialism, imperialism and witchcraft

Irish Times

time31-05-2025

  • General
  • Irish Times

How did European identity develop? Three authors take on colonialism, imperialism and witchcraft

Esotericism in Western Culture: Counter-Normativity and Rejected Knowledge Author : Wouter J. Hanegraaff ISBN-13 : 978-1350459694 Publisher : Bloomsbury Academic Guideline Price : £ 21.99 Shamanism: The Timeless Religion Author : Manvir Singh ISBN-13 : 978-0241638415 Publisher : Allen Lane Guideline Price : £25 The Witch Studies Reader Author : Edited by Soma Chaudhuri and Jane Ward ISBN-13 : 978-1478031352 Publisher : Duke University Press Books Guideline Price : £23.99 Our ongoing tendency, based on a long history , in Western culture and the Global North to marginalise knowledge, beliefs and practices that don't serve our dominant power paradigms, gets a stunningly well-researched shakedown with three monumental academic titles whose authority is grounded on expert scholarship, but whose style is for the general reader. These books describe human experiences and understandings that upend the white supremacist, colonialist, patriarchal knowledge regimes – including those driving 'modernisation' and 'globalisation' – that are corralling our world into polycrisis. In Esotericism in Western Culture, Wouter J Hanegraaff notes the two different meanings of the word 'esotericism'. The first describes the dialectics of secrecy concerned with the social regulation of access to specific forms of knowledge. The second – the esotericism that Hanegraaff is concerned with – is a collection of historical traditions, ideas, practices and social formations that are grouped together because they are considered to have certain things in common. An overarching commonality across this large and multifarious collection, which in our times has come to be labelled 'esotericism', is that it has been rejected or marginalised by mainstream European intellectuals and the public they influence. Random examples from Western culture alone include Islam, European shamanism, Renaissance alchemy and 20th-century 'chaos magic'. READ MORE The politics of establishing a European identity required that its 'internal enemies' (in this case heretics, witches, and magicians) would be identified, set apart, demonised and finally exorcised According to Hanegraaff, esotericism has been set apart as the problematic 'Other' against which the dominant religious and intellectual elites defined, and still define, their very identity. It strongly emphasises specific worldviews and epistemologies, as well as associated practices, that are at odds with normative post-Enlightenment culture in the modern West. Hanegraaff writes that to ignore the social and intellectual taboo on these topics means engaging in a critical project that he has baptised 'counter-normativity'. Counter-normativity refuses to accept our normative standards of what is supposed to be taken seriously and what may safely be dismissed out of hand. As such, counter-normativity is a rejection of the rejection of rejected knowledge. Hanegraaff argues that what ultimately came out of the developments of pre-Reformation Christianity, Protestantism and modernity was a 'potent narrative' about the West that remains extremely influential in our societies and educational institutions. 'It is based on systematic patterns of excluding, marginalising, misrepresenting, or discrediting a wide range of ideas and practices that, in actual fact, were always part and parcel of Western culture but did not fit a narrow ideological agenda of what that culture was supposed to be about.' The title of a classic from 1975 by the historian Norman Cohn – Europe's Inner Demons – captures Hanegraaff's point precisely: 'The politics of establishing a European identity required that its 'internal enemies' (in this case heretics, witches, and magicians) would be identified, set apart, demonised and finally exorcised.' This is the 'internal Eurocentric narrative' of Western culture - the culturally dominant story of what we've been told to see as central to the identity of Europe and the West. It is also the story of what we've been instructed, tacitly or explicitly, to dismiss as marginal to that identity. 'We are dealing,' writes Hanegraaff, 'with a grand narrative in the true sense of the word: a foundational myth about 'where we came from,' 'who we are,' and 'where we should be going.' Once we understand its nature and manner of operation, we will understand why 'esotericism' is commonly perceived as a separate field, a domain of otherness and weirdness. It will also become easy to see why intellectual or religious elites have so often depicted it as a subversive and dangerous threat to foundational Western values or, with even greater effect, as a laughable and silly fools' asylum.' Eventually, this polemical narrative became the chief template for 'external-Eurocentric' perceptions of non-Western cultures as 'irrational,' 'immoral,' 'backward,' 'uncivilised,' or otherwise 'inferior': manifestations of Eurocentrism that are basic to colonialist, imperialist and racist politics, and 'typically operate by means of projecting Western heresiological stereotypes such as 'primitive superstition,' 'sinister magic,' or 'the horrors of pagan idolatry'' upon peoples in Africa, Asia and Latin America. For the first time in the history of the British census, in 2021, thousands of respondents declared their religion to be 'shamanism', while surveys in the US suggest that hundreds of thousands of Americans consult shamans regularly Insofar as the modern study of esotericism exposes the deep ideological structure of internal Eurocentrism and its effects on a global scale, Hanegraaff sees it as 'a profoundly decolonial project' that seeks to break the power of the dominant narrative on which the claims of Western superiority have historically been built. It does so by restoring all those marginalised, misrepresented, forgotten, excluded and discredited beliefs or practices – and the people who expressed them – to a status of normality and legitimacy in the complex history of Western culture. This allows us to see that the 'foreign Others' are not as 'Other' as we've been led to believe. The historical and theoretical underpinning provided by counter-normative intellectuals like Hanegraaff strengthens the mainstream legitimacy of breakthrough works such as Shamanism: The Timeless Religion and The Witch Studies Reader – portals onto worlds that have often either been suppressed or misrepresented by Eurocentrism, or else relegated to the field of 'amateur' or inadequately resourced research. After years of study – including ethnographic fieldwork with Mentawai communities on Siberut Island, Indonesia, and psychedelic use in the Colombian Amazon – anthropologist Manvir Singh concludes that shamanism as an institution is a near inevitability of human societies: 'a captivating package of practices and beliefs' that appears over and over because of its deep psychological appeal. He defines a shaman as a specialist who, through non-ordinary or altered states – also described as 'trance' or 'ecstasy' - engages with 'unseen realities' and provides services like healing and divination. 