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Trump was in his element as a guest of the Gulf's autocratic monarchs. So what did the trip actually achieve?
Trump was in his element as a guest of the Gulf's autocratic monarchs. So what did the trip actually achieve?

The Independent

time16-05-2025

  • Business
  • The Independent

Trump was in his element as a guest of the Gulf's autocratic monarchs. So what did the trip actually achieve?

If you are disappointed by the lack of landmark diplomatic achievements or big-picture statecraft coming from President Donald Trump 's whirlwind swing through the Middle East this past week, you may have missed the entire point of the trip. Over the course of four days of pomp and pageantry brought on by the presidential visits to the capitals of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, the Donald Trump on display was not the insecure and blustery contrarian more comfortable breaking than building. Nearly five months after starting his second term, the 47th President of the United States took his iconic 747 — the one he would prefer to replace with a far more luxe updated model courtesy of a Qatari royal — to what amounts to a safe space for him, free from the tumult and protests that would have followed him on a visit to nearly any of America's democratic allies. There, he could relax and be feted by the leaders with whom he feels most comfortable: Autocratic monarchs fond of ostentatious displays of obscene wealth. With the royals of the Gulf states treating him to a welcome fit for the king his critics say he aspires to be, Trump was firmly in his element as he and members of his travelling entourage, including members of his cabinet and various American captains of industry, put pen to paper on agreements worth a combined trillions of dollars, bolstering industries ranging from energy to defense to artificial intelligence. In Saudi Arabia, the president was met by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the kingdom's de facto leader who his previous administration helped escape consequences for ordering the murder of a Washington Post journalist, and delivered a speech in which he castigated previous administrations for trying to lecture to America's Arab allies about human rights and democratic values. He also met with the former al-Qaeda affiliate leader turned Syrian president who spent years with a $10 million bounty on his head — offered by the American government — and praised him as a 'great young attractive guy,' with a 'very strong past' who is 'a fighter.' But Trump wasn't there to make big foreign policy pronouncements. He was there to make deals, and deals are what he made. During his day in Riyadh, Trump rolled out at least $600 billion in Saudi investments in America, including $20 billion for data centers in the U.S., $5 billion for Boeing jets bound for a Saudi air carrier, and $142 billion worth of new arms sales from America to the kingdom's armed forces. And the tech titans who helped power Trump's 2024 election victory scored as well as they accompanied him to Riyadh, with Nvidia and AMD each announcing deals to sell cutting-edge AI chips to a Saudi-backed startup, Humain, for an AI datacenter. Amazon founder Jeff Bezos was also on hand as his company rolled out plans for a $5 billion 'AI zone' in the kingdom using Amazon Web Services resources. Not to be outdone, the next day in Qatar saw even more pomp and petrodollars on display, with Trump marveling at the camel and bespoke Tesla Cybertruck escort his motorcade received on the way to the jaw-dropping marble palace of Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al-Thani during the first-ever state visit to Doha by an American leader. 'As a construction guy, this is perfect marble — this is what they call perfecto,' Trump said as he looked up and down at the walls and columns of the Al Wajab Palace. The real estate developer and hotelier turned president, himself no stranger to luxurious construction materials, seemed awestruck by the Al-Thanis' use of white marble. Yet he was still in his element as he and the Emir sat down to sign what the White House called an agreement 'to generate an economic exchange worth at least $1.2 trillion' between Qatar and the United States, with Trump using his customary Sharpie-branded marker and the Emir using a $1,200 Montblanc 149 fountain pen that he quickly handed off to Trump as a memento of the occasion. According to the White House, the deal includes an agreement for state-owned Qatar Airways to purchase a whopping $96 billion worth of Boeing passenger aircraft, which amounts to up to 210 widebody jets powered by American-made General Electric engines. Trump's final day in the region was spent in Abu Dhabi, where he was welcomed by United Arab Emirates president Mohammed bin Zayed, who awarded him the U.A.E.'s highest honor, the Order of Zayed. He and the Emirati leader (often referred to by his initials, MBZ) announced more than $200 billion in new deals between the U.S. and U.A.E., including another $14.5 billion for Boeing to supply widebody jets to Etihad Airways, one of the country's two flag carriers. Trump and MBZ also announced the acceleration of the $1.4 trillion investment of Emirati dollars into American companies, including U.A.E. financing of American data centers for AI and what the White House called 'historic commitments' by Abu Dhabi to align national security regulations with Washington by preventing diversion of American technology. The same day in Washington, the Department of Commerce announced a "UAE/U.S. Framework on Advanced Technology Cooperation," which includes "the launch of a 1GW AI data center, part of a planned 5GW UAE-US artificial intelligence technology cluster in Abu Dhabi to support regional computation demand.' The Commerce Department press release announcing the deal said the Emirati facility would meet 'robust US security standards' while supporting 'other efforts to responsibly deploy AI infrastructure, both in the UAE and globally." It's that last part that is worrying American national security hawks and perking up ears in Beijing, as it comes on the heels of the Trump administration's decision to deep-six a last-minute Biden administration rule meant to constrain Chinese access to cutting edge AI chips. The so-called 'diffusion rule' was meant to govern how tech companies — including Nvidia and AMD — export those high-value chips to prevent them from being diverted to Beijing in violation of export controls that would have prevented their direct sale. The Trump administration plans to impose their own export control regime on the high-tech processors, but it's unclear whether it would adopt any of the Biden-era framework that laid out an export licensing scheme that created different rules for allies, adversaries, and those in between. The president's close personal ties with leaders such as MBS, MBZ, and Emir al-Thani of Qatar mean the Gulf states are likely to benefit from the relaxed rules. In Trump's worldview, good personal relations are an indicator of country-to-country geopolitical ties, which means those countries will be treated as friends and allies. But national security hawks won't be happy about it because those oil-rich states have also been pursuing closer ties with Beijing — including trade ties that could result in technology transfers of the sort the Biden-era regulations were intended to prevent.

