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The Hindu
01-06-2025
- Business
- The Hindu
Underground power cables likely to rid Vizag core area of electric poles by December 2026
A large part of power network in the core city area of Visakhapatnam will soon be free of electric poles, if the underground cable laying gets completed as per schedule by December 2026. After witnessing the success of phase I of the underground power cabling, which was undertaken after Cyclone Hudhud laid poles to waste in October 2014, A.P. Eastern Power Distribution Company Limited (APEPDCL) is currently taking the project forward by laying underground base for a distance of 876 km under phase II at an investment of ₹973 crore as part of the Centre's Renovated Distribution Sector Scheme (RDSS). The RDSS is aimed to improve the performance and efficiency of power sector in the country. The objectives include reducing AT&C (Integrated Technical and Commercial) losses, improving the quality and reliability of power supply and making the power distribution sector financially sustainable. Phase II was sanctioned last year, but work only began this financial year. Unlike the phase I, which provided underground network for 33kV, 11kV and LT lines, the phase II will cover only 33kV and 11kV lines up to the end of distribution transformers. The total project cost has been divided into ₹340 crore for the 33kV line and ₹633 crore for the 11kV line. The works, began in the summer of 2025, progressed well with no rain hampering it. During this southwest monsoon, progress could be slowed or the work interrupted. However, the authorities plan to expedite the work after the onset of winter, completing the project by December 2026. Speaking to The Hindu, APEPDCL superintending engineer for Visakhapatnanm district G. Shyambabu said only 33kV and 11kV lines will be covered in phase II. 'We will not take up LT lines (i.e. supply to domestic consumers) as was done in phase I. The underground cables were laid on every street and corner in phase I. However, proposals have been sent to the higher-ups to include the LT lines as well.'
Time of India
31-05-2025
- Business
- Time of India
EPDCL aims to complete underground cabling project by August 2026
Visakhapatnam: The Eastern Power Distribution Company Limited (EPDCL) is rapidly progressing with its ambitious underground cabling project, aiming to complete the initiative within the next 15 months. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now The project involves laying underground cables for high-tension (HT) lines, including 33 kV and 11 kV lines, across the entire city. Despite facing delays in the past due to permission issues and government transitions, the second phase of the project is now underway, with work currently ongoing on the outskirts of the city. EPDCL has already completed around 140 km of the 876 km line within three months, demonstrating significant progress. Once the project is completed, residents in apartments will receive direct power supply through underground cables, eliminating the need for transformers at individual apartments. Public transformers on streets will, however, continue to be used. The importance of underground cabling became evident after the devastating super cyclone Hudhud, which prompted the govt to undertake this initiative with the help of World Bank aid. The first phase of the project, which involved laying around 260 km of underground cables on the beach road area, was successfully completed. The second phase, estimated to cost ₹973.44 crore, will cover the entire city and is expected to minimize damage to power infrastructure during cyclones and natural calamities. EPDCL CMD Immadi Prudhvi Teja stated that the target is to complete the second phase by March 2026, but the presence of bitumen (BT) roads and cement roads in the city might pose challenges. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now He added that wherever kaccha roads are present, the work will be completed quickly, but digging BT and cement roads will require permissions from concerned authorities, making the process more complex. By August 2026, the city will receive power supply through underground cabling. The CMD emphasized that the project's primary goal is to achieve disaster resilience, and with the second phase, EPDCL is confident of realizing this objective. The underground cabling of power lines will not only reduce damage during natural calamities but also provide a more reliable power supply to the city's over 18 lakh consumers.
