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Time of India
26-05-2025
- Time of India
Hemkund Sahib opens for pilgrims, over 4k trek to Himalayan shrine on day 1
Dehradun: The portals of Hemkund Sahib, one of India's most revered Sikh shrines, opened on Sunday, drawing over 4,440 devotees from around the world on the first day of the pilgrimage. Perched at an altitude of 15,200 feet near the Valley of Flowers in the Garhwal Himalayas, the shrine is linked to the tenth Sikh Guru, Guru Gobind Singh, who is believed to have meditated at the site in a previous life. The first group of pilgrims began their 6km ascent from Ghangaria, the base camp in Chamoli district, early Sunday morning. Led by the 'panj pyare' (five beloved ones) and gurdwara granthis, the procession reached the shrine and opened its gates around 10 am. To mark the occasion, devotional music filled the air as the Garhwal Scouts band and two bands from Punjab accompanied the procession. Head granthi Milap Singh led the sacred march, carrying the Guru Granth Sahib, the holy scripture of Sikhism, on his head from its winter abode to the gurdwara. The Indian Army ensured crowd management and maintained order along the steep and often treacherous route. The day's religious observances began with the recitation of Sukhmani Sahib, followed by 'kirtan' (devotional singing) performed by Makhan Singh. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like USDJPY đang đi lên không? IC Markets Đăng ký Undo A collective 'ardas' (prayer) was offered around 12:30 pm. S Narinder Jit Singh Bindra, chairman of the Shri Hemkunt Sahib Management Trust, welcomed the 'sangat' (congregation) and expressed gratitude to the Indian Army for clearing snow from the path and aiding access to the shrine. He also lauded state authorities for swiftly building a new bridge after the original structure at Govindghat was destroyed in a March landslide. Throughout the pilgrimage route, personnel from the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP), State Disaster Response Force (SDRF) and local police provided security and assistance, particularly at glacier crossings and other critical stretches. On the same day, the nearby Lokpal Temple also opened its doors to devotees, further marking the beginning of the sacred season in the region.
Indian Express
22-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
How caste permeated the Sikh community
In the heart of India's national capital, Gurdwara Bangla Sahib, draws a diverse crowd — the devoted, the distressed, and the day tripper. Piety, peace, and the absence of prejudice are aspects that bring them here. When Guru Gobind Singh, the 10th Guru of Sikhism, created the Khalsa (pure) in 1699, he envisioned something similar. Having selected a Brahmin, a Kshatriya, and three lower castes, whom he called the Panj Pyare (Five Beloved), Guru Gobind Singh baptised them. Part of the process included a promise to observe the five Ks: kesh (unshorn hair), kangha (comb), kachha (shorts), kara (steel bangle), and kirpan (sword). 'At the end of the ceremony, he hailed the five with the new greeting- 'Wah guru ji da Khalsa – Wah guru ji di Fateh' (the Khalsa are the chosen of God -victory be to our God),' notes author and lawyer Khushwant Singh, in A History of Sikhs. Sikhism, although a synthesis of Hinduism and Islam, has since its inception denounced the caste system. Yet caste, as a social category, remains predominant among Sikhs. Thirty-nine castes in Punjab are officially listed as Scheduled Castes (SC). According to author Harnik Deol, in Religion and Nationalism in India: The case of Punjab, however, caste among Sikhs has no 'doctrinal injunction,' and is merely a 'cultural construction.' This raises some questions: how deeply has a 'cultural construct' influenced both public opinion and policy in Punjab? And, to what extent has caste permeated the Sikh community? Sikhism, founded by Guru Nanak in the fifteenth century, is often considered one of the youngest religions in the world. After renouncing family life and pursuing asceticism, Guru Nanak took a low-caste Hindu and a Muslim musician as his companions to preach his experience to the masses. Not only did he reject caste distinction, but also the idolatry of Hinduism. For Guru Nanak, writes Deol, 'The Supreme Being was formless (nirankar) and reveals itself through its creation.' Guru Nanak's successors propagated his message. The fifth Guru, Guru Arjan Dev, built a gurdwara