'Shamanism characterised the earliest human religions,' writes Singh, 'echoes in industrialised societies today, and will perpetually re-emerge.' Neo-shamanism, he argues, is just as 'real' as more traditional forms, and is rapidly gaining traction in the Global North. For the first time in the history of the British census, in 2021, thousands of respondents declared their religion to be 'shamanism', while surveys in the US suggest that hundreds of thousands of Americans consult shamans regularly. In trying to limit shamanism to far-flung or archaic societies, most commentators have denied the 'universality' of its principles and the intrinsic human need that it addresses: to try to control life's uncertainties. The Ancient Greek Oracle of Apollo at Delphi, Judeo-Christian prophets including Jesus, and multiple miracle-touting US TV personalities, are all shamans under Singh's definition. 'A serious global perspective helps to curb cultural vanity,' he writes, 'showing commonality where people otherwise assume difference and even superiority.' Addressing psychedelic use in shamanism, Singh draws conclusions that burgeoning hordes of psychedelic tourists and growing numbers of users in their own countries won't want to hear: the evidence for psychedelic therapy being a recapitulation of an ancient, worldwide shamanic tradition is scant at best. The Witch Studies Reader highlights how tens of thousands of poor, Indigenous and/or ageing women in Asia and sub-Saharan Africa have been murdered for their association, real or imagined, with witchcraft 'This narrative might feel good,' writes Singh, 'but it mangles history in service of ideology. In so doing, it reinforces a distinction between primitive and civilized while projecting images that are Western-centric and attention-grabbing onto the diversity of the world's spiritual practices.' Dedicated 'to witches everywhere', The Witch Studies Reader – edited by Soma Chaudhuri and Jane Ward, professors of sociology and feminist studies respectively – is a beautifully-produced 500-page grimoire of over 30 essays by writers from around the world, with a fore fronting of witches of colour and voices from the Global South. I'm gobsmacked by the breadth, research quality and radicalism of this anthology, which is 'a gathering of the global coven' in 'an intersectional and decolonial approach to writing about witches.' This lens requires that readers in our culture look beyond the fashionable valorisation of witches, and grapple with the reasons that contemporary witch hunts have been omitted from Global North accounts of witches and witchcraft. It also requires that we note 'the ways that colonial, patriarchal, and white supremacist logics enable the exploitation and control of aging women's bodies, labour, and resources in every corner of the globe – with witchcraft accusations being but one method used to exercise this control of women.' Whilst incorporating fascinating insights and research on the kind of witchcraft 'glamour' and political activism we see breaking into the mainstream media in Western culture, The Witch Studies Reader highlights how tens of thousands of poor, Indigenous and/or ageing women in Asia and sub-Saharan Africa have been murdered for their association, real or imagined, with witchcraft in the past eighty years. This violence is ongoing. Witch hunts, like colonialism and state-sanctioned slavery, are often presumed to be located at a historical point in time, away from which our society has progressed. In this important book, feminist researchers of contemporary witchcraft-related murders upend that presumption, documenting how the forces of patriarchy, global capitalism and land displacement continue to intersect to make women vulnerable to scapegoating during times of economic crisis. Ushering the esoteric counter-normative into 'academic discourse', with many scholars who are witches themselves, this book opens with a spell: May each word to follow be an offering to the infinite altar that holds our collective brilliance, the place where every witch's heartbreak wail and freedom spell has claimed its little corner, there, waiting, for the next witches to carry on the work Further Reading Foucault's Pendulum by Umberto Eco, tr. William Weaver, (Vintage, 2001). This satirical novel by Italian philosopher/writer, first published in 1988, demonstrates that the importance of esotericism to major poets and novelists isn't dependent on whether they endorse its ideas or worldviews. The novel is so full of references to Kabbalah , alchemy and other esoteric subjects that critic/novelist Anthony Burgess suggested it needed an index. Shamanism: Archaic Techniques of Ecstasy by Mircea Eliade (Princeton University Press, 2004). Romanian emigrant-scholar Eliade (1907-1986) was one of the founders of the modern study of the history of religion. His study on shamanism, first published in 1951, quickly became the standard. While some of his findings have been eclipsed in the years since, his work is still necessary reading for shamanists. Waking the Witch: Reflections on Women, Magic and Power by Pam Grossman (Gallery Books, 2019). Part-memoir part-exploration, Grossman's account of her initiation into witchcraft, the meaning of the 'witch' as a powerful emancipatory archetype, and the expression of witchcraft and magic in the worlds of art, literature and radical politics, is an inspiring and erudite read. See also Grossman's Witch Wave podcast.