Time of India
28-05-2025
- Business
- Time of India
Govt writes to secretaries for devpt of Berhampur, Chhatrapur & Gopalpur towns
Berhampur: The state govt recently wrote to different department secretaries for comprehensive development of Berhampur, Chhatrapur and Gopalpur towns in the Ganjam district. The additional secretary of planning and convergence department, Y. Vijay, wrote to the secretaries in response to Berhampur MP Pradeep Kumar Panigrahy's suggestions which he gave to chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi. Vijay asked for appropriate action on the proposals for the comprehensive development of these urban areas in the district. The proposals include the integration of peripheral panchayats into Berhampur Municipal Corporation (BeMC), climate-resilient infrastructure and water resource management, underground cabling and the development of modern transport systems. They also cover the development of a city centre and regional trading hub, sustainable tourism and cultural preservation, smart city technology, disaster mitigation and preparedness, development of urban forests, revitalisation of water bodies and development of tourism sites. Panigrahy wrote to the CM on April 25, requesting comprehensive development work for Berhampur, Chhatrapur and Gopalpur urban local bodies for the socio-economic development of the residents and their comprehensive infrastructure development. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Arceto: L'ultima soluzione acustica svizzera: ingegnosa e quasi invisibile Migliora Udito Undo "Berhampur is the biggest trading centre in southern Odisha, while Gopalpur, a sea-shore town in the district, is one of the major tourist destinations. Chhatrapur, an NAC town, is the district headquarters of Ganjam district. Hundreds of people from far-off places visit these urban areas every day for business purposes in Berhampur, while visitors from across the country and abroad visit Gopalpur to enjoy its pleasant climate," Panigrahy said. "Underground cabling and climate-resilient infrastructure in these urban areas are needed as these towns are considered cyclone-prone areas. In the past, these areas faced several devastating cyclones like Phailin, Hudhud and Titli. The areas remained in darkness for several days when the power infrastructures were damaged in the calamities," he added. "The development of infrastructure facilities in these urban areas is urgently needed to attract more visitors and provide hassle-free services to them," Panigrahy said. He thanked the CM for directing the secretaries to his proposals. "I hope different departments will take prompt action for the implementation of his proposals," he added.
Time of India
23-05-2025
- General
- Time of India
In the wake of Operation Sindoor
Rajeev Kumar Jha is a development professional with over 18 years of extensive experience in Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) and Climate Change Adaptation (CCA) across the South Asia region. He currently serves as the Director of DRR and CCA at the esteemed Humanitarian Aid International (HAI). As the Director, Rajeev is entrusted with the important responsibility of overseeing a wide range of initiatives aimed at reducing disaster risks and enhancing climate change adaptation capacities. He plays a pivotal role in designing and implementing innovative projects that integrate risk-informed approaches into development planning and humanitarian action, thereby contributing significantly to the betterment of society. Over the years he majorly invested in Disaster Risk Reduction, Climate Change, and Humanitarian Response work. Mr Jha's latest work includes working with UNDP India as a DRR consultant and as national lead for Practical Action on its DRR and Flood Resilience work supported by the ZURICH Foundation. His contribution after the Nepal Earthquake for Islamic Relief Worldwide as Senior Programme Manager cum Country Representative was noteworthy when he worked for the rehabilitation of disaster-affected communities. He works as a consultant for the World Bank India team in its Disaster Management program. He played an active role in shaping plans and policies during natural disasters such as cyclone Hudhud and the Jammu-Kashmir flood in India. He is also skilled in dealing with issues related to Urban and Rural Affairs, Civil Society partnerships, DRR and Climate Change issues, mainstreaming in development planning and policy, training and capacity building, monitoring and evaluation, and program management at the national and international level. LESS ... MORE On the 22nd day of April 2025, in the quiet valley of Pahalgam, where streams murmur and meadows bloom, terror once again intruded upon the sanctity of peace. In a moment heavy with cruelty, 26 souls were lost—among them a