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Live updates: Top Jan. 6 prosecutor rips pardons; Trump's trade agenda hitting snags
Live updates: Top Jan. 6 prosecutor rips pardons; Trump's trade agenda hitting snags

NBC News

time13 hours ago

  • Business
  • NBC News

Live updates: Top Jan. 6 prosecutor rips pardons; Trump's trade agenda hitting snags

IE 11 is not supported. For an optimal experience visit our site on another browser. The Senate majority leader said he hopes his chamber passes the GOP agenda bill by July 4. Donald Trump in the Oval Office of the White House on May 30. Allison Robbert / AFP - Getty Images Updated June 3, 2025, 7:37 AM EDT Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., said he hopes the Senate is on track to pass the GOP megabill by July 4. 'I think we're on track. I hope, at least, to be able to produce something that we can pass through the Senate, send back to the House, have them pass and put on the president's desk by the Fourth of July,' Thune said yesterday. Thune also said the Senate could take up the Russia sanctions bill this month but again said it's waiting for the White House to give it the go-ahead. 'I think right now they're still hopeful they'll be able to strike some sort of a deal,' he said of the White House's hopes regarding talks with Russia. 'But as you might expect, there's a high level of interest here in the Senate, on both sides of the aisle and moving on it, and it very well could be something that we would take up in this work period.' Trump's ambitious plan to broker dozens of trade deals with some of the United States' closest trading partners has begun to show cracks as the clock on his 90-day pause for most country-specific tariffs winds down to just over one month. While some of the fissures are self-inflicted, like recent threats of tariffs against the European Union and higher duties on steel imports, a fresh set of court rulings questioning the president's tariffs-granting authority now hangs over his entire push to reset U.S. trade relations. Read the full story here. The federal prosecutor who oversaw the Capitol riot investigation is speaking out about President Donald Trump's mass pardon of Jan. 6 rioters and the Trump administration's targeting of career law enforcement officials who worked cases against the people who attacked the U.S. Capitol. Greg Rosen, who was the chief of the Capitol Siege Section of the U.S. Attorney's Office for the District of Columbia, called the Justice Department's handling of Jan. 6 cases appropriate, proportional and righteous, noting that hundreds of defendants convicted of misdemeanors ultimately were sentenced to probation. Read the full story here.

Radhika Apte says the film industry isn't ‘conducive' to new mothers: ‘The time for which we don't see the child…'
Radhika Apte says the film industry isn't ‘conducive' to new mothers: ‘The time for which we don't see the child…'

Hindustan Times

time2 days ago

  • Entertainment
  • Hindustan Times

Radhika Apte says the film industry isn't ‘conducive' to new mothers: ‘The time for which we don't see the child…'

After Deepika Padukone and Saif Ali Khan, Radhika Apte is the latest actor to bat for more family time. Talking to IE, she admitted that the film industry isn't really 'conducive' to new mothers like her and admitted she doesn't know how to navigate her work now. (Also Read: After Deepika Padukone, Saif Ali Khan also champions family time for actors: 'I hate coming home and seeing...') When asked if the film industry is conducive to new mothers like her, Radhika said, 'I don't think they are. I don't know how I'm going to navigate that going ahead.' This comes after reports of Deepika recently turning down Sandeep Reddy Vanga's Prabhas-starrer Spirit after her requests for an 8-hour workday and a better remuneration package weren't met. Ajay Devgn and Kajol publicly supported her, while Saif also advocated prioritising family time. Radhika claimed that it was difficult to balance her work and new motherhood, stating, 'It's really difficult to work in our film industry, given the number of hours and how we film generally, and the time for which we don't get to see the child. So I guess I'll just have to figure it out now.' The actor has been splitting her time between Mumbai and London for a while now, making it even more difficult. Radhika, who gave birth to a baby girl in December last year, opened up to ANI recently about the emotional highs and lows she has experienced. She said, 'I was very prepared for postpartum, actually. And I had also made sure that my friends and family were aware that if I went into postpartum depression, they needed to support me. To my own surprise, I was just purely elated when I had a child. And fortunately, I didn't suffer from severe depression at any point.' She is married to musician Benedict Taylor.

Suhas Palshikar writes: Who stole my nationalism?
Suhas Palshikar writes: Who stole my nationalism?

Indian Express

time4 days ago

  • Politics
  • Indian Express

Suhas Palshikar writes: Who stole my nationalism?