Videos: Minister highlights strategic importance of Ramaphosa's meeting with Trump
Videos: Minister highlights strategic importance of Ramaphosa's meeting with Trump

The Citizen

time21-05-2025

  • Business
  • The Citizen

Videos: Minister highlights strategic importance of Ramaphosa's meeting with Trump

International Relations and Co-operation Minister Ronald Lamola has emphasised the significance of President Cyril Ramaphosa's visit to the United States (US), saying it is crucial for resetting bilateral trade relations between the two countries. 'It is very important, because America is South Africa's second largest trading partner, and also we are number one trading partner for the US on the [African] continent. So, there is a need to reset bilateral relations that are mutually beneficial between the two countries, so that will be the core of the engagement,' the minister told SAnews in an interview at the South African embassy in Washington D.C. Ramaphosa is due to meet with US President Donald Trump at the White House today. Part of broader foreign policy strategy This engagement marks an important moment in South Africa's broader foreign policy strategy. As a leading voice in the Global South, the country continues to balance relationships with both emerging economies and traditional Western partners. Lamola described the president's visit as highly important. Mutually beneficial partnerships The minister explained that this engagement forms part of the country's broader efforts to establish mutually beneficial partnerships, particularly in areas such as industrialisation, value addition, and the utilisation of South Africa's strategic mineral resources. 'It remains a very important visit. As you are aware, we engage with the Global North as well. This is part of an extension of that engagement, to engage on mutual beneficial relationship, particularly on issues of industrialisation, of value addition, strategic minerals in South Africa, and also on how we can work together in terms of manufacturing to benefit from the Africa Free Trade Area, as South Africa remains an important player and a gateway to the continent. This is a very strategic engagement,' the minister explained. Agoa and trade reset At the top of the agenda is the resetting of the trade relationship – particularly in light of the technical nullification of African Growth and Opportunity Act (Agoa) benefits due to tariffs introduced by Trump's administration. Agoa is a US trade preference programme that benefits eligible sub-Saharan African countries, providing duty-free access to the US market for many products, including vehicles, citrus, wine, and some apparel. The minister said these tariffs have nullified the preferential access previously afforded to South African goods. 'I think the tariffs, as we have already said, have technically nullified Agoa because they impact on what was the preferential treatment of South African products. That's why it is very important that this engagement does take place, to reset those bilateral relations, to redefine the trade parameters between the two countries in a manner that still respects and values the Africa Free Trade Area,' he said. Beyond trade Beyond trade, the meetings are also expected to touch on other pertinent issues, including the country's transformation agenda. 'The most important is the reset of the bilateral trade relations between the two countries in a mutually beneficial way. Obviously, other issues may pop out during the engagements … like the one of the South Africans who were given refugee status in the US,' the minister said. Transformation Addressing concerns around South Africa's constitutional transformation imperatives, the minister emphasised that the transformation agenda is a constitutional mandate and a national imperative designed to benefit all South Africans, ensuring inclusive participation without exclusion. 'We continue to state that this is a very important programme for the people of South Africa to continue on the transformatory path that is beneficial to the whole of society, so that there is no exclusion of anyone and everyone can participate. And it is well known that there is no direct persecution, or any form of persecution of white Afrikaners as a race. 'We cannot avoid issues that can pop out for clarification, and we remain ready as and when they do pop up to respond and to deal with them,' said the minister. As the world watches this high-level engagement unfold, government says it remains focused on leveraging diplomatic platforms to drive inclusive growth and deepen international partnerships. Watch as the president explains his visit: The trade relations between South Africa and the United States will be the focus of my working visit here. We aim to strengthen and consolidate relations between our two countries. — Cyril Ramaphosa 🇿🇦 (@CyrilRamaphosa) May 20, 2025 We will also use the working visit to clarify South Africa's policy positions on a range of pressing geopolitical matters. — Cyril Ramaphosa 🇿🇦 (@CyrilRamaphosa) May 20, 2025 At Caxton, we employ humans to generate daily fresh news, not AI intervention. Happy reading!