Opulence and business deals among takeaways from Trump's Middle East tour
Opulence and business deals among takeaways from Trump's Middle East tour

Yahoo

time16-05-2025

  • Business
  • Yahoo

Opulence and business deals among takeaways from Trump's Middle East tour

US President Donald Trump used the first major foreign trip of his second term to outline a vision for restoring global stability that is grounded in pragmatism and self-interest rather than values, holding out ties to wealthy Gulf countries as a model for America's long-time foes. Mr Trump's four-day swing through Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE, which ends on Friday, put a spotlight on his transactional approach to foreign affairs as he was feted by autocratic rulers with a trio of lavish state visits where there was heavy emphasis on economic and security partnerships. His trip played out against the backdrop of stubborn global conflicts, including Gaza and Ukraine, that showed the limits of his influence. But Mr Trump insisted he was turning the page on American 'interventionalism' in the region as he moved to recognise the new government in Syria for the first time and prodded Iran to engage on nuclear talks before it is too late. Here are some takeaways from Mr Trump's travels. – Trump marvelled at Gulf state opulence but held his tongue on human rights Presidential trips to the Middle East usually feature at least some public calls for authoritarian governments to improve their human rights efforts. Not this one, as Mr Trump celebrated his business deals with Gulf royals and admired their wealth. Mr Trump toured the marble and gilded palaces of Gulf rulers and deemed them 'perfecto' and 'very hard to buy'. He praised the 'gleaming marvels' of the skyline in Saudi Arabia and he groused about the 'much less impressive' Air Force One. In Mr Trump's remarks at a VIP business conference in Riyadh, he went out of his way to distance himself from the actions of past administrations, the days when he said American officials would fly in 'in beautiful planes, giving you lectures on how to live and how to govern your own affairs'. Rights advocates took that as a pledge of non-intervention, swearing off some of the pressure past US presidents have brought to bear on partners to varying degrees to ease up on detentions, suppression of critics and other issues. 'It's absolute support for absolute monarchy,' said Saudi exile Abdullah Alaoudh. His father, a Saudi cleric with a wide following there, is imprisoned in the kingdom. – Thwarted by Putin While Mr Trump was in the Middle East, Vladimir Putin opted to skip direct peace talks with Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelensky despite the US president's strong calls for them to meet face-to-face. Mr Trump has been pushing Mr Putin and Mr Zelensky to move with greater haste to end Russia's grinding war in Ukraine. But after it became clear Mr Putin would not be attending talks in Turkey this week and would instead be sending underlings to Istanbul, an annoyed Mr Trump insisted he knew all along that it was highly likely Mr Putin would be a no-show. 'I don't believe anything's going to happen whether you like it or not, until he and I get together,' Mr Trump said. 'But we're going to have to get it solved because too many people are dying. Mr Trump was scheduled to fly back to Washington DC on Friday, but tried to keep people guessing until the end. He teased late on Thursday that he would be heading to a 'destination unknown' — 'probably' Washington, he added. His opaque language stoked speculation that he might make a drop-by to Turkey. – On Syria sanctions, Trump takes a leap of faith Just two months ago, the Trump administration was not sold on Syria's interim government led by Ahmad al-Sharaa, the onetime al-Qaida-affiliated insurgent. They worried the Syrian president did not have the legitimacy to govern the country's ethnically diverse population. Clashes broke out in early March, killing hundreds and targeting many more members of the Alawite religious minority