This is in response to Yogendra Yadav's spirited exposition of 'Indian' nationalism ('The nationalism we forgot, IE, May 27). India's imagination and practice of nationalism from the early 20th century was an audacious intellectual and political project by any standard. Its elaboration and defence in the piece by Yadav is a valuable reminder of what could have been. While agreeing with his description of Indian nationalism, it is necessary to also register a small but critical disagreement with his argument. As Yogendra bhai puts it, Indian nationalism is under assault today; it is being replaced by a 'phoney nationalism'. And yet, he chides us that locating the problem only in the current moment would be wrong and lazy. That is where my disagreement may be located. Let me mention two disagreements. Following from them, there is a third disagreement about the trajectory of the challenge to Indian nationalism, coupled with a question on the semantics of 'forgetting', in the hope that this will broaden the scope of the debate. One disagreement, which may seem like a quibble but is crucial to understanding the death of Indian nationalism, is the point about not locating the backsliding in what the current regime has done. Indeed, any major socio-political tendency has a deeper lineage than the present. In that sense, let us agree that merely blaming the currently fashionable idea of phoney nationalism is not an adequate analytical response to what has happened to the idea of Indian nationalism that promised 'belonging without othering'. Nevertheless, it is not possible to ignore the present moment, which has formally and frontally disbanded Indian nationalism not merely through the subterfuge of practice but through the assault of ideology. Today, 'belonging' is replaced by a conditionality: One doesn't belong, someone else decides who belongs, and who must belong, to the nation on the basis of one trait or the other. Is it not commonplace today to decide who is a Pakistani by identifying the person's religion, irrespective of whether that person is a colonel or a district magistrate? Don't we witness the othering of communities not just on the basis of religion, but also on the basis of the size of their eyes? So, one 'belongs' only on the sufferance of those who claim to own this nation. Thus, the pseudo-nationalism of today doesn't allow citizens to belong without preconditions and without tests of patriotism. A politics that mixes — via vigilante violence and state patronage — forced attachment and an ideology of othering has become the lingua franca of the phoney nationalism of today. Against this backdrop, the 'backsliding' — or, in fact, disbandment and delegitimisation — of Indian nationalism must be located in the contemporary moment notwithstanding the failures to consolidate it in the past. As a matter of fact, it is not backsliding but a resolute replacement of Indian nationalism. But of course, I would agree with Yadav that this process did not start in 2014 — or with Narendra Modi. December 1992 marked a major departure from the imagination of inclusion and accommodation. And as we know, December 1992 itself was a culmination of a long history of imagining the nation only through othering. This process formally took an organisational shape exactly a century ago. However, we still cannot ignore the significance and force that the decade since 2014 has brought to bear on the dramatic demise of Indian nationalism. This long history of the gradual challenge thrown at Indian nationalism forces me to disagree with Yogendra bhai on a second point. He finds the post-Independence elite and the ruling ideology responsible for the disconnect between citizens and Indian nationalism. Again, let me begin with agreement. A section of 'secular-liberal' elites did ignore the cultural dimension; it even overlooked the potential of traditions emanating from religion. But it is an exaggeration to blame this section for the crisis faced by Indian nationalism. This section was far too tiny to have any influence; worse, it was mostly English-speaking and lacked any real connection with the masses. On the other hand, not just the political class but a strong element among Indian language-speaking intellectuals were not averse to searching for sources of belonging from within Indian traditions and linguistic resources. They kept on struggling on the dual fronts of the meanings of traditions on the one hand, and the meaning of 'Indian' on the other. It wasn't just Gandhians and Lohiaites; even among communists, there was a recognition of the fact that traditions presented both things — elements of modernity and traditionalism, inclusive ideas as well as elements of exclusion. Moreover, while we need not hesitate to admit the many failings of the elite and the political leadership of the post-Independence era, in holding them responsible for the current crisis of Indian nationalism, we may be making the mistake of ignoring the deep rivalry between Indian nationalism and its phoney alternative. Throughout the 19th century, a sense of identity rooted in othering and instrumental unity without genuine belonging began to emerge as the language of collective action — particularly among the upper castes. Religion was imagined devoid of religiosity, God was imagined without devotion, communities were imagined without empathy. These tendencies were alive and posed a challenge to Indian nationalism when it was nascent. While the nationalist movement succeeded in bringing an inclusive Indian nationalism to the centre stage, the alternative, too, was shaping up all through the late 19th and early 20th century. India's elites — political, cultural and economic — were often torn between these two intellectual forces. While Mahatma Gandhi (and Jawaharlal Nehru) undoubtedly attracted many individuals from the upper castes, these same social sections were more favourably inclined to the narrow, vicious, macho and exclusionary European duplication of nationalism. Freedom in 1947 did not settle the deeper foundational dispute — it only postponed it. With occasional glimpses of superficial debates around Hindi and gau raksha in the 1960s, the simmering debate remained alive. For a variety of reasons of social turmoil and political deviations, the foundational dispute over the meaning of nationalism entered a critical phase around the 1980s. The larger point, therefore, is this: The audacity of the project of Indian nationalism itself signified that it would have strong challenges and many inner hiccups. A fuller history of its rise and fall may include the failings of its supporters and the inaction of its well-wishers but the limitations of the nationalist project lay in its very audacity. Because it was ambitious, it was difficult to realise and more difficult to sustain but easy to malign. Its fall cannot be explained without realising that its ideological rival always existed. What has happened in the past three to four decades is that Indian nationalism has been effectively replaced by the phoney. It's not that I/we forgot Indian nationalism, it was stolen. The story of Indian nationalism should, therefore, not be a story of forgetting but the story of it being stolen. The writer, based in Pune, taught Political Science