Trump's tariffs are failing, but the old model won't save us either
Trump's tariffs are failing, but the old model won't save us either

Al Jazeera

time18-05-2025

  • Business
  • Al Jazeera

Trump's tariffs are failing, but the old model won't save us either

On May 12, the United States and China announced that they are putting reciprocal tariffs on pause for 90 days. Some tariffs will be retained while trade negotiations continue, a joint statement said. This is yet another reversal of the sweeping tariffs US President Donald Trump imposed in early April that destabilised the global economy and sent stock markets into freefall. Although he claimed that his measures would make the US economy 'boom', it was clear from the start that they would not work. A trade war cannot improve the lot of American workers, nor bring back manufacturing into the country. Now spooked by corporations slashing profit targets and reports of the US gross domestic product (GDP) shrinking, the Trump administration appears to be walking back on its strategy. But going back to economic liberalism under the guise of 'stability' is not the right course of action. The current global economic system, distorted by policies favouring the rich sustained over decades, has proven itself to be unsustainable. That is why we need a new world economic order that promotes inclusive and sustainable development across both the Global North and South and addresses global socioeconomic challenges. The troubles that economies around the world currently face are the result of policies the elites of the Global North imposed over the past 80 years. In its original Keynesian vision, the economic order put forward by the Allied Powers after World War II aimed to combine trade, labour, and development best practices to foster inclusive growth. However, over the following few decades, corporate opposition in the US and Britain derailed this order, replacing it with a skewed system centred around the Global North's chief economic instruments, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, both created in 1944. In the 1970s, economic elites blamed rising inflation and stagnation not on temporary shocks like the oil crisis but on what they saw as excessive concessions to organised labour: government overspending, strong unions, and heavy regulation. Subsequently, they launched an institutional counter-revolution against the Keynesian model of power sharing and social compromise. This counter-revolution took shape in the 1980s under US President Ronald Reagan and UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, who aggressively pursued policies to restore corporate profitability. They slashed taxes on the wealthy, liberalised international capital flows that made it easier to relocate production to low-cost economies, deregulated the financial sector, weakened labour unions, and privatised public services. As a result, outsourcing of labour, tax evasion, real estate speculation, financialisation, and credit-fuelled bubbles became US corporations' dominant ways of making profit. In developing countries, the IMF, the World Bank and regional development banks pushed governments to cut public spending, privatise state-owned enterprises, remove trade barriers, and deregulate markets rapidly and with little regard for social consequences. As a result, the 1980s and 90s became lost decades for many countries embracing globalisation through radical liberalisation. These policies triggered massive employment shocks, rising inequalities, skyrocketing debt and persistent financial turbulence from Mexico to Russia. East Asian economies were the exceptions, as they learned to circumvent the straitjacket of liberal globalisation and joined the global economy on their own terms. The biggest beneficiaries of this system were Western economic elites, as corporations profited from low-cost production abroad and domestic deregulation at home. The same cannot be said for Western workers, who faced stagnating real wages, eroded labour protections, and increasing economic insecurity under the pressure of competitiveness, relocation, and automation. For those of us who studied the post-war economic order, it was apparent that without correcting the pitfalls of liberal globalism, a nationalist, illiberal counter-revolution was coming. We saw its signs early on in Europe, where illiberal populists rose to prominence, gaining a foothold first in the periphery and then gradually scaling up to become Europe's most disruptive force. In the countries where they gained power, they pursued policies superficially resembling developmentalism. Yet, instead of achieving genuine structural transformation, they fostered oligarchies dominated by politically connected elites. Instead of development, they delivered rent-seeking and resource extraction without boosting productivity or innovation. Trump's