Latest news with #Holodomor
Yahoo
5 days ago
- General
- Yahoo
Russia's persecution of Ukrainian clergy is part of an organized genocidal campaign
In 1953, Polish-American lawyer Raphael Lemkin, the man who coined the term "genocide," wrote a text titled Soviet Genocide in Ukraine. In it, Lemkin spoke not only about the Holodomor — the man-made famine organized in Ukraine by Stalin in 1932–1933 that claimed the lives of around 4 million people — but also about the Kremlin's broader genocidal practices against Ukrainians, which, he argued, had begun as early as the 1920s. Lemkin wrote that Ukrainians were too numerous to be exterminated entirely in the way Adolf Hitler had attempted with Europe's Jewish population. "Ukraine is highly susceptible to racial murder by select parts, and so the Communist tactics there have not followed the pattern taken by the German attacks against the Jews," the lawyer argued. He went on to describe how this was carried out: "The first blow is aimed at the intelligentsia, the national brain, so as to paralyze the rest of the body.... Going along with this attack on the intelligentsia was an attack against the churches, priests and hierarchy, the 'soul' of Ukraine." As an example of this attack against the "soul of the nation," Lemkin cited the liquidation of the Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church and the Ukrainian Catholic Church. "That Russification was clearly demonstrated by the fact that before its liquidation, the Church was offered the opportunity to join the Russian Patriarchate of Moscow, the Kremlin's political tool," he emphasized. We are bringing back Lemkin's text again today, not for purely historical reasons. It helps explain what the Kremlin is currently doing in the territories of Ukraine it occupies. We already referenced Soviet Genocide in Ukraine last year. In our investigative documentary Destroy in Whole or in Part, we argued that Russia's current genocidal practices in Ukraine broadly mirror what the Soviet regime has been doing a century back. Our latest investigative documentary, No God but Theirs, which has just been released, compels us to revisit Lemkin's analysis once more. Read also: Breakaway churches, spiritual awakenings, prayers in captivity. How war is changing Ukraine's faith This investigation examines the systematic persecution of Ukrainian Christians in Melitopol — a city in Ukraine's Zaporizhzhia Oblast, occupied by Russia since February 2022. It tells the story of churches (Protestant and Catholic alike) being banned, stripped of all property, and of priests and congregants being arrested, interrogated, and exiled. While restrictions on religious freedoms are typical for Russia, the persecution in the occupied parts of Ukraine goes far beyond what occurs inside Russia itself. And these persecutions indeed resemble an attack on the "soul of the nation" — precisely the kind Lemkin described. It is an attack on Christians who, at the very outset of Russia's invasion, demonstrated a clear national identity. In response to the arrival of Russian troops and tanks in Melitopol, local believers began gathering daily on the city's central square. Protestants, Catholics, and Orthodox Christians together resisted the Russian occupation through joint prayer for Ukraine. Moreover, in the chaos created by the Russian occupation, churches became islands of stability and order. Priests and pastors were seen more and more as moral authorities. For the Russians, therefore, to attack those churches in Melitopol meant also to strike against any alternative centers of power. And the parallels with Lemkin's text do not end there. Just as a hundred years back, as described by the author of the term "genocide," before simply banning the churches, the Russians attempted to absorb them first. Pastor Mykhailo Brytsyn of the Grace Baptist Church recounts in our documentary how the Russian troops offered him a chance to publicly support the Russian authorities. Ukrainian Greek Catholic priest Oleksandr Bohomaz tells how agents of Russian security services tried to coerce him into revealing the secrets of his confessional. Pentecostal pastor Dmytro Bodyu describes how, during his imprisonment and interrogations, he was offered the chance to become a Russian informant. Only after these efforts to convert Ukrainian clergymen in Melitopol into Russian assets had failed did Kremlin representatives decide to simply eliminate them — once again, fully following the model Lemkin described. And there is another crucial point to highlight. While restrictions on religious freedoms are typical for Russia, the persecution in the occupied parts of Ukraine goes far beyond what occurs inside Russia itself. This means that in places like occupied Melitopol, Russia is not merely replicating its usual policies — it is crafting a new, much harsher one specifically for Ukrainians. Given all this, our new investigation of the persecution of Ukrainian Christian churches in Melitopol is a direct continuation