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Iran's Dissident Kurds Seek US Help to Overthrow Government
Iran's Dissident Kurds Seek US Help to Overthrow Government

Miami Herald

time3 days ago

  • Politics
  • Miami Herald

Iran's Dissident Kurds Seek US Help to Overthrow Government

The head of a dissident Iranian Kurdish movement has told Newsweek his group is urging the United States to foster contacts with opposition factions in the Islamic Republic to undermine and ultimately overthrow the government. "We think that the administration should have an open-door policy with the Democratic opposition to the Iranian regime, like Kurdish people, like different ethnic minorities, different ethnic political groups, providing they are not terrorists, providing they are not undemocratic," Abdullah Mohtadi, secretary-general of the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, told Newsweek. "We think it is in the best national the United States to have a direct dialogue with the different components of the Iranian opposition," he added, "because if the United States has ties with them, the regime might collapse under pressure from domestic crises." And while some critics of Iran voice opposition to U.S. President Donald Trump's efforts to strike a nuclear agreement with Tehran, Mohtadi felt a deal that restricted the Islamic Republic's nuclear program would only further serve to impair, rather than empower, the government. "We stand for a non-nuclear Iran, like the Trump administration does," Mohtadi said. "We also share the administration's policy of countering Iran's malign activity in the region. In my opinion, a deal based on these points does not strengthen the regime. In fact, it weakens it." Iran is a diverse nation comprising a variety of ethnic communities, the largest of which is the Persian community. Other sizable groups include Azeris, Kurds, Arabs, Lurs and Balochis. Kurds, often considered the world's largest stateless people, primarily inhabit territory spanning Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey, with Iranian Kurds mostly present in the northwestern provinces of West Azerbaijan, Kurdistan, Kermanshah, Ilam and parts of Hamadan and Lorestan. Kurds are estimated to comprise around 10 percent of the Iranian population, constituting approximately 8–12 million people. They are largely Sunni Muslim, while the vast majority of Iranians adhere to Shiite Islam. As is the case with the other three countries in which substantial Kurdish populations reside, Iran has a troubled history with its Kurdish minority, some of whom have accused the ruling governments of suppressing their rights dating back centuries and some of whom have resorted to force to challenge authorities. Kurdish groups have also been used as proxies in rivalries between regional powers, both during and after Iran's monarchist era that ended with the 1979 Islamic Revolution. During the 1980s Iran-Iraq War that ensued, Kurdish factions on both sides fought against their respective governments. Komala emerged as one of the leading Kurdish armed groups, adopting a Marxist-Leninist outlook, to challenge the newly formed Islamic Republic. The party has operated largely underground, establishing networks both within the country and abroad. The group has also splintered several times, with Mohtadi's faction splitting from the Communist Party wing in 2000. For more than a decade, Mohtadi has sought to foster U.S. contacts and in 2018, under the first Trump administration, Komala opened its first office in Washington, D.C. Other leading Kurdish movements in Iran include the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI) and the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK). Like Komala, these groups have been engaged in clashes with Iranian security personnel, including deadly incidents that have taken place in recent years. All three parties are designated terrorist organizations by the Iranian government, and Komala is also viewed as a terrorist organization. A representative of PDKI declined to comment to Newsweek. Newsweek has also reached out to PJAK, the Iranian Mission to the United Nations, and the U.S. Department of State for comment. After Mohtadi previously appealed for U.S. support during an October 2022 interview with Newsweek, the Iranian Mission reiterated that the "Komala Party is identified as an active terrorist group that has martyred hundreds of people in Mahabad and other cities in Iran." "If the US administration is committed to fighting terrorism, there should not be any adequate means and facilities for political activities and meetings at the disposal of this group," the Iranian Mission told Newsweek at the time. Mohtadi emphasized, however, that he no longer views armed resistance as the most viable path toward achieving Komala's aims in Iran, noting the recent disbanding of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in its decades-long insurgency against Turkey. "Kurds have been struggling for their rights for decades, hundreds of years," Mohtadi said. But I believe that the era of armed struggle, or getting victory through armed struggle, is over, and the PKK disarmament is a kind of [an] example for that." "Our success in organizing general strikes and in organizing the mass movements during the Jina revolution also is a testament to that effect," he added. The Jina movement refers to the large-scale protests under the banner of "Women, Life, Freedom" that