newlywed couple, torn from joy into the grip of horror, conscripted by fate to bear a chilling message to the Prime Minister of this great Republic. What words suffice for such sorrow? What balm for a nation wounded again? The perpetrators—The Resistance Front (TRF), a name shadowed by the spectre of Lashkar-e-Taiba—did not delay in boasting of their cruelty. And as the blood of innocents still cried from the earth, a voice from across the border sought not solidarity, but proof. Proof, in the face of agony; proof, in defiance of truth laid bare. But we have seen this play before. The theatre of denial, the pantomime of diplomacy, the habitual shrug in the face of pain not theirs. Let our grief not be idle. The pyres now burn, the nation bows not in defeat, but rises in remembrance. For every child orphaned, for every life cut short, for every silence where once there was laughter—India remembers. And India will answer. In response, the Prime Minister addresses a rally in Madhubani, Bihar, on 24th April 2025, with a powerful message: 'We will seek justice.' On May 7, 2025, Operation Sindoor was launched in response to the ongoing challenge of terrorism, a situation that affects us all deeply. The ensuing four days of intense fighting revealed the toll of conflict, showcasing a level of fighting that many hoped would never be witnessed again. The conflict has also seen the advanced use of drones, air defence systems, and precision strikes on the enemy territory by the Indian Air Force, It became evident that we cannot let fear dictate our actions. After extensive diplomatic discussions, both countries announced a ceasefire, which we hope brings some relief. However, the Indian government has reiterated that this is just a temporary pause; we remain vigilant in the face of potential threats across the border. This situation is a reminder of the strength we find in our unity, crossing political divides to stand together for peace and security. One important question that arises is how a country with a population of 1.4 billion people, which has historically advocated for peace and nonviolence, has shifted its stance and is now prepared to retaliate against its enemies, demanding retribution without seeking assistance from the UN or other international agencies. Notably, India has requested the UN Security Council to mediate the issue of Kashmir (Security Council passed Resolution 39 on January 20, 1948, which established the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) to mediate the dispute. The reasons are many: Repeated incidents This is not the first time that terrorists from across the border have ruthlessly taken the lives of innocent Indians. Tragic incidents are etched in our collective memory, from the fierce battles of Kargil to the chilling assault on the Parliament (13th Dec 2001), and the horrifying events of November 26, 2008, in Mumbai. On that fateful day, 166 lives were brutally snuffed out by the gunfire of Pakistani terrorists, leaving behind a wave of grief and devastation that still echoes in the hearts of many. Remember when Bill Clinton, former US president of US visited India in 2000 AD. 35 people in Anantnag district were killed by gunshot, a similar story when Vice President JD Evans visited in 2025. So, what changes then and now? One of the plausible reasons is that personality factors in Indian politics have shaped the major strategic decisions in India. To some extent, this is true, but even at this level, decisions are based on the socioeconomic and cultural inputs and the ability to deliver the message. Another reason could be the role of the middle class, as in the growing India voice of the middle class matters more than before, and governments may not ignore them now. Change in the country's strategic posture from defence to 'offensive defence' could be another one since 2014. There is also a clear political mandate since 2014 to respond decisively to aggression. But the real reason can be attributed to the economic growth of the country since 2000, as well as its ability to reform and modernise its systems and processes, making it more resilient. It is widely understood that effectively attacking an enemy depends on a society's ability to first withstand the shock, neutralise the threat, and then retaliate. In my opinion, a resilient economy plays a crucial role in the decision to strike back, as it provides better choices that simplify the strategic decision-making process. Now let's examine the economic growth of both countries, since 2000 AD, which may tell the real story of growing confidence of the Indian system to strike, and strike hard. According to the World Bank, India's average annual GDP growth rate from 2000 to 2023-24 is approximately 6.2%. This average reflects periods of significant expansion, such as the