economic policies follow a similar path of economic populism and nationalistic rhetoric. Just like illiberal economic policies failed in Europe, his tariffs were never going to magically reindustrialise the US or end working-class suffering. If anything, tariffs – or now the threat of imposing them – will accelerate China's competitive edge by pushing it to deepen domestic supply chains, foster regional cooperation, and reduce reliance on Western markets. In the US, the illiberal response will drag labour standards down, eroding real wages through inflation and propping up elites with artificial protections. Furthermore, Trump has no real industrial policy, which renders his reactive trade measures completely ineffective. A genuine industrial policy would coordinate public investment, support targeted sectors, enforce labour standards, and channel technological change towards good jobs. His predecessor, President Joe Biden, laid the foundations of such an industrial policy agenda in the Inflation Reduction and CHIPS acts. However, these programmes are now under attack from the Trump administration, and their remaining vestiges will not have a meaningful effect. Without these pillars, workers are left exposed to economic shocks and excluded from the gains of growth, while the rhetoric of reindustrialisation becomes little more than a political performance. While Trump's economic policies are unlikely to work, returning to economic liberalism will not resolve socioeconomic grievances either. Let us remember that past efforts to maintain this deeply flawed system at any cost backfired. Following the 2008 global financial crisis, Western governments rescued big banks and allowed financial markets to return to business as usual. Meaningful reforms of the global economic architecture never materialised. Meanwhile, the living standards of working- and middle-class families from Germany to the US stagnated or declined as wages flatlined, housing prices soared, and economic insecurity deepened. We cannot return to this dysfunction again. We need a new global economic order focused on multilateral governance, ecological sustainability, and human-centric development. Such progressive global multilateralism would mean governments coordinating not only on taxing multinational corporations and curbing tax havens but also on regulating capital flows, setting minimum labour and environmental standards, sharing green technologies, and jointly financing global public goods. In this new economic order, the institutions of global economic governance would make space for developing and emerging countries to implement industrial policies and build stronger ties with public finance bodies to mobilise patient, sustainable capital. This cooperative approach would offer a practical alternative to liberal globalism by promoting accountable public investment and development-focused financial collaboration. Parallel to the eco-social developmentalism in emerging economies, wealthy nations need to embrace a post-growth model gradually. This strategy prioritises wellbeing, ecological stability, and social equity over endless GDP expansion. This means investing in care work, green infrastructure, and public services rather than chasing short-term profits or extractive growth. For mature economies, the goal should be shifting from growing more to distributing better and living within planetary limits. This would also allow more space for low- and middle-income countries to improve their living standards without overexploiting our limited shared natural resources. With stronger cooperation between national and multilateral public finance institutions and better tools to tax and regulate corporations, governments could regain the capacity to create stable, well-paying jobs, strengthen organised labour, and tackle inequalities. This is the only way for American workers to regain the quality of life they aspire to. Such progressive multilateralism would be a powerful long-term antidote against illiberal populism. Achieving this shift, however, requires building robust global and regional political coalitions to challenge entrenched corporate interests and counterbalance the existing liberal, capital-driven global framework. The challenge is clear: not only to critique Trump's destructive policies but to present a bold, coherent vision of industrial renewal, ecological sustainability, and global justice. The coming months will show whether anyone is prepared to lead that transformation. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.

Young people are concerned they lack the green skills to effectively act on climate change
Young people are concerned they lack the green skills to effectively act on climate change

Yahoo

time16-05-2025

  • General
  • Yahoo

Young people are concerned they lack the green skills to effectively act on climate change