of the previous documentary, which laid out the genocidal intent behind Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Because, in line with Raphael Lemkin's deep and nuanced analysis, these persecutions amount to an attack on the Ukrainian nation as a group. An attempt to eradicate the soul of the Ukrainian nation — with the broader aim of destroying the nation in whole or in part. Ultimately, the story of the persecution of Christians in Melitopol gives yet another reason to finally dare to use, in reference to Russia's actions in Ukraine, the very word that Lemkin coined — genocide. Editor's Note: The opinions expressed in the op-ed section are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Kyiv Independent. Read also: Faith under fire: Russia's war on religion in Ukraine's occupied territories Submit an Opinion We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
Metro
6 days ago
- Politics
- Metro
Leader who killed 6,000,000 of his own honoured in new statue
The face of one of the worst dictators of the 20th century has been put on display in a busy Russian subway station. Joseph Stalin, who is estimated to have murdered at least 6,000,000 of his people during his brutal reign, is now portrayed in a white statue in Taganskaya station, Moscow. Stunned commuters were seen staring as they walked by the newly unveiled statue, a replica of an original which was removed six decades ago. Others were seen smiling and taking photos with Stalin's likeness leering over them in the historic subway station. One Russian pensioner said she was 'happy our leader got restored' – even though Stalin had taken her father prisoner in the Second World War. Liliya Medvedeva told the New York Times that Stalin could have sent her father to the gulag, but didn't. Others weren't fans. A history student called Stalin a 'bloody tyrant' when he saw the statue. Historian and propaganda analyst Ian Garner told Metro: 'The Russian state has been putting up statues of Stalin as part of a much broader program to rehabilitate Stalin's image. 'People who criticize Stalin or draw attention to crimes committed under Stalin are now threatened with jail, with media attacks. 'The state itself discusses Stalin in school textbooks, books, popular culture, movies as somebody who was a wise leader, who had the brilliant foresight to bring his country into the industrial age and most importantly to win the Second World War.' But Mr Garner points out, the crimes committed by stalin can't be covered up. They're common knowledge, but Russia's conduct towards Ukraine today shows that there is a true 'embrace' of the 'bad guys' in Russian culture. 'It's almost become good to commit violence, good to be aggressive because violence and aggression, especially when wrapped up with the image of a strong and decisive male leader is what supposedly gets things done. 'That's what supposedly saved Russia in the 1930s and 40s and it's what supposedly is going to save Russia today,' he said. Beginning in the early 1930s, Stalin executed around a million of his own citizens. He then forced hundreds of thousands of others to work in labour camps and go to prison. The murders of Kulaks, upper middle class farmers, sparked the famine in Ukraine, also known as the Holodomor. Between 1932 and 1933, up to five million peasants died of starvation in the Soviet Union thanks to Stalin's actions. More Trending As Mr Garner said, the Kremlin has been attempting to reintroduce Stalin for a few years now. There are more than 100 statues of Stalin across Russia today. Putin's reintroduction of Stalin after the removal of many of his statues in the 1960s could be attributed to the fact that he's the second longest serving Russian leader, behind Stalin. Though he hasn't outrightly praised Stalin, Putin has said that Russia 'shouldn't be ashamed of its history'. Yet, the new statue in central Moscow has divided modern-day Russians just as much as Stalin divided the country during his bloody reign. Get in touch with our news team by emailing us at webnews@ For more stories like this, check our news page. MORE: The bizarre reason Russia wants to ban Shrek and other beloved animations MORE: Putin threats to 'throttle' US firms like Microsoft and Zoom in words war with Trump MORE: British missiles could soon be used against Putin deep into his own territory
Yahoo
16-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
5 lies Europe tells itself about Russia's criminal war