mid-2000s, as well as downturns, including the contraction during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. During the same period, the central government's revenue has increased dramatically from Rs 2.23 lakh crore (26 billion USD@83) to Rs 24.56 lakh crore (294 billion USD@83). This impressive revenue collection enables the government to allocate resources to various sectors, including defence. Let's also take a closer look at India's defence expenditure over recent years. India's defence spending has increased dramatically, rising from Rs 58,587 crore in 2000 AD (13 billion@45) to Rs 593,538 crore (71 billion@83), which amounts to about 2% of its GDP. Within this budget, capital expenditure typically constitutes around 28% to 32% of the total defence budget. While these figures may seem significant in absolute terms, the overall defence budget continues to hover around 2% of GDP. Given the fragile security situation, there is a growing call for India to increase its defence budget from 2% to 4% of GDP. At the same time, since 2000, Pakistan's average growth rate has been approximately 4.1%, starting from 1.9% of GDP growth in 2000, peaking at 7.5% in 2003-04, and then averaging around 4%. Notably, Pakistan experienced a contraction of up to 0.9% during the COVID-19 pandemic. When examining defence expenditure as a percentage of GDP, Pakistan allocates over 3%, which exceeds India's allocation of 2%. However, in absolute terms, and when factoring in the depreciation of the Pakistani Rupee against the Dollar, Pakistan's actual purchasing power is significantly lower. It can be concluded that despite Pakistan's defence spending, India's overall defence-related expenditure is considerably higher. This provides India with substantial capacity, knowledge, and skill to effectively respond to any incursions into its territory. What is evident is- a thriving economy, effective tax collection, and resource redistribution can be transformative forces that strengthen our ability to respond, enhance resilience against shocks, and accelerate India's thriving economy, which now exceeds USD 3.7 trillion, providing a solid foundation for national security. This economic scale allows for substantial and sustained investment in defence capabilities, including indigenous manufacturing (such as Tejas, BrahMos, and INS Vikrant) and the modernisation of the armed forces. Additionally, a vibrant economy enables India to maintain strong foreign exchange reserves (over USD 620 billion) and to fund strategic reserves and emergency responses. This context is further illustrated in the table provided below. IND & PAK defence budget and GDP growth comparison (2000–2024) Data Source-Several -SIPRI Military Expenditure Database, Ministry of Finance – Budget in Brief & Economic Survey – Historical defence budget allocations. However, just because the country is witnessing better economic growth doesn't mean that problems are resolved. One should combine all his social, economic, and cultural power in one direction to achieve its goal that s powerful, peaceful, and prosperous India. A few of the suggestions are- Promote economic asymmetry- It is crucial to achieve a consistent annual growth rate of 6-7 percent in comparison to your neighbouring economies. This strategic focus on sustained growth can transform the economic landscape. Such significant prosperity not only enhances competitive edge but also empowers to address pressing challenges with greater resilience. Correct the political narrative that fosters an unnecessary anti-minority atmosphere- The security situation in our country remains challenging, especially given our proximity to two large neighbours Pakistan and Bangladesh who has Islam is the state religion, Secular and modern India should avoid falling into the trap of responding based on dominant religious ideologies. We must reset our domestic political culture to improve our image by fostering an environment of maximum participation and minimal interference. Deradicalise the society- There should be an honest attempt at deradicalisation that aligns with our civilisational ethos of inclusivity and tolerance, while propelling the nation forward in modernity and development. India must invest in inclusive education, equitable development, and civic engagement rooted in constitutional values and ancient civilisation. Rise quietly – Our rise need not be loud or declarative; instead, it must be defined by quiet confidence. We must choose a different path — one of focused reform, institutional capacity building, and inclusive growth. Rather than seeking validation through headline diplomacy or reactive posturing, the emphasis should be on economic resilience, technological innovation, human capital, and social harmony. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.