to which the ousted Syrian leader Basher Assad belongs. The moment gave the Trump White House pause about easing sanctions on Syria. But Mr Trump signalled on Monday that he was having a change of heart and was moving toward lifting the Syria sanctions and a day later, he announced the move during an address to Gulf leaders. Mr Trump then took it another step by agreeing to meet al-Sharaa. He said he was impressed with Mr al-Sharaa, who not that long ago had a 10 million dollar US bounty on his head. The president called him a 'young, attractive guy' with a 'very strong past'. Mr Trump said it was recommendations from Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman that nudged him to take a chance on Mr al-Sharra. – Trump's fuzzy maths on display Throughout the trip, Mr Trump felt more than comfortable dishing out exaggeration and hyperbole. 'This has been an amazing trip,' Mr Trump told reporters on Thursday as Air Force One was about to land in Qatar. 'We've raised trillions of dollars of investment for our country.' A little later he put the figure at four trillion dollars. That figure is about two times the combined gross domestic products of Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the UAE, meaning that any announced investments would likely accrue over several years — if at all — in ways that might not show up in overall US economic growth numbers. Boeing confirmed that Qatar's 96 billion dollar purchase of its 787 and 777X jets was the largest order for 787s and wide body jets in the company's history. Mr Trump enthused it was 'the biggest order in the history of, I think, aviation, certainly of that size' of jets. Mr Trump also went overboard in running down the economic record of his predecessor, Democrat Joe Biden, at one point declaring: 'The days of economic misery under the last administration are rapidly giving way to the greatest economy in the history of the world.' The US economy grew at 2.8% last year but it declined at an annualised rate of 0.3% during the first three months of this year. – Intractable conflicts remain just that While Mr Trump's trip initially was conceived as a visit to reward countries that invest in the US, Mr Trump at one point hoped it also would herald significant steps to end the wars in Gaza and Ukraine. Positive news on both fronts proved elusive. Mr Trump barely mentioned either conflict on his trip – and when he did, it was generally in the context of his assertion that they would not have occurred had he won re-election in 2020. As Israel stepped up an offensive in Gaza — a prelude to a promised full takeover of the territory if Hamas does not release the remaining hostages in its captivity — Mr Trump was again musing about the creation of a 'freedom zone' in its territory. It is a notion rejected by Palestinians and the broader Arab world because Mr Trump's plan would relocate civilians from Gaza to allow for rebuilding. Israel conducted significant airstrikes all week in Gaza as Mr Trump was in the region and the fighting on the ground appeared to escalate Friday morning even before Trump left the UAE. – Ethics issues follow along as Trump travels the Middle East Mr Trump was already facing questions about conflicts of interest for travelling to the Middle East to shape US policy at a time when his family's business interests in the region have boomed. He attempted to quiet worries about national security and constitutional questions by insisting he's smart to accept a 400 million dollar luxury plane from Qatar and use it as Air Force One. 'Why should our military, and therefore our taxpayers, be forced to pay hundreds of millions of dollars when they can get it for FREE,' Mr Trump posted on his social media site.

Qatari Horse? Why Donald Trump's $400 million gift from Qatari royal family is problematic
Qatari Horse? Why Donald Trump's $400 million gift from Qatari royal family is problematic

Time of India

time12-05-2025

  • Business
  • Time of India

Qatari Horse? Why Donald Trump's $400 million gift from Qatari royal family is problematic