in Amritsar, Sri Harmandir Sahib, also known as Sri Darbar Sahib or Golden Temple. It was designed to have four doors, instead of one, as observed in Hindu temples, to signal that the shrine was open to people from all castes. While Hinduism institutionalised the four-fold Varna and jati system, Sikhism rejected such hierarchies. Sikh Gurus preached anti-caste messages, and Sikh scriptures included writings of saints and poets who were formerly 'untouchables' in Hindu society. By the time of the ninth guru, Guru Tegh Bahadur, congregational worship (sangat), eating together (langars), and setting up large-scale pilgrim centres had become common practices which defied brahmanical ritual hierarchy and established Sikhism as distinct from Hinduism. 'The rise of Sikhism… was a 'political revolt' against the prevailing social order based on hierarchy and humiliation,' writes sociologist and professor Surinder S Jodhka in his journal article Sikh Religion and Contentions around Caste. Citing the Sikh dictum, Sikh Studies specialist Eleanor Nesbitt in Sikhism: A Very Short Introduction, writes: 'A Sikh should be a Brahmin in piety, a Kshatriya in defence of truth and the oppressed, a Vaishya in business acumen and hard work, and a Shudra in serving humanity…' In an interview with Jodhka, however, argues: 'Caste is definitely there in Punjab. It's there among Sikhs, it's there in Sikh institutions. It is not absent.' Khushwant Singh wrote, 'Although… it was closer to Islam than Hinduism, in practice, in ritual, and above all in social affinities, [Sikhism] never quite succeeded in freeing itself of Hindu influence.' The Sikhs emerged as a powerful political and military force by the late eighteenth century. By the first quarter of the nineteenth century, a Sikh empire with an efficient army was formed under the leadership of Maharaja Ranjit Singh. However, caste too had a place in the empire. Deol argues in his book that under Sikh rule, 'a body of guru lineages and other holy men — the Sanatan Sikhs' were tasked by the aristocracy and landed classes to perform rituals. This group, unlike the Khalsa Sikhs, not only controlled Sikh shrines but also kept unshorn hair, believed in idol worship and considered the caste system central to the Sikh faith. 'Gurudwara priests [mahants] were accused of committing sacrilege by instating Hindu idols in the precincts of the Golden Temple, the premier Sikh shrine,' notes Deol. In British Punjab (annexed in 1849), caste and religion were employed not just as markers of identity but also as the tools of administration. The ten-yearly census, requiring inhabitants to identify their caste and religion, made Sikhs extremely conscious of their minority status as compared to the Muslim and Hindu communities. The rapidly increasing missionary activity in the region, which successfully 'converted' the untouchable castes in Punjab, further triggered anxiety among upper caste Sikhs. The colonial education and employment policies also favoured one section of subjects by labelling them as 'Martial Races,' indicating their suitability for the colonial army, while marginalising the others. The newly introduced British land revenue policies worsened the emerging caste division in Punjab. While agrarian communities, such as the Jats, were given ownership rights of agricultural lands, Dalits, traders, and moneylenders were excluded and classified as non-agriculturalists. The Punjab Land Alienation Act of 1900 further prohibited the sale and transfer of land from the agriculturalist castes to non-agriculturalists. 'The colonial policies thus worked towards reinforcing the prevailing divisions of castes in Punjabi,' says Jodhka. The early twentieth century also saw the rise of Sikh reformers who sought to rescue Sikhism from the tyranny of priestly mahants. Not only did they revolt to eliminate mahants from gurdwaras, but they also formed the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) in November 1920 to manage the gurdwaras and, a month later, the Akali Dal as its task force. Notably, Dalits were now granted entry into the Golden Temple in Amritsar, a practice previously restricted under the rule of mahants. 