Time of India
29-04-2025
- Politics
- Time of India
Aid interrupted: The fallout of USAID funding cuts
Rajeev Kumar Jha is a development professional with over 18 years of extensive experience in Disaster Risk Reduction (DRR) and Climate Change Adaptation (CCA) across the South Asia region. He currently serves as the Director of DRR and CCA at the esteemed Humanitarian Aid International (HAI). As the Director, Rajeev is entrusted with the important responsibility of overseeing a wide range of initiatives aimed at reducing disaster risks and enhancing climate change adaptation capacities. He plays a pivotal role in designing and implementing innovative projects that integrate risk-informed approaches into development planning and humanitarian action, thereby contributing significantly to the betterment of society. Over the years he majorly invested in Disaster Risk Reduction, Climate Change, and Humanitarian Response work. Mr Jha's latest work includes working with UNDP India as a DRR consultant and as national lead for Practical Action on its DRR and Flood Resilience work supported by the ZURICH Foundation. His contribution after the Nepal Earthquake for Islamic Relief Worldwide as Senior Programme Manager cum Country Representative was noteworthy when he worked for the rehabilitation of disaster-affected communities. He works as a consultant for the World Bank India team in its Disaster Management program. He played an active role in shaping plans and policies during natural disasters such as cyclone Hudhud and the Jammu-Kashmir flood in India. He is also skilled in dealing with issues related to Urban and Rural Affairs, Civil Society partnerships, DRR and Climate Change issues, mainstreaming in development planning and policy, training and capacity building, monitoring and evaluation, and program management at the national and international level. LESS ... MORE The recent announcement by the US government to significantly reduce funding for USAID, cloaked in the rhetoric of 'Making America Great Again,' has sparked a firestorm within the international development community. Citing concerns over transparency and allegations of corruption, President Donald Trump declared that the agency's funds are mismanaged and mired in inefficiency (Trump's statement on X, formerly Twitter, February 7, 2025). Adding fuel to the controversy, it was reported that USAID expenditures were not formally submitted to the US Congress during the Biden administration—an annual exercise that has traditionally ensured legislative oversight. The implications of this decision are vast and deeply unsettling for development agencies across the globe, many of which rely heavily on US financial support. Long-standing partners such as Catholic Relief Services ($4.6 billion), FHI 360 ($3.8 billion), Save the Children Federation, Inc. ($1.5 billion), Jhpiego Corporation ($1.3 billion), and World Vision ($1.2 billion) now face serious operational uncertainty. Even large consulting firms like Deloitte and Chemonics are bracing for impact. Although USAID spending comprises a modest 0.6% of the total US federal budget, the absolute figure—close to $40 billion—dwarfs the aid contributions of other countries. To put this in perspective: in 2023, the UK, the world's fourth-largest donor, spent £15.3 billion on aid, roughly a quarter of what the US provided. USAID's scale has allowed it to lead flagship global health initiatives that command bipartisan and international respect, such as its work with the PEPFAR program, which has distributed antiretroviral drugs globally and saved an estimated 25 million lives, including 5.5 million babies born to HIV-positive mothers. The funding cut—nearly 83% from previous levels—has not only curtailed these programs but has also left dozens of small and medium-sized countries scrambling. Many rely on USAID for over 20% of their total aid budgets, and for the poorest among them, the fallout is especially dire. According to the Center for Global Development, countries like South Sudan, Somalia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Afghanistan, Sudan, Uganda, and Ethiopia—where aid comprises up to 11% of national income—stand to lose funding equivalent to over 3% of their GNI(Gross National Income). This is more than a financial setback; it's a potential shock to fragile economies supporting 410 million people. India, too, has historically been a major recipient of USAID, receiving around $2.9 billion since 2001, over half of which targeted health-related issues, including HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and COVID-19. Institutions like IIT Kanpur, the National Dairy Development Board (NDDB), and premier agricultural universities such as G.B. Pant University and Punjab Agricultural University have benefited from USAID partnerships. The bigger question is why foreign aid is often viewed with skepticism. Reasons are not unfounded. Developed nations often juggle delicate geopolitical balances while trying to serve local needs, with NGOs stepping in to bridge gaps left by under-resourced public