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CNN
2 hours ago
- Politics
- CNN
Modi visits restive Indian region to inaugurate world's highest railway bridge
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi made his first trip to the restive Kashmir region since April's deadly tourist massacre, to inaugurate the world's highest railway bridge. His Friday visit to India-administered Kashmir comes weeks after a brief but deadly conflict between India and Pakistan. The nuclear-armed neighbors traded missiles, drones, and artillery shelling for four days after New Delhi blamed the massacre on its neighbor, which Pakistan denies. Decades in the making, the arched Chenab Bridge sits 359 meters (about 1,180 feet) above the river of the same name – that's 29 meters (over 95 feet) higher than the top of the Eiffel Tower. Costing more than $160 million with a length of 1,315 meters (4,314 feet), the bridge is part of the first railway link between Kashmir and the rest of India. Modi's Hindu-nationalist government has moved to integrate the Muslim-majority region with the rest of the country, including revoking a constitutional provision that allowed it to set its own laws in 2019. The Himalayan region of Kashmir is claimed by India, Pakistan and China. All three administer a part of the region, one of the most militarized zones in the world. In addition to the Chenab Bridge, Modi also inaugurated the Udhampur-Srinagar-Baramulla Rail Link project, which connects key cities in India-administered Kashmir to the rest of India. For Modi, who swept to power more than a decade ago on a ticket of nationalism and a promise of future greatness, investments in infrastructure like the Chenab Bridge and the broader rail link project can be seen as a powerful tool for social integration and political influence. Since he was first elected in 2014, the prime minister has rapidly expanded the region's road and rail connectivity, building networks that connect disparate towns with major cities. In 2019, New Delhi revoked a constitutional provision giving India-administered Kashmir the autonomy to set its own laws. The southern and eastern portions of the region known previously as the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir became two separate union territories, bringing them under direct control of New Delhi – a move Modi claimed would promote stability, reduce corruption and boost the economy. The Chenab Bridge is being hailed as a major win for Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party government. His administration has poured billions into upgrading India's old and outdated transport network, part of its vision to transform the country into a developed nation by 2047. Among these ambitious projects is the construction of several tunnels and highways in the mountainous Himalayan region which has been criticized by some environmentalists who say the heavy construction could damage fragile topography already feeling the effects from the climate crisis. Modi's Char Dham Highway project, a multimillion-dollar infrastructure plan to improve connectivity in the state of Uttarakhand, came under fire in November 2023 when an under-construction mountain tunnel collapsed, trapping dozens of workers inside for several days with little water and oxygen. In August that year, more than a dozen workers were killed after a bridge under construction collapsed in the northeastern state of Mizoram. In June, a four-lane concrete bridge that was being built across the River Ganges in the eastern state of Bihar collapsed for the second time in just over a year, raising questions about the quality of its construction.
CNN
2 hours ago
- Politics
- CNN
Modi visits restive Indian region to inaugurate world's highest railway bridge
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi made his first trip to the restive Kashmir region since April's deadly tourist massacre, to inaugurate the world's highest railway bridge. His Friday visit to India-administered Kashmir comes weeks after a brief but deadly conflict between India and Pakistan. The nuclear-armed neighbors traded missiles, drones, and artillery shelling for four days after New Delhi blamed the massacre on its neighbor, which Pakistan denies. Decades in the making, the arched Chenab Bridge sits 359 meters (about 1,180 feet) above the river of the same name – that's 29 meters (over 95 feet) higher than the top of the Eiffel Tower. Costing more than $160 million with a length of 1,315 meters (4,314 feet), the bridge is part of the first railway link between Kashmir and the rest of India. Modi's Hindu-nationalist government has moved to integrate the Muslim-majority region with the rest of the country, including revoking a constitutional provision that allowed it to set its own laws in 2019. The Himalayan region of Kashmir is claimed by India, Pakistan and China. All three administer a part of the region, one of the most militarized zones in the world. In addition to the Chenab Bridge, Modi also inaugurated the Udhampur-Srinagar-Baramulla Rail Link project, which connects key cities in India-administered Kashmir to the rest of India. For Modi, who swept to power more than a decade ago on a ticket of nationalism and a promise of future greatness, investments in infrastructure like the Chenab Bridge and the broader rail link project can be seen as a powerful tool for social integration and political influence. Since he was first elected in 2014, the prime minister has rapidly expanded the region's road and rail connectivity, building networks that connect disparate towns with major cities. In 2019, New Delhi revoked a constitutional provision giving India-administered Kashmir the autonomy to set its own laws. The southern and eastern portions of the region known previously as the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir became two separate union territories, bringing them under direct control of New Delhi – a move Modi claimed would promote stability, reduce corruption and boost the economy. The Chenab Bridge is being hailed as a major win for Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party government. His administration has poured billions into upgrading India's old and outdated transport network, part of its vision to transform the country into a developed nation by 2047. Among these ambitious projects is the construction of several tunnels and highways in the mountainous Himalayan region which has been criticized by some environmentalists who say the heavy construction could damage fragile topography already feeling the effects from the climate crisis. Modi's Char Dham Highway project, a multimillion-dollar infrastructure plan to improve connectivity in the state of Uttarakhand, came under fire in November 2023 when an under-construction mountain tunnel collapsed, trapping dozens of workers inside for several days with little water and oxygen. In August that year, more than a dozen workers were killed after a bridge under construction collapsed in the northeastern state of Mizoram. In June, a four-lane concrete bridge that was being built across the River Ganges in the eastern state of Bihar collapsed for the second time in just over a year, raising questions about the quality of its construction.