Editor's note: This opinion first appeared in German in Süddeutsche Zeitung. Russia's President — a wanted war criminal — Vladimir Putin failed to show up in Istanbul for the 'direct talks' with Ukraine that he himself proposed. For the Kremlin to wage an unprovoked war of conquest, reject a ceasefire, and call it a peace effort is nothing new. Russia lies. In 2022, building up troops at the Ukrainian border, the Kremlin told us it had no intentions of invading. Russia lied. Eleven years ago, Putin claimed that the unmarked troops seizing administrative buildings in Ukrainian Crimea weren't his. Russia lied. Ninety years ago, Moscow starved millions of Ukrainians in an effort to break a nation's will to live free. What the world knows as the Holodomor — and what 35 countries have recognized as genocide — Russia denies. Russia lies all the time. Much ink has already been spilled over the Istanbul talks, the Kremlin's venal theatrics, and Washington's mixed signals. But the fundamentals remain unchanged. No one longs for peace more than Ukraine — it accepted an unconditional ceasefire in March. Russia did not. It still refuses to stop killing Ukrainians for the crime of being Ukrainian. To call out Russia's lies is no longer enough. Europe must confront — and discard — five lethal delusions of its own. Moscow frames its war of aggression as a neighborly dispute that spiraled out of control — a cynical and callous lie. But many nations entertain the claim, absolving themselves of the responsibility to help Ukraine expel the invaders. With an economy ten times the size of Russia's and three times the population, Europe pretends it has done all it could — sanctions, aid, thoughts, and prayers. But half-measures, laced with appeasement, have predictably failed to quench Moscow's appetite for war. When Russia invaded Georgia in 2008, it marked the collapse of the post-Cold War order. Europe flinched. A well-known serial killer isn't just knocking on the door — he's already inside the house. To call out Russia's lies is no longer enough. Europe must confront — and discard — five lethal delusions of its own. First, our fear of escalation fuels Russian aggression. The response to 2008 wasn't ignorance — it was fear. Instead of pacifying Moscow, our self-restraint emboldened it. Paralyzed by the belief that confronting Russia was too risky, Europe missed the memo: not confronting it was and remains the most dangerous option of all. Second, it's not Putin's war — it's Russia' one man is comforting, but a serious misreading of history. Russia was born an empire and never became a nation. Its rulers changed — tsars, commissars, now kleptocrats — but the colonizer impulses remain. The precursor state to today's Federation of Oppression, Muscovy, began as a tax collector for the Mongol khans, and it never stopped extracting, erasing, expanding. If the West denies agency to the millions of Russian people today and spares them responsibility for their government, it'll guarantee that history repeats itself. Third, yielding to nuclear coercion rewards the threat and ensures its return. The world changed forever when Moscow rattled its nukes — and the West responded not with resolve, but retreat. Timothy Snyder said it best: "By taking nuclear blackmail seriously, we have actually increased the overall chances of nuclear war. If nuclear blackmail enables a Russian victory, the consequences will be incalculably awful." The risk of a nuclear strike is never zero — but if Russia walks away with anything resembling a victory, the collapse of the non-proliferation regime is all but assured. Fourth, the frozen asset debate is backwards. Europe agonizes over whether transferring $300 billion in frozen Russian assets to Ukraine might set a dangerous precedent. But the flipside is worse: doing nothing signals that a pariah state can wage a war of annihilation — and keep the profits. After WWII, German assets helped rebuild what Hitler destroyed. What's different now? The Kremlin chose to launch a criminal war and thus forfeited any claim to be treated as a respectable sovereign actor. Making Russia pay is the only fair outcome. Finally, Ukraine is a security provider for Europe, not a security resisting the full-scale invasion, Ukraine has severely degraded Moscow's military capabilities. It chose to stand and fight rather than surrender — a gift the Free World has yet to fully appreciate. Ukraine's valour is Europe's shield. A NATO-integrated Ukraine isn't a liability — it's what a credible and effective deterrent looks like. Our wishes notwithstanding, Istanbul was no turning point, but yet another chapter in a centuries-long pattern of deceit driven by Moscow's imperial ambition. Russia's own former foreign minister, Andrei Kozyrev, put it plainly: by appointing Vladimir Medinsky — a fringe propagandist loathed even in Russia — to lead the talks, Putin signaled open contempt for diplomacy and for Washington in particular. This wasn't negotiation — it was provocation in a cheap suit. The Free World, and Europe in particular, has the means, the direct strategic interest, and — if it finds the will — the moral responsibility to help Ukraine restore its sovereignty. Not just to punish aggression, but to break the cycle of appeasement that brought us here. Victory for Ukraine is not a gift. It is the price of peace in Europe — and the best guarantee that your children won't be drafted in the coming months or years to defend what remains of it. Read also: A minerals deal won't stop Russia's war We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