systems. In such complex environments, foreign aid, though life-saving, can appear as both a blessing and a burden. It may alleviate suffering, but it can also carry subtle agendas: promoting democratic norms, advancing human rights, or aligning with donor country priorities. In India, too, Foreign aid remains a subject of intense scrutiny. From allegations of foreign interference to concerns about cultural imposition—as in the $446,000 grant reportedly aimed at promoting atheism in Nepal or funding voter mobilisation efforts in India—USAID's involvement has often walked a fine line between support and intrusion. Take, for instance, the UK's decision to merge the Department for International Development (DFID) with the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office (FCDO) in 2020. While framed as an efficiency move, the merger blurred lines between diplomacy and development, drawing criticism for potentially subordinating humanitarian goals to foreign policy interests However, legally, dismantling USAID is not as simple as an executive decree. Created through the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 and reinforced by Congress in 1998, the agency's closure would require a full legislative process. Still, the debate around its relevance and approach continues. This brings us to a broader reckoning with the aid system itself. Much of the aid flowing to the Global South has been criticized as extractive, defined by conditionalities, parallel delivery systems, and donor-driven priorities. The growing call to 'decolonize aid' demands a shift toward equitable partnerships that recognize and respect the agency of recipient countries. It is viewed that stepping into the void left by the United States is no easy feat. The sheer scale of global humanitarian needs—estimated at $46.3 billion by the UN for 2024 to assist 181 million people—underscores the financial enormity of the challenge. Meanwhile, the fiscal bandwidth of other major economies remains constrained. The war in Ukraine, now in its third year, combined with the intensifying humanitarian crisis in Gaza, has shifted the global focus toward defense, deterrence, and domestic resilience. The European Union, traditionally one of the largest collective donors, is undergoing a seismic budgetary recalibration. Germany, for instance, has announced a €100 billion special defense fund, the largest since World War II. Similar shifts are being observed across NATO countries, where defense spending is being scaled up to meet the alliance's 2% GDP target. This reprioritization inevitably puts pressure on overseas aid budgets, and the humanitarian sector often becomes the first casualty in such times of fiscal austerity. This diversion of resources carries far-reaching implications. According to the UN's 2023 SDG Progress Report, only 12% of the Sustainable Development Goal targets are currently on track. The cascading consequences of aid withdrawal—especially in fragile and conflict-affected states—threaten to further derail hard-won gains in areas like poverty reduction, health, education, and gender equality. Paradoxically, the reduction in USAID funding presents both a challenge and an opportunity. While some critical programs will undoubtedly suffer, this may also be the wake-up call needed to rethink development finance. Nations could explore domestic resource mobilization, tax reforms, and private sector investments to fund their priorities. Multilateral platforms like the UN and World Bank offer spaces for recalibrating collaboration, despite inherent power imbalances. Meanwhile, domestic resource mobilisation remains a critical, yet underleveraged, pillar of financing for development. The IMF estimates that developing countries could increase their tax-to-GDP ratio by 3–4% through improved compliance and policy reforms. Innovations like climate-linked sovereign bonds, diaspora remittances (which reached $669 billion globally in 2023), and social impact investments are becoming viable supplements to traditional aid flows. Emerging donors like India now have a unique opportunity to lead. India's evolution from an aid recipient to a provider of South-South cooperation, particularly in Africa and the Indo-Pacific, is noteworthy. Its emphasis on digital public goods (such as Aadhaar and CoWIN), concessional finance, and capacity building offers a pragmatic, demand-driven alternative to traditional Western aid models. In this context, the shrinking fiscal space for humanitarian action is more than a policy shift—it represents a growing moral dilemma. As donor nations turn inward, the international community must grapple with a fundamental question: can global solidarity be sustained in an era increasingly defined by national interest? In the end, the soul-searching around foreign aid is long overdue. Whether it's rethinking what solidarity means in a multipolar world or grounding development in dignity rather than dependency, the path forward must be one of humility, innovation, and mutual respect. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.