'After the formation of SGPC, the reformist leadership made conscious efforts to recruit 'low-caste' Sikhs as religious functionaries in the Gurdwaras and perform the duties of pathis, ragis, and sewadars,' writes Jodhka. The presence of casteism within the community, however, was publicly acknowledged on the eve of Indian Independence. The Sikh representatives in the committee in charge of drafting a Constitution for independent India insisted that the 'untouchable' castes within the Sikhs be included in the list of Scheduled Castes (SCs). This recognition, they argued, would help Sikh untouchables pursue higher education and secure government jobs. The SGPC, too, reserved 20 out of 170 seats for the SC Sikhs. Several anthropologists conducting fieldwork in Punjab around the mid-twentieth century, cited by Jodhka, found that caste was deeply integrated with the agrarian economy. Tom Kessinger was one such scholar whose 1974 study, Vilyatpur (1848–1968): Social and Economic Change in a North Indian Village, established that the landowning castes of Sahota Jats were the dominant group controlling the village economy and subjugating the tenant, labour, and artisan classes. Anthropologist IP Singh's fieldwork (1950), in a village in Amritsar, revealed similar results. He found that the village was divided into two groups: the 'touchable' Sardars and the 'untouchables.' The latter comprised nearly half the village population, with the 'Mazhbis' being ranked the lowest. Singh found that they fetched their drinking water from a separate well, meant exclusively for their use. At marriages and social gatherings of the Sardars, they were made to sit in separate queues. Food, too, was only served to them at the end. 'The landowning Jats occasionally visited the houses of their Mazhbi labourers as they needed them for work in their fields. However, they did so as a gesture of patronage,' writes Jodhka. However, on festivals like Lohri and Holi, and at gurdwaras, Singh did not find the observance of untouchability. The caste landscape of the Sikhs can thus be divided into three broad categories: the Dalits (SCs), the Backwards (OBCs), and the upper castes. Thirty-nine communities are listed as Scheduled Castes, while other groups such as Ramgarhias, Labanas, Kambojs, Jhinwars, and Gujjars are among the 70 communities listed as OBCs, and a majority of whom identify as Sikhs. The third cluster of caste groups, as listed by Jodhka, is the upper castes. The most prominent among these are the Jats, Khatris, and Aroras. 'When it comes to questions of institutional power, the ones who have political power, the ones who have economic power, are the Jats,' says Jodhka. Yet, Jodhka cautions, 'Although caste is very much present in Sikhism, one must not conclude that it's a Brahmanical hierarchy system. There are no Brahmins among Sikhs, and Sikh institutions are proactively anti-exclusion and anti-hierarchy. Sikhism is a non-sectarian religion.' It is kinship practices, marriage alliances, and electoral politics that characterise contemporary Punjab as a caste-based society. Arranged marriage alliances are in strict accordance with caste norms, and with a few exceptions, chief ministers of Punjab have all been Sikh Jats. WH McLeod, Western historian of Sikhism, in his study, The Evolution of the Sikh Community: Five Essays, remarked: 'A reasonable conclusion appears to be that whereas they [Sikhs] were vigorously opposed to the vertical distinction of caste, they were content to accept it in terms of its horizontal linkages.' While Khuswant Singh argued that 'Sikhism did not succeed in breaking the caste system,' Jodhka suggests: 'Sikhism has the resources to deal with casteism and has also been doing it.' Further reading Sikh Religion and Contentions around Caste by Surinder S. Jodhka Sikhism: A Very Short Introduction by Eleanor Nesbitt Religion and Nationalism in India: The Case of Punjab by Harnik Deol A History of the Sikhs (Volume I: 1469-1839) by Khushwant Singh
The Print
21-05-2025
- Entertainment
- The Print
YouTuber Dhruv Rathee takes down video after backlash over AI depiction of Sikh guru