Yahoo
09-05-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Russians set up monument to Soviet dictator Stalin in occupied Melitopol
The Russians have set up a monument to Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin in the occupied city of Melitopol, Zaporizhzhia Oblast, on the occasion of Victory Day. [Victory Day is a Russian holiday commemorating the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany in 1945, celebrated on 9 May – ed.] Source: website of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation; Ukrainian news agency hromadske Details: The monument has a plaque with a signature: "To the organiser and inspirer of the victory of the Soviet people over the Nazi invaders, Generalissimo of the Soviet Union Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin, from grateful descendants". The Russian communists point out that the opening was attended by a representative of the Russian-backed "administration" of Zaporizhzhia Oblast, Oleg Sliusarenko. The event was also attended by local pupils who laid flowers at the monument to Stalin. The monument to Stalin in Melitopol. Photo: Russian Communist party The monument to Stalin in Melitopol. Photo: Russian Communist party This monument was installed after the approval of representatives of the occupation "city administration" of Melitopol. For reference: The Soviet government led by Joseph Stalin committed the Holodomor of 1932-1933, a genocide of the Ukrainian people that claimed the lives of millions of people. The political system and ideology created under his rule were called Stalinism. Background: Russia launched a full-scale war against Ukraine in February 2022 under the mythical propaganda slogans of "demilitarisation and denazification". Russians contributed to the emergence of the new term "Ruscism" by committing war crimes against civilians in many occupied cities of Ukraine. President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy said in a video address on the Day of Remembrance and Victory over Nazism on 8 May that the parade of fear on Red Square in Russia would feature convoys of tanks, units of murderers marching, a disguised crowd, and half-dead faces looking down on the procession. Support Ukrainska Pravda on Patreon!
Asia Times
18-04-2025
- Politics
- Asia Times
Why does Putin insist Ukrainians and Russians are ‘one people'?
Russian president Vladimir Putin does not seem interested in peace: Sunday's missile strike on Sumy, the worst civilian attack this year, proves he is determined to expand into Ukraine at any cost. This is a war of ideas, narratives and myths – one that can be traced to the mid-16th century, when Ivan the Terrible, Grand Duke of Muscovy declared himself the first 'tsar' of all Russia. As part of his quest for power, Ivan the Terrible challenged King Sigismund I of Poland, who, as Duke of Rus, ruled over territories that now comprise parts of modern-day Ukraine. Russian rulers have often repurposed history to build their power, according to historian Orlando Figes. Putin wrote a well known essay in 2021 that called Russians and Ukrainians 'one people.' He was relying on old beliefs that Russia has the right to 'restore' or reunite lands it once ruled. Ukraine has survived bans on its language, forced-assimilation policies, and famines such as the Holodomor, orchestrated by Stalin in the 1930s. The country declared independence from Russia in 1991. Now, teachers, artists and local leaders have joined soldiers in resisting Russia. A broad expanse of the former medieval kingdom of Kyivan Rus incorporated territories in present-day Ukraine, Belarus and Russia, including Ukraine's capital, Kyiv. From 1386 until 1772, the majority of those lands came under the rule of Poland-Lithuania, governed by the Lithuanian Jagiellon dynasty, and their successors. Today, Russia often points to Kyivan Rus (which lasted from the 9th to the 13th century), claiming it is reuniting those ancient lands, as Ivan the Terrible claimed almost five centuries ago. Grand Duchy of Lithuania, ruled by the Jagiellon dynasty in the 13th to 15th centuries. Map: Wikipedia, CC BY In 1547, Ivan declared Muscovy a tsardom and dubbed Moscow the 'Third Rome' – in other words, the latest center of true Christianity, after Rome and Constantinople. This idea made conquest seem like a holy mission. By the late 18th century, the Russian Empire had destroyed Poland-Lithuania in a series of territorial annexations and wars. It had spread far to the south and east, and now bordered with Prussia and Austria. Ukraine, with its rich farmland and cultural connection to Kyivan Rus, was a top prize. Russian leaders called Ukraine ' Malorossiya ,' or 'Little Russia,' to claim it was just a small part of a larger, Russian whole. They banned Ukrainian-language publications, forced the Orthodox Church of Ukraine to answer to Moscow and tried to stamp out any sense of a separate Ukrainian identity. However, Ukraine developed its own cultural identity, shaped by its Cossack traditions, its history under Polish–Lithuanian rule and its separate experiences. Many Ukrainians argue that their culture existed long before Muscovy evolved into an empire. 