ExThera Medical's Blood Filtration Device Shows Promise for Sepsis Patients After Cardiac Surgery
ExThera Medical's Blood Filtration Device Shows Promise for Sepsis Patients After Cardiac Surgery

Business Wire

time5 days ago

  • Health
  • Business Wire

ExThera Medical's Blood Filtration Device Shows Promise for Sepsis Patients After Cardiac Surgery

MARTINEZ, Calif.--(BUSINESS WIRE)--A newly published study in Nature's Scientific Reports finds that use of ExThera's Seraph ® 100 blood filter in septic patients following cardiac surgery significantly improved outcomes by rapidly reducing pathogen load in the bloodstream. Sepsis—a life-threatening condition caused by the body's extreme response to infection—can lead to organ failure and death if not treated quickly. Patients undergoing surgery for infective endocarditis (IE), a serious infection of the heart's inner lining, face particularly high risk of developing post-operative sepsis due to widespread bacterial contamination in the blood. The hospital-led study, conducted at the ICU of Papardo Hospital in Messina, Italy, evaluated patients who developed sepsis after cardiac surgery for IE. Thirteen patients were treated with the Seraph ® 100 Microbind ® Affinity Blood Filter (Seraph 100), and their outcomes were compared to a retrospective control group of fifteen patients who did not receive the treatment. Within just four hours of using the Seraph 100 filter, pathogen load in the bloodstream dropped significantly. In addition to fighting the infection, patients who received this treatment also showed signs of faster recovery, including: Lower levels of inflammation in the body based on various biomarkers More stable blood pressure Reduced need for medications that support blood pressure Shorter stays in the ICU Importantly, only 15% of patients who received the Seraph 100 developed acute kidney injury (AKI) that required dialysis—a common and serious complication of sepsis—compared to 40% in the untreated group. Impressively, in this study, two dangerous and difficult-to-treat pathogens – Pseudomonas and Candida – were effectively removed. Candida organisms have been identified as 'superbugs' with few treatment options. These data suggest that the Seraph 100 may have utility for these difficult-to-treat infections. 'These results suggest the Seraph 100 device can help critically ill patients recover more quickly by removing harmful and difficult-to-treat pathogens like Staph, Pseudomonas, and Candida species,' said Mink Chawla, MD, Chief Medical Officer of ExThera. 'The authors document improved clinical outcomes with the use of Seraph 100 technology and also demonstrated the ability for the filter to capture intact pathogens thereby allowing the Seraph 100 to be an effective diagnostic tool for blood-borne pathogens.' The results of the study were published in Nature' s Scientific Reports. About ExThera Medical Corporation ExThera Medical Corporation develops extracorporeal blood filtration devices, including the Seraph ® 100 Microbind ® Affinity Blood Filter (Seraph 100) for removing a broad range of pathogens from the bloodstream of patients. Seraph 100 can be used in hospitals, clinics, on battlefields and in other austere environments to address nosocomial and community-acquired infections as well as those caused by battlefield wounds, pandemics, and biological warfare agents. ExThera Medical's extracorporeal products have demonstrated life-saving capabilities in a wide range of critically ill patients suffering from sepsis, COVID-19, and many other severe bloodstream infections. With a growing body of outcome and health economic evidence from independent clinical studies, success in the DARPA Dialysis-Like Therapeutics program, and from successful clinical use in the U.S., the EU, and the Middle East, the company is well positioned to serve healthcare professionals and patients alike. The Seraph 100 device has neither been cleared nor approved by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) for any indication. The Seraph 100 has been authorized by FDA under an Emergency Use Authorization (EUA) to treat patients with COVID-19 infection. The Seraph 100 is authorized only for the duration of the declaration that circumstances exist justifying the authorization of the emergency use of the Seraph 100 device under section 564(b)(1) of the Act, 21 U.S.C. § 360bbb-3(b)(1), unless the authorization is terminated or revoked sooner. For more information, visit the company's website at About Seraph 100 and the ONCObind Procedure As a patient's blood flows through the Seraph ® 100 Microbind ® Affinity Filter (Seraph 100), it passes through a bed of small beads with receptors that mimic the receptors on human cells that pathogens target when they invade the body. Many harmful substances are quickly captured and adsorbed onto the surface of the beads and are thereby subtracted from the bloodstream. Seraph 100 adds nothing to the bloodstream. It targets the pathogens that cause the infection, while it also binds and removes harmful substances generated by the pathogen and by the body's response to the infection. Seraph's proprietary adsorption media (the beads) constitute a flexible platform that uses immobilized (chemically bonded) heparin for its well-established blood compatibility and its unique ability to bind circulating tumor cells, bacteria, viruses, fungi, and important sepsis mediators reported to contribute to organ failure during sepsis. ExThera Medical is currently developing the ONCObind Procedure Hemoperfusion Filter (ONCObind) to support cancer treatment. ONCObind is part of the same platform technology as Seraph 100. For more news stories on Seraph 100 and ONCObind, click here. Disclaimer All information contained in this news release derives from plausible, reliable sources, however they have not been independently examined or verified. There is no representation, warranty, or guarantee provided herein. Except as otherwise required by appliable law, all liability for any direct or indirect claims, damages or losses are hereby disclaimed whether or not foreseeable. This communication includes forward-looking statements regarding events, trends and business prospects that may affect our future operating results and financial position. Such statements are subject to risks and uncertainties that could cause our actual results and financial position to differ materially. Accordingly, the investment and/or the revenues that arise from it can rise or fall or fail entirely. We assume no responsibility to update or revise any statements contained in this news release, including forward-looking, to reflect events, trends, or circumstances that might arise after the date of this news release. Results from case studies (reviews) may not be predictive of future results.