Capgemini Press contact: Sereydana OumTel.: +33 6 61 42 03 59 Email: UNICEF Press contact: Anupama SaikiaE-mail: ansaikia@ Young people are concerned they lack the green skills to effectively act on climate change Six in ten 16–24-year-olds globally agree that developing green skills could open up new career opportunities but less than half (44%) possess the skills required for today's green workforce Paris, May 16, 2025 – The Capgemini Research Institute and UNICEF* Generation Unlimited's report, published today, explores youth perspectives on the climate crisis. It includes their take on 'green skilling' and graduating to a green job, as well as how business and government can collaborate with young people to inspire climate advocacy. The report finds that despite rising climate anxiety, a majority of young people remain hopeful that there is still time to address and fix the problems caused by climate change. Young people in both, the Global South and Global North, want to be a part of the solution, with most interested in shaping environmental policy and many interested in pursuing a green job, however the report highlights a worrying lack of requisite green skills. According to the research, most young people worry about climate change. Over two-thirds of youth globally say they are concerned about how climate change could affect their future, representing an increase since 2023, when a UNICEF USA survey found that 57% of youth globally experienced 'eco-anxiety.'1 Youth in the Global North report higher levels of climate-related anxiety (76%) compared to their peers in the Global South (65%). A rural-urban divide is also evident, with 72% of youth living in urban and suburban areas expressing concern about climate change impacts on their future, versus 58% in rural areas. Young people believe there is still time to fix the problems caused by climate change Despite their climate anxiety, most youths believe green skills are key to a brighter future, with 61% agreeing that developing green skills2 will offer them new career opportunities. They are interested in aligning their paid employment with their climate conscious values, with slightly over half (53%) globally and almost two-thirds (64%) in the Global North interested in a green job. 'Young people across the globe, and in particular in the US, are hyperaware of the urgent challenges posed by climate change. It's clear that they are also eager to be part of the solution,' said Sarika Naik, Group Chief Corporate Responsibility Officer at Capgemini. 'We need to help young people turn their passion into impact by investing in green skills. This report shows how critical it is that business, governments, and education leaders work together to bridge the skills gap, empower youth voices, and create pathways to meaningful green careers.' 'Young people are architecting climate solutions. They are designing and deploying innovative solutions that respond to the climate realities their communities are facing,' said Dr. Kevin Frey, CEO, Generation Unlimited at UNICEF. 'Green Rising, with its ecosystem of public and private sector partners, is supporting young people with the skills and opportunities they need to take climate action, start green companies, access green jobs and power green solutions.' Youth lack the necessary green skillsYoung people provide a workforce pipeline for tackling climate change, but the green transition requires a skilled workforce. According to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), environmental sustainability competency relies on a strong foundation in science, an understanding of climate change, a commitment to protect the environment, the confidence to explain environmental issues, and the motivation to act sustainably3. However, the report finds that less than half of youth globally (44%) believe they have the green skills necessary to be successful in today's workforce. In terms of green skills, young people in rural areas lag even further behind young people in suburban and urban areas. This percentage also differs across regions. In the Global South, around six in ten Brazilian youth say they are equipped with green skills, while only 5% of Ethiopian youth say the same. Since the Capgemini Research Institute's 2023 research4, youth in several countries in the Global North have regressed in their knowledge of green skills. Among youth aged 16 to 18 in Australia, France, Germany, Japan, the UK, and the US, recycling and waste reduction remains the most commonly held green skill. But the share of youth knowledgeable about sustainable design, sustainable energy, and sustainable transportation has significantly declined since 2023. In the Global South, young people are most knowledgeable about recycling and waste reduction, energy conservation and water conservation, but least knowledgeable about climate technologies, data analysis, and sustainable design. The generational divide must be overcome to find solutionsMost youth