CNN
2 hours ago
- Politics
- CNN
Modi visits restive Indian region to inaugurate world's highest railway bridge
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi made his first trip to the restive Kashmir region since April's deadly tourist massacre, to inaugurate the world's highest railway bridge. His Friday visit to India-administered Kashmir comes weeks after a brief but deadly conflict between India and Pakistan. The nuclear-armed neighbors traded missiles, drones, and artillery shelling for four days after New Delhi blamed the massacre on its neighbor, which Pakistan denies. Decades in the making, the arched Chenab Bridge sits 359 meters (about 1,180 feet) above the river of the same name – that's 29 meters (over 95 feet) higher than the top of the Eiffel Tower. Costing more than $160 million with a length of 1,315 meters (4,314 feet), the bridge is part of the first railway link between Kashmir and the rest of India. Modi's Hindu-nationalist government has moved to integrate the Muslim-majority region with the rest of the country, including revoking a constitutional provision that allowed it to set its own laws in 2019. The Himalayan region of Kashmir is claimed by India, Pakistan and China. All three administer a part of the region, one of the most militarized zones in the world. In addition to the Chenab Bridge, Modi also inaugurated the Udhampur-Srinagar-Baramulla Rail Link project, which connects key cities in India-administered Kashmir to the rest of India. For Modi, who swept to power more than a decade ago on a ticket of nationalism and a promise of future greatness, investments in infrastructure like the Chenab Bridge and the broader rail link project can be seen as a powerful tool for social integration and political influence. Since he was first elected in 2014, the prime minister has rapidly expanded the region's road and rail connectivity, building networks that connect disparate towns with major cities. In 2019, New Delhi revoked a constitutional provision giving India-administered Kashmir the autonomy to set its own laws. The southern and eastern portions of the region known previously as the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir became two separate union territories, bringing them under direct control of New Delhi – a move Modi claimed would promote stability, reduce corruption and boost the economy. The Chenab Bridge is being hailed as a major win for Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party government. His administration has poured billions into upgrading India's old and outdated transport network, part of its vision to transform the country into a developed nation by 2047. Among these ambitious projects is the construction of several tunnels and highways in the mountainous Himalayan region which has been criticized by some environmentalists who say the heavy construction could damage fragile topography already feeling the effects from the climate crisis. Modi's Char Dham Highway project, a multimillion-dollar infrastructure plan to improve connectivity in the state of Uttarakhand, came under fire in November 2023 when an under-construction mountain tunnel collapsed, trapping dozens of workers inside for several days with little water and oxygen. In August that year, more than a dozen workers were killed after a bridge under construction collapsed in the northeastern state of Mizoram. In June, a four-lane concrete bridge that was being built across the River Ganges in the eastern state of Bihar collapsed for the second time in just over a year, raising questions about the quality of its construction.