Guru Gobind Singh was the tenth and the last Guru of the Sikhs while Banda Singh Bahadur—a Hindu who converted to Sikhism under the tutelage of Guru Gobind Singh, rose to become a warrior who fought the Mughals. Any portrayal of Sikh gurus and their family members is banned by the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC). Chandigarh: Following a severe backlash from Sikh bodies, YouTuber Dhruv Rathee has pulled down his latest video depicting the lives of Guru Gobind Singh and Banda Singh Bahadur through AI-generated animation. In a message put out on his channel, which has over 28.6 million followers, Rathee said Monday that he was withdrawing the video as he did not want the matter to turn into a political or religious controversy. 'Thank you for your feedback on the latest video. Even though many of you appreciated the video and would like it to stay on the channel, I have decided to remove it because some viewers feel strongly that any animated depiction of the Sikh gurus conflicts with their beliefs. I do not want this to become a political or religious controversy, because the video was simply an effort to showcase the stories of our Indian heroes in a new educational format,' the post said. In the 25-minute video, Rathee has depicted the early life of Guru Gobind Singh after his father Guru Tegh Bahadur was executed by the Mughals. He goes on to narrate the life of the guru and his battles with the Mughals in which he lost his four sons. The second half of the video is on the life of Banda Singh Bahadur. The video is AI-generated animation with Rathee foreground. Rathee also used the video to advertise his workshop that teaches AI tools to those interested in making similar videos. The SGPC had in 2003 passed a resolution against actors playing Sikh gurus, which was later extended to animated depictions by a sub-committee in 2019. In 2022, the SGPC had sought a ban on the release of Punjabi film Dastaan-E-Sirhind. The part-animated, part-live action film depicted the lives of the four sahibzadas (the sons of Guru Gobind Singh). The film is yet to be released. The Akal Takht—the highest temporal body of the Sikhs—banned the Punjabi film Nanak Shah Fakir on similar grounds in 2018. In 2019, another film, Dastaan-E-Miri Piri, ran into trouble over the alleged portrayal of Sikh gurus. A sub-committee of the SGPC eventually allowed its release on the condition that all references to a character personifying Guru Hargobind Singh, the sixth guru, be removed. The SGPC had in 2014 allowed the making of an animated film on the lives of the four sons of Guru Gobind Singh. It was widely criticised over its decision to acquire the rights to the film for Rs 4 crore. In 2016, the SGPC allowed the film to be screened on government vans across Punjab as part of the then Akali Dal government's publicity campaign. ThePrint reached Rathee for a comment via email. This report will be updated if and when a response is received. 'Inaccuracies' Experts have claimed there are errors in Rathee's video when it comes to facts and Sikh maryada (code of conduct). 'To show panj piaaras with kalghis on their heads has never happened. Kalghis were adornments only for the Guru's headgears. To show the young Guru Gobind Singh ji crying following the death of his father is not appropriate. Amrit is prepared using patashas, not sugar,' said Professor Amarjit Singh from the Centre on Studies in Shri Guru Granth Sahib at Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar. He added: 'Even the period related to Banda Singh Bahadur has mistakes in the chronology of events. The role played by Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah for instance, the battle of Lohgarh etc has been shoddily depicted. The war flags have been shown in green colour which is not the colour of Sikhs, but of jihadis. Guru Granth Sahib is considered to be a living Guru of the Sikhs and cannot be referred to as a book.' The professor said that even if the 'mistakes were unintentional', Rathee should have done better research when dealing with such a sensitive subject. Even when films are made on Sikh generals, the SGPC, professor Singh said, insists that the actor portraying the character of the Sikh general should be a sabat surat (a Sikh who has not shorn his hair), and absorb the true essence of a Sikh before playing the role. The professor said the SGPC also should come out with clear guidelines and a set of do's and don'ts for filmmakers undertaking projects on Sikh religion. 'Even filmmakers with good intentions tend to confuse the Sikh way of life with the Punjabi way of life which are completely different.' 'This is something which was discussed way back in 2000 during a meeting of the Dharam Parchar Committee (of SGPC) of which I was also a part. But nothing much has come out since then,' he said. 'SGPC has to respect sentiments' Professor Dharam Singh, formerly with Punjabi University, Patiala, who had authored the Encyclopedia of Sikhism, told ThePrint that the SGPC had become overly strict in extending the ban of not allowing personification of the Sikh gurus and their families. 