'Winter Scene in Little Russia' by Ivan Constantinovich Aivazovsky. Photo: Wikimedia Commons Meanwhile, Russia had expanded into its next-door neighbors, then pretended these lands had always been part of Russia. Historian Alexander Etkind calls this process 'internal colonization.' This strategy helped Russia become a vast empire. But it also built lasting resentment, particularly in Ukraine. The Soviet Union (USSR), established in 1922 in the wake of the successful Bolshevik Coup in 1917, claimed to be a union of equal republics. In practice, Moscow stayed firmly in control. Ukraine had the label of 'Soviet Republic,' but enjoyed little genuine independence. Soviet leaders demanded enormous amounts of grain, coal and labor from Ukraine to support the rest of the USSR. A postcard printed in Germany by Ukrainian Youth Association for the 15th anniversary of Holodomor, 1933. Photo: Wikimedia Commons, CC BY One of the darkest periods in Ukrainian history was the Holodomor, an orchestrated famine that spanned 1932–33, in which millions of Ukrainians died of hunger after Stalin's government seized huge amounts of grain from farmers. These policies aimed to break Ukrainian resistance and nationalist feelings. The Holodomor was an act of genocide against Ukrainians, though Russia disputes this interpretation. After World War II, the Soviet Union took over the Baltic states and parts of Poland, including regions now in western Ukraine. Although Ukraine became one of the more industrialized parts of the USSR, genuine displays of Ukrainian culture or independent thought were often met with harsh punishment. People who spoke out were labeled 'fascists,' a term still used in Russia's modern propaganda. Starved peasants on a street in Kharkiv during the famine. Photo: Widener Library, Harvard University The USSR fell apart in 1991. Ukraine, like other former Soviet republics, became an independent nation. This was a major blow to Russia's idea of itself as a world empire. For centuries, Moscow had seen Ukraine as central to its identity. The 1990s brought tough economic reforms and political changes in Russia. Then Vladimir Putin rose to power in the early 2000s, promising to restore Russia's influence. He described the former Soviet states as the 'near abroad,' suggesting Moscow still had special rights over these regions. In 2008, Russia went to war with Georgia. After winning, it recognized two breakaway provinces in Georgia, effectively keeping troops there. In 2014, Russia annexed Crimea from Ukraine, claiming to be protecting Russian speakers. It also backed separatists in eastern Ukraine's Donbas region. The United Nations General Assembly passed Resolution 68/262 in March 2014, declaring Russia's annexation of Crimea illegal. The Kremlin continued its policies regardless. In February 2022, Russia expanded the conflict by launching an invasion of Ukraine. It described its actions as a mission to 'denazify' the country, accusing Ukraine's government of being controlled by Nazis – although president Zelensky has Jewish heritage. There was no evidence to support those claims. Still, Russian leaders used these slogans to justify their aggressive push. They also spoke of 'traditional values' and 'Orthodox unity,' painting themselves as defenders of a shared Slavic culture. The military objective was to capture the Donbas completely, create a land bridge to Crimea and maybe advance further to Transnistria in Moldova, a pro-Russian separatist region. What Russia hoped would be a quick victory has become a long, brutal conflict. For many Ukrainians, independence is about more than just avoiding control by Moscow. It is about creating a society built on democracy, human rights and ties to Europe. These values inspired the Euromaidan protests in Kyiv in 2013–14, in which demonstrators demanded less corruption and closer links to the European Union. Russia used the protests to justify seizing Crimea in 2014. The Kremlin's insistence that Ukrainians and Russians are the same mirrors the older imperial model: expand, absorb the territories and claim they were always part of Russia. Breaking free from this 'mental empire' demands a deep shift in how Russians, Ukrainians, and the world view Eastern Europe's past and present. When the Soviet Union collapsed, many hoped for a new era of cooperation in Eastern Europe. Instead, authoritarian politics and old beliefs about empire have led to a devastating conflict. By refusing to be pulled back into Russia's orbit, Ukrainians send a message about self-determination. They reject the claim that bigger nations can absorb smaller ones simply by invoking a shared past. Darius von Guttner Sporzynski is an historian at Australian Catholic University. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