Donald Trump , the self-styled dealmaker, may have just landed the deal of the century—or the scandal of the decade. Depending on who you ask, the decision to accept a $400 million Boeing 747-8 from the Qatari royal family as a 'temporary' replacement for the aging Air Force One is either a triumph of presidential thrift or a constitutional crisis cruising at 35,000 feet. Yes, it's big. Yes, it's gold-plated luxury. And yes, it's from a country where most people probably wouldn't be able to tell their Congressional Oversight Committee from a shawarma stand. But what's got everyone—from ethics watchdogs to former impeachment managers—on edge isn't the opulence. It's the implications. The Constitution Was Not Designed for Gulf Royals Let's begin with the obvious. The United States Constitution, that revered parchment from the age of powdered wigs and horse-drawn carriages, contains a small but potent clause called the Foreign Emoluments Clause. It explicitly bars federal officials from accepting 'any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever' from a foreign state without Congressional approval. Which makes you wonder: what part of 'any kind whatever' sounds vague? In Trumpian fashion, the gift has been framed as a public service. According to the administration, the plane isn't for Trump personally—of course not—it's for the U.S. government. Temporarily. Until the two perpetually delayed, over-budget Boeing Air Force One replacements are finally ready. And then, in a neat twist, the jet will supposedly find its way to Trump's presidential library. So, not a personal gift, just a personal museum piece that happens to fly and happens to be worth $400 million. Totally normal. Ethics in the Age of Executive Branding To understand the unease, one must recall that the Trump presidency—both editions—hasn't exactly been a bastion of separation between public office and private profit. His first term saw foreign dignitaries booking rooms at Trump hotels, the Secret Service racking up bills at Mar-a-Lago, and controversies swirling around every cocktail napkin with a gilded 'T' on it. This move is something else entirely. This is not slipping a government expense through a resort. This is a foreign monarchy gifting the American president a flying fortress, fitted with luxury amenities, and later earmarked for post-office use. No president in modern history has come close to normalising this kind of transactional diplomacy. And the timing? Impeccable. Trump's company has just announced a swanky new golf resort in Qatar . He's also about to embark on a Middle East trip where—surprise, surprise—he's meeting leaders from not just Qatar, but two other countries where the Trump Organization has business interests. If you were writing the screenplay for How to Bribe a Superpower, this would be your climax. National Security Isn't a Side Salad Setting aside the constitutional and ethical quandaries, there's also the matter of national security. Air Force One isn't just a flying symbol of American might—it's a hardened, encrypted, militarised command centre designed to function even during a nuclear war. You don't just plug in some military-grade Wi-Fi and call it a day. The proposed Qatari 747 will need to undergo extensive retrofitting, reportedly by L3Harris, to bring it up to AF1 standards. That process could take years. And even then, security analysts raise eyebrows at the idea of accepting a foreign-sourced aircraft, previously in private use, and turning it into the most sensitive aerial vehicle in the world. There's something deeply unsettling about the Commander-in-Chief flying into potential conflict zones on a retrofitted hand-me-down. Foreign Policy on Sale? More broadly, this gift sends a troubling message to the rest of the world: U.S. foreign policy can be influenced, if not bought, with the right kind of luxury. Want favourable access? A mutual defence pact? A blind eye on your domestic repression? Send a jet. And it's not just optics. When the U.S. president is seen accepting gifts from a country with its own strategic agendas—some of which don't necessarily align with Washington's allies—it undermines both American credibility and leverage. Allies begin to wonder if their alliances are based on shared values or personal indulgences. Rivals watch and take notes. Meanwhile, the White House insists everything is 'compliant with the law.' But compliance is not the same as wisdom. Or propriety. Or restraint. The Reagan Library Excuse The administration has attempted to shield itself behind a historical parallel: Ronald Reagan 's presidential library, which famously houses his retired Air Force One. But there's a crucial difference—Reagan didn't keep using the plane after leaving office. It was a museum relic, not a personal UberJet. In this case, Trump may very well continue to use the Qatari aircraft for travel after his term ends, blurring the lines between presidential legacy and private aviation upgrade. That's not precedent. That's privilege masquerading as patriotism. A Familiar Dance of Denial When questions about legality and propriety began to mount, Trump responded with his signature blend of bravado and deflection. 'So the fact that the Defense Department is getting a GIFT, FREE OF CHARGE... so bothers the Crooked Democrats...' he wrote on X. He didn't address the fact that Qatar denies the deal is final. He didn't acknowledge the risk of violating the Constitution. And he certainly didn't clarify why a man claiming to drain the swamp is now at the centre of a murky jet-for-influence saga. But this isn't just about Trump. It's about a moment where the architecture of American governance—its checks and balances, its public service ethos—is being tested by opulence and opportunism. A Crisis at 30,000 Feet Even in an era where grift has been normalised, this stands out. It is not illegal for the U.S. to accept foreign gifts—but it is illegal to do so without oversight. That's the entire point of the Emoluments Clause: to keep foreign governments from influencing American leaders with lavish gifts. What we are witnessing is a transactional presidency taken to its logical extreme—a deal where optics, ethics, and legality collide in a fuselage of gold trim and geopolitical risk. Trump calls it a freebie. Critics call it bribery. History may call it something else entirely: a turning point. A moment when America's presidential seal was stamped not just on the side of a plane, but on a very public compromise of principle.

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