'The SGPC had itself promoted in a big way the animated film on the chaar sahibzaade. It led to educating youngsters about the sacrifices of the Sikh gurus. However, over the years as more and more Sikhs are objecting to the depiction of the gurus' families, the SGPC has to respect that feeling,' said professor Singh. The principal objection to a human being representing the guru in a film is that someone who plays him cannot be like him. 'He will be an actor who will go on to play other roles as well. Hence the complete ban on an actor playing the Guru is absolutely justified,' he added. On Monday, the SGPC, the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee (DSGMC), the Shiromani Akali Dal and the BJP had demanded an immediate takedown of the video and criminal action against Rathee. 'Such portrayals violate Sikh principles and traditions…This YouTuber has acted against the tenets of Sikhism,' said SGPC president Harjinder Singh Dhami in a press statement. SAD chief Sukhbir Singh Badal said, 'Such portrayals violate Sikh 'rehat maryada' which prohibits visual representations of Guru Sahiban. It has deeply hurt the sentiments of the community.' He also alleged that the 'misleading narrative' in Rathee's video titled 'The Sikh Warrior Who Terrified the Mughals', and the want of respectful language, has further aggravated the issue. In a post on X, Badal urged all content creators to exercise utmost caution and sensitivity while dealing with Guru Sahiban or Sikh history. Delhi cabinet minister Manjinder Singh Sirsa said a complaint had been forwarded by the DSGMC to the police. DSGMC files a complaint with Cyber Crime Cell against Dhruv Rathee for his video that spreads historical inaccuracies and distorts key facts about Sikh history; particularly the martyrdom of Guru Tegh Bahadur Ji and the legacy of Baba Banda Singh Bahadur Ji. Such… — Manjinder Singh Sirsa (@mssirsa) May 19, 2025 DSGMC chief HS Kalka said the video spreads historical inaccuracies and distorts key facts about Sikh history, 'particularly the martyrdom of Guru Tegh Bahadur Ji and the legacy of Baba Banda Singh Bahadur Ji'. 'Such misrepresentations are misleading, disrespectful, and unacceptable,' he added. DSGMC strongly condemns YouTuber Dhruv Rathee's video titled 'The Sikh Warrior Who Terrified the Mughals', in which he has irresponsibly used AI-generated visuals to depict the revered Sikh Gurus. This act is not only culturally insensitive but deeply offensive to Sikh sentiments… — Harmeet Singh Kalka (@hskalka) May 19, 2025 (Edited by Gitanjali Das) Also Read: Travel vlogger to political 'influencer' — how Dhruv Rathee is adding to ringside frenzy this election
Indian Express
19-05-2025
- Entertainment
- Indian Express
YouTuber Dhruv Rathee takes down video on Sikh history after objections
YouTuber Dhruv Rathee has taken down his artificial intelligence-generated video after objections from Sikh religious bodies over its depiction of Sikh Gurus and historical figures. The video, titled Banda Singh Bahadur Ki Katha, included animated representations of Guru Gobind Singh, Sahibzadas, and other Sikh warriors—drawing strong reactions from Sikh institutions and leaders. Kuldeep Singh Gargaj, acting jathedar of the Akal Takht, said, 'I condemn the AI-based video made by Dhruv Rathee. This video should be removed immediately. The SGPC should also contact the ministry concerned and have it taken down.' Earlier, Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee president Harjinder Singh Dhami also objected to the video, stating, 'The history of Sikh Gurus and their families is sacred. No one has the right to misrepresent it. The SGPC has already passed resolutions banning films or animations of Sikh Gurus. Such representations go against Sikh principles.' The Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee (DSGMC) has filed a complaint with Delhi Police. Former DSGMC president and Delhi minister Manjinder Singh Sirsa said, 'Dhruv Rathee has insulted Sikh history and sentiments. Depicting Guru Gobind Singh Ji as a crying child is a violation of Sikh values. A case should be filed under Section 295A.' In response to the criticism, Dhruv Rathee initially said, 'Members of the Sikh community say that it is wrong to show the Gurus in animation. People can share their views on social media. After that, I will delete the video or take another step.' Following the public outcry and formal objections, Rathee later removed the video from his YouTube channel.