globally (71%) agree that they should have a strong influence on environmental policy and legislation. However, the majority agree that business and political leaders are not playing their part and should be contributing more to the fight against climate change. While almost two-thirds of young people feel engaged enough to want to speak with local leaders about climate action, fewer than half believe their opinions are actually heard by community leaders. The report urges community leaders to support young people in advancing climate solutions and green skills. According to the report, integrating green education, expanding access to training, and aligning climate goals with youth employment strategies should be part of the solution and implanted by policymakers. Whereas corporate leaders could be encouraged to co-create green job pathways, invest in youth-led initiatives, and embed young voices in CSR, ESG, and climate strategies in order to build trust and drive sustainable innovation. As young people seek to upskill, global movements like Green Rising aim to support 20 million young people by 2026 in taking grassroots action, offering opportunities for volunteerism, advocacy, paid work and entrepreneurship. This initiative is led by Generation Unlimited at UNICEF and supported by the public and private sector, including Capgemini. To read the full report: Report MethodologyThe Capgemini Research Institute carried out extensive research into youth perspectives on climate change and interest in green skills and green jobs in February and March 2025. They conducted an online survey of 5,100 youth aged 16 to 24 across 21 countries in Africa, the Americas, Asia-Pacific, and Europe. This included 4,394 youth aged 18 to 24 and 706 youth aged 16 and 17 years old. For the 14% of the sample that were minors (<18 years old), they obtained parental permission from 706 parents. The majority (83%) of the youth surveyed live in the Global South (low- and middle-income countries).5 The remaining youth respondents live in the Global North or high-income countries. About UNICEFUNICEF works in some of the world's toughest places, to reach the world's most disadvantaged children. Across more than 190 countries and territories, we work for every child, everywhere, to build a better world for everyone. About Generation UnlimitedLaunched by the UN Secretary-General at the 2018 UN General Assembly, UNICEF's Generation Unlimited is a leading global Public-Private-Youth Partnership on a mission to skill and connect the world's 1.8 billion young people to opportunities for employment, entrepreneurship, and social impact. The partnership brings together global organisations and leaders including Heads of State, CEOs, Heads of UN agencies, and civil society champions with young people to co-create and deliver innovative solutions on a global scale. * UNICEF does not endorse any company, brand, product or service About CapgeminiCapgemini is a global business and technology transformation partner, helping organizations to accelerate their dual transition to a digital and sustainable world, while creating tangible impact for enterprises and society. It is a responsible and diverse group of 340,000 team members in more than 50 countries. With its strong over 55-year heritage, Capgemini is trusted by its clients to unlock the value of technology to address the entire breadth of their business needs. It delivers end-to-end services and solutions leveraging strengths from strategy and design to engineering, all fueled by its market leading capabilities in AI, generative AI, cloud and data, combined with its deep industry expertise and partner ecosystem. The Group reported 2024 global revenues of €22.1 The Future You Want | About the Capgemini Research InstituteThe Capgemini Research Institute is Capgemini's in-house think-tank on all things digital. The Institute publishes research on the impact of digital technologies on large traditional businesses. The team draws on the worldwide network of Capgemini experts and works closely with academic and technology partners. The Institute has dedicated research centers in India, Singapore, the United Kingdom and the United States. It was ranked #1 in the world for the quality of its research by independent analysts for six consecutive times - an industry first. Visit us at 1 UNICEF USA, 'From eco-anxiety to eco-optimism, listening to a generation of resilient youth,' January 2023.2 Green skills refer to the hard and soft skills which help people take care of nature, stop pollution, and use resources wisely.3 OECD, Skills Outlook 2023: Skills for a resilient green and digital transition, November 6, 2023.4 CRI, Digital skills and technology in secondary education survey, March 20235 Bank Group, Income Group Class, according to 2023 gross national income (GNI) per capita, calculated using the World Bank Atlas method. Attachment 2025_05_16_Youth perspectives on climate_Press Release_Sign in to access your portfolio