770 Bangladeshis Deported From Delhi In 6 Months, About 500 Since Pahalgam Attack Alone: Report
770 Bangladeshis Deported From Delhi In 6 Months, About 500 Since Pahalgam Attack Alone: Report

News18

time6 days ago

  • News18

770 Bangladeshis Deported From Delhi In 6 Months, About 500 Since Pahalgam Attack Alone: Report

Last Updated: After the Pahalgam attack, a focused Delhi police drive reportedly resulted in the identification and apprehension of 470 illegal Bangladeshi migrants and 50 overstaying foreigners Since the April 22 terror attack in Jammu and Kashmir's Pahalgam town on April 22, the Delhi Police have deported at least 520 individuals identified as illegal Bangladeshi migrants and foreigners who have overstayed, according to a report by The Indian Express that quoted a Delhi police officer. Data from the ministry of home affairs reveals that between November 15, 2024, and April 20, 2025, the Delhi police apprehended approximately 220 illegal migrants and 30 overstaying foreigners. These individuals were handed over to the Foreigners' Regional Registration Office (FRRO) and subsequently deported to Bangladesh via land borders after being transported to eastern states by rail and road. Following the April 22 Pahalgam attack, a focused drive led by the Delhi police resulted in the identification and apprehension of 470 illegal Bangladeshi migrants and 50 overstaying foreigners within just the past month. A police officer disclosed to IE that in the last month alone, around 3-4 special flights from the Hindon air base in Ghaziabad transported illegal migrants to Agartala. In the past six months, approximately 700 individuals have reportedly been deported to Bangladesh. The actions by Delhi police are in line with directives from the union home ministry, issued late last year, to identify and detain illegal Bangladeshi migrants and Rohingyas. All 15 district deputy commissioners of police (DCPs) in Delhi were instructed to conduct verification drives to detain these illegal migrants. A source familiar with the operations told IE that a team from the first battalion of Delhi police and FRRO officials transported detained illegal migrants to West Bengal by train. From there, they were taken by bus and handed over to the Border Security Force (BSF) for deportation to Bangladesh. Following the Pahalgam attack, the union home ministry urged Delhi police to intensify efforts to detect and deport illegal migrants swiftly. Consequently, around five makeshift holding centres were established by Delhi police to coordinate with the FRRO. Illegal migrants were transported via special planes to Agartala airport and West Bengal. According to MHA data, out of 34,265 people suspected to be illegal Bangladeshi migrants and reviewed by Delhi police, documents for 33,217 individuals were verified as genuine. The verification process for 278 individuals is still ongoing. First Published: May 29, 2025, 17:21 IST

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