Indian Express
13-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Pakistan Army knows there is no place for terror to hide: PM Modi in Adampur
Hailing the Indian Armed Forces for Operation Sindoor and the manner in which they responded to Pakistani attacks, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said Tuesday they had sent the Pakistan Army a clear message that 'there is no place in Pakistan where terrorists can hide' anymore and 'if there is another terror attack, India will respond, definitely respond'. Speaking in Adampur, a frontline IAF base in Punjab where he reached Tuesday morning to meet the personnel there, Modi said the Armed Forces have to remain alert and 'keep reminding the enemy that this is a new India'. With an S-400 mobile surface-to-air missile system behind him — it debunked Pakistan's claim of destroying the S-400 deployed at Adampur — he said India suspended its military actions only after Pakistan's plea for help. 'What you have done is unprecedented, unimaginable. Our Air Force targeted terrorist camps deep inside Pakistan. In just 25-30 minutes, you destroyed targets with pinpoint accuracy. This could only be done by a professional force with modern technology. Your speed and precision left the enemy bewildered,' he said. As the assembled airmen shouted slogans of 'Bharat Mata Ki Jai', Modi said this was not just a slogan but the voice of every citizen who wants to do something for the country. 'It resonates on the ground and in missions. When soldiers say 'Ma Bharti Ki Jai', the enemy trembles. When our drones, our missiles hit the targets, then the enemy hears 'Bharat Mata Ki Jai'. When our missiles take the wind out of their nuclear blackmail, then too 'Bharat Mata Ki Jai' is heard. All of you have made Indians proud… You have scripted history,' he said. Complimenting the Indian Army, Indian Air Force, Indian Navy, Border Security Force and other forces, he said their deeds in Operation Sindoor will be remembered for decades hereafter. He said Operation Sindoor is not just an ordinary operation but the hallmark of India's policy, intent and decisive capability. 'India is the land of Lord Buddha and also Guru Gobind Singh. Every Indian owes gratitude to our soldiers and their families. Guru Gobind Singh said 'chidiyan kolo baaz ladaun, sava lakh se ek ladaun, tabey Gobind Singh naam kahaun'. To pick up arms against 'adharma' is our tradition. When the sindoor of our daughters and sisters was wiped out, then we crushed the enemies in their home,' he said. Stating that terrorists came to India 'hiding like cowards', he said, 'You destroyed all bases of terror. Nine terror sites destroyed, 100 terrorists killed, the terrorist hierarchy now know they cannot even look towards India because it will lead to their destruction. Shedding the blood of innocents will result in vinash and mahavinash,' he said. The Pakistan Army, on whom the terrorists had been banking upon, had been taught a lesson by the Indian military. 'You have told the Pakistan Army that there is no place in Pakistan where terrorists can hide. Pakistan will not sleep thinking about our drones, our missiles,' he said. He said India's aim was to destroy the terror headquarters inside Pakistan and target terrorists but Pakistan used civilian airliners to conspire and attack India. 'I am glad you were very careful and vigilant. Without causing any harm to civilian aircraft, you gave a befitting reply,' he said. Pakistan, he said, tried attacking Adampur and many other military bases but was defeated. Pakistani drones, UAVs, aircraft and missiles could do nothing before the vigilant air defence, he said. 'The Lakshman Rekha is clear. If any terror attack happens, India will respond, definitely respond. Operation Sindoor is India's new normal. We have laid down three maxims: If a terror attack takes place, then we will respond on our own terms, in our own time and in our own manner; no nuclear blackmail will be tolerated; we will not treat governments that sponsor terror and terrorist leaders as different,' he said, adding that the world had also understood India's position on terror attacks. On the coordinated approach of the Army, IAF and Navy, the Prime Minister said the integrated air and land combat system did magnificent work. 'This is what jointness is all about. It has become a strong identity of the Indian military's effectiveness. Manpower and machine coordination has also been good in Operation Sindoor. Traditional air defence systems and Akash missiles, made-in-India platforms along with the S-400 modern air defence system have given us strength,' he said. Despite all attempts by Pakistan to attack Indian air bases and other defence infrastructure, he said these did not even suffer a scratch. 'We have cutting edge technology which Pakistan cannot compete with. In the past decade, the IAF and other services have been given the best technology in the world. But you all know, new technology, complicated and sophisticated systems demand good maintenance and operation with efficiency. Technology is to be used with tactics. You have proved that in this game, you are the best in the world. The IAF has not only weapons but also data and drones to hit the enemy,' he said.