Al Jazeera
29-05-2025
- General
- Al Jazeera
Manufacturing of an ‘antinational' in India
Professor Ali Khan Mahmudabad, a professor of political science at Ashoka University, has become the latest hate figure manufactured by Hindu nationalists in India with backing from the police and judiciary. A crime that Mahmudabad has not committed is being attributed to him, and he is now being asked to prove his innocence – a classic case of 'guilty until proven innocent'. The more he pleads his innocence, the deeper the suspicion grows against him as the Supreme Court of India has already cast doubt on his intent and made adverse observations about him before setting up a Special Investigative Team (SIT) to scrutinise two Facebook posts containing 1,530 words. Despite the clarity of his posts, Mahmudabad is expected to explain himself and dispel suspicions created by the highest court in the land. In these posts, Mahmudabad criticised Pakistan for harbouring terrorists while praising India's military action against its neighbour. He highlighted the applause received by two female military officers – one of them Muslim – who presented India's case on the global stage. However, he warned that if the daily persecution of Muslims in India did not cease, these optics of inclusivity would remain mere hypocrisy. What Mahmudabad wrote had been expressed by countless others before him in different ways. Yet suddenly, Renu Bhatia, the head of the Women's Commission of Haryana, appeared fuming at a news conference, accusing Mahmudabad of insulting the two female officers. Her charges left many bewildered. Mahmudabad responded through his lawyers, explaining his posts thoroughly. But Bhatia was unsatisfied, even if failing to substantiate her allegations. When questioned by a TV anchor to identify specific words or sentences demeaning to the female officers, she could find none. Still, she insisted that her feelings of offence were sufficient proof that something must be wrong with Mahmudabad's posts – that he must have written something horrible. She argued it wasn't her job to pinpoint offensive phrases; it was the police's responsibility to uncover what might offend her. After her accusations, Mahmudabad's posts underwent intense scrutiny by numerous individuals and media outlets. No distasteful or insulting content was found. Academics and members of civil society rallied behind Mahmudabad, expressing outrage over the actions of the Women's Commission. When the absurdity of Bhatia's claims became public fodder, a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the ruling Hindu nationalist party, filed a complaint with the Haryana police, alleging that Mahmudabad had said something hurtful to him and others. Referring to the same Facebook posts, the complainant claimed they offended him. Taking his grievance seriously, the police charged Mahmudabad with serious offences, including inciting enmity between religious groups, offending the religious sentiments of a community and outraging the modesty of women. Mahmudabad was promptly arrested. Confident that a careful reading of his writings would expose the baselessness of the charges, Mahmudabad's lawyers approached the Supreme Court to seek his release and a stay on the police investigation. Before the hearing, however, 200 academics, including vice chancellors and heads of academic institutions, issued a statement urging the court to take a hard line against him. They accused Mahmudabad of trying to 'destabilise communal harmony, undermine institutional integrity, and erode gender equity'. They described his posts as 'veiled misogyny cloaked in pseudo-academic inquiry' and urged the Supreme Court to consider their broader socio-legal implications. During the hearing, Mahmudabad's lawyer read aloud the posts in question. The court responded sceptically, suggesting that his words carried double meanings and amounted to dog whistles. 'Someone with an analytical mind will understand the language. … The words used may seem innocuous but can target unintended audiences,' the bench remarked. The Supreme Court then constituted an SIT comprising three senior police officers to 'understand the complexity and properly appreciate the language used in the posts'. Thus, the Supreme Court's orders created the impression that Mahmudabad's words could not be accepted at face value. While his statements might appear benign, there must be some hidden meaning or ulterior motive lurking beneath the surface. Public reaction to the court delegating its interpretive duties to the police was one of shock. Was it so difficult for the court to read, analyse and interpret the posts itself? Did the members of the court not have analytical minds to read and understand what was written by Mahmudabad? Was this not their job? Or was the court shying away from committing itself to a position? The SIT will operate under the shadow of the presumptions made by the court, which already lean against Mahmudabad. How can he possibly dispel such preconceived notions? Meanwhile, the fog around Mahmudabad thickens. Details of his family background, devout Muslim identity, ancestral ties to Pakistan and foreign travels are being investigated by the police. These factors will now serve as the context in which his posts are to be read and interpreted. The media are busy demonising Mahmudabad. Soon, his actual words will vanish into the dense fog of propaganda, replaced by the image of a devious, cunning, scheming Muslim etched into the collective Hindu imagination. Mahmudabad has appeared before the SIT. Meanwhile, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP), the student wing of the BJP, has announced plans for a public demonstration against him. It is asking Ashoka University to sack him because he has written 'antinational posts'. The mouth organ of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, the parent body of the ruling BJP and ABVP, has also joined the chorus asking for action against Mahmudabad. We see the same playbook unfolding – the one used to vilify scholars like Umar Khalid and Sharjeel Imam, turning them into enemy figures within the BJP ecosystem with the help of the media, police and judiciary. One can only hope that the police officers remain steadfast, unaffected by judicial remarks or shrill propaganda and read Mahmudabad's plain lines with constitutional eyes. His words – crafted by a Muslim mind – call for empathy, understanding, justice, equality and dignity. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.
South China Morning Post
21-05-2025
- Business
- South China Morning Post
Indian fashion businesses cash in on Pakistan conflict flare-up, tap surge in nationalism
Hours after New Delhi and Islamabad launched their worst conflict in nearly three decades, Indian businesses cashed in on a surge in nationalism with T-shirts and bags glorifying the military. Advertisement After a deadly attack on tourists in Indian-administered Kashmir on April 22, New Delhi launched strikes deep into Pakistan's territory as part of what it named 'Operation Sindoor'. India blamed Pakistan for backing the attackers who killed 26 civilians . Islamabad denied it and called for an independent inquiry. ceasefire was reached on May 10 after four days of fighting, but a massive wave of nationalist support for the military operation continues unabated in India. T-shirts featuring 'Operation Sindoor' on display at a store in Ludhiana, India. Businesses have cashed in on the recent flare-up in the India-Pakistan conflict, offering military operation-themed T-shirts and tote bags. Photo: AFP Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Hindu nationalist government used Sindoor, the Hindi word for the red powder which married Hindu women wear on their foreheads, as a sign that it was to avenge those widowed in the April 22 attack.