How can India safeguard its battery industry from the fallout of a global trade war?
How can India safeguard its battery industry from the fallout of a global trade war?

Time of India

time13-05-2025

  • Automotive
  • Time of India

How can India safeguard its battery industry from the fallout of a global trade war?

Amid the global stock market and policy turmoil caused by Trump's rollout - and subsequent 90-day pause of reciprocal tariffs - the initial consensus was that its impact on India will be relatively muted. Chinese goods will incur a tariff rate of up to 145per cent , whereas goods from India and other countries will now attract a flat 10per cent rate. The automobiles and auto parts sector are exempt from reciprocal tariffs, but will have a separate 25per cent tariff rate. However, with China recently placing restrictions on exports of rare earths and key technologies, it could have a potential impact on India's battery ecosystem. Given the implications of these tariffs in reshaping global supply chains, India's electric vehicle (EV) and battery industry needs to respond quickly, both to remain competitive and capitalize on these emerging shifts. With the US market becoming increasingly difficult to access for foreign companies, and the Trump administration's priorities shifting away from clean transport, Asian battery giants are likely to pivot towards the rest of the world - including India, given the overcapacity across the battery supply chain. Given that global cell companies are increasingly building manufacturing facilities in Southeast Asia, there is likely to be healthy competition between Indian and SEA cell manufacturers since India has an existing Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement (CECA) with the ASEAN region. Companies in South Korea also benefit from the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) signed between both countries. Both of these agreements ensure zero duty lithium-ion cell imports into India. With India's battery manufacturing industry still at a nascent stage, it is crucial for the government and private sector to collaborate and ensure that the industry continues to grow, and supports new jobs, exports and domestic value creation. Learn from high-profile Global North failures by forming JVs with Asian battery giants. There have been high-profile failures recently in the battery cell industry, such as Northvolt in Europe and Britishvolt in the UK, which filed for bankruptcy protection in 2024 and 2023 respectively. Northvolt had raised US $15 billion and had supply agreements with major OEMs, such as Volkswagen and BMW, but was still unable to scale up production. These failures highlight the technological and economic complexity faced by companies other than some of those in China, South Korea and Japan in manufacturing cost-efficient and reliable battery cells. The main takeaways from the Northvolt debacle was its lack of focus towards core business segments and aggressive geographical expansion plans without building the right foundation, leading to overstretched resources, labor shortages and operational inefficiencies. A study from Volta Foundation found that the fastest and most reliable way to set up and scale battery cell manufacturing is through joint-venture partnerships with leading global companies. Given the recent thaw in India-China relations, New Delhi should encourage partnerships between domestic companies and Asian battery companies that can support skills and technology transfer, as well as line automation and a qualified, competitive and reliable supply chain. These JVs should be ideally majority owned by the domestic company to ensure technology transfer and the development of local know how. The EU has been mulling over new guidelines requiring international companies to transfer intellectual property and technology in return for accessing subsidies to set up battery plants on the continent. Targeted public support can play a key role The Indian government has implemented several policies that helped kick start battery cell manufacturing in India. The Cabinet approved the production-linked incentive scheme for advanced chemistry cell batteries (PLI-ACC) in May 2021, allocating ₹18,100 crore to create a manufacturing capacity of 50 GWh. However, progress has been mixed, with a recent media report claiming that only ₹24 crores has been disbursed so far to PLI ACC winners, less than 1per cent of the estimated ₹2700 crores which should have been spent by now. India could potentially dilute some of the stringent localization requirements under the PLI-ACC scheme, which mandate a beneficiary must achieve a domestic value addition of at least 25per cent within two years and 60per cent domestic value addition within five years. Given the lack of a well-developed battery ecosystem, it will be crucial to come up with a realistic localization requirement and speed up fund disbursements given the heavy capex requirements of the industry. It could also extend the PLI benefits to a more diversified ecosystem of companies, particularly in the midstream segment, such as cathode and anode manufacturers. Encouragingly, the government has exempted import duties on raw materials and 35 capital goods used in battery cell manufacturing in the recent budget. It has also permitted the duty free import of li-ion battery scrap, which is an important step to promote refining capabilities in the country. This should help domestic cell companies become more competitive and get access to the entire value chain. The Indian government can go further by playing the role of an offtaker and seed initial demand by incentivizing the use of Made in India li-ion cells and batteries in specific use cases controlled or influenced by it . Some examples can be electric buses or BESS systems, which will ensure guaranteed demand for domestic battery cell manufacturing companies in the future. Furthermore, the government could incentivize faster EV deployment to create a larger market for domestic cell companies. EVs accounted for just under 50per cent of new car sales in China in CY 2024, which is the world's largest car market. The penetration level in Europe was 23per cent while the US's was around 10per cent . Total EV sales penetration in India across vehicle categories reached 7.8 per cent in FY 2024-25. Without strong consumer demand, even the most well thought-out plans on manufacturing and technologies will not get traction. While the Indian government has rolled out the PM E-Drive scheme to support EV deployment, it could consider supply-side policies, such as ZEV mandates, which require automakers to sell a certain percentage of EVs each year relative to their total sales, and played a crucial role in driving EV uptake in China. Increased manufacturing efficiency will be key for the private sector Indian li-ion cell companies must focus on building their manufacturing processes so as to reach a 95per cent + efficiency level within the first few years, before focusing on supply chain localization. Their initial focus should be to reduce the variability in the processes and supply chains of their international technology partner and the lines coming up in India. Cell companies should also work closely with automotive OEMs by receiving early feedback on cell specifications and shortening the turnaround time for cell qualification. The increase in tariffs by the Trump administration shouldn't be seen as one-off, or limited only to the US. Developing countries, such as India, will need to navigate growing trade barriers from advanced economies on the one hand, and China's dominance in manufacturing batteries and clean energy technologies on the other. With a large market and innovative startups, India is well placed – how adeptly it is able to unlock this potential will determine the future of its cell and battery industry. (Disclaimer- Siddharth Goel works as an Independent Consultant specializing in electric mobility and battery supply chains. Dev Ashish Aneja works as the head of cell supply chain at Ather Energy. The opinions expressed in this publication are entirely those of the authors. They do not purport to reflect the opinions or views of ETAuto.)

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