erupted across Iran in response to the death of 22-year-old Kurdish Iranian Mahsa Amini, also known as Jina, or Zhina, Amini, while in police custody in September 2022. Activists have accused Iranian authorities of killing Amini after her detention on charges of failing to adhere to the country's dress code. Iranian officials have rejected this narrative, pointing to an investigation that allegedly showed she died of natural causes. Her cousin, a member of Komala's communist faction, has denied that she had any ties to Kurdish opposition groups. Mohtadi said Komala has played a leading role in promoting Kurdish opposition efforts through the protest movement, organizing strikes and other forms of civil disobedience. In doing so, he said, he has allied with PDKI, though he rejected the continued practice of attacking Iranian personnel as carried out by PJAK, which was most recently tied to the killing of an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) soldier in October. "As far as far as the civil movements are concerned, I think they are more effective than Kalashnikovs now," Mohtadi said, "and the Jina movement, the Woman, Life Freedom movement, proved it." Through the Women, Life, Freedom movement, Mohtadi said Komala is "seeking and actively fighting for a Kurdish united front inside Iranian Kurdistan." He said this effort includes reinvigorating young Iranian Kurds to take action on the streets. The large-scale protests and unrest that emerged after Amini's death drew international attention to both women's rights and Kurdish rights in Iran, while drawing domestic outrage toward hardliners in the government. Some took their hopes for change to the ballots. Last August, following the death of principalist President Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash, reformist President Masoud Pezeshkian, who hails from Azeri-Turkish roots, won a snap election on a platform that included promoting the rights of ethnic minorities, including Kurds. Pezeshkian appointed the first Sunni Kurdish governor of the Kurdistan province in 45 years and chose the semiautonomous Kurdish region of neighboring Iraq as his first foreign visit. However, Mohtadi envisions more comprehensive measures that would grant Kurds greater self-rule within Iran, similar to Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the Administration of North and East Syria (AANES). Both quasi-states were established with direct support from Washington in the wake of the Gulf War and the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War, respectively. "We do not copy their model, but generally speaking, yes, we are for a federal Iran," Mohtadi said, "as my party and my people in Iranian Kurdistan supports a federal, democratic political structure in the future of Iran, which means that people have a say in running their own affairs in the Kurdish regions." He affirmed that this would include local, Kurdish leadership tasked with overseeing matters of governance, education and even security. But Mohtadi argued that Komala's work was not solely targeted toward Iranian Kurds and also sought to foster cooperation with other ethnic communities and opposition movements, including both republicans and monarchists, "with the exception of extremists, radical Islamists and those who engage in terrorist activities." Such fringe groups, he argued, are "not useful to the democratic movement against the regime. Sometimes, in fact, they are harmful." He cited an example of a recent alliance he struck with Iran's exiled Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi that was ultimately "sabotaged by extremist monarchists." Disunity has also plagued Kurdish movements abroad, whose gains remain limited and face constant threats of reversal. When Iraq's KRG moved to seek independence in 2017, nearly every regional country, along with the U.S., opposed the measure. In response to the vote, Iraqi troops retook vast swathes of territory seized by Kurdish forces during their joint fight against the Islamic State militant group (ISIS). Two court rulings in Baghdad last year paved the way for further centralization in Iraq, removing a parliamentary quota system for electing minorities and revoking the KRG's authority to distribute salaries to its employees. Even more recently in Syria, the Pentagon-backed Syrian Democratic Forces, who lead the AANES, signed an agreement in March to become integrated into the central government in Damascus, now headed by Interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, the former Islamist militant chief credited with leading the rebel offensive that toppled President Bashar al-Assad in December. Two months later, mutual distrust remains. While Sharaa has promised to afford greater recognition to Syrian Kurds, he has rejected calls for greater decentralization and talk of separatist ideals. Despite these setbacks, Mohtadi remained optimistic about what lies ahead for Kuds in Iran and beyond, while acknowledging the need to continue striving for greater international support. "We have to raise our political awareness about the Kurdish rights and the Kurdish issue in the West, in the United States, with the administration, with the media, with the Congress," Mohtadi said. "We have to continue our work. It takes time, but we will succeed. We will succeed. I'm hopeful for the future of the Kurds more than before." However, while generally supportive of the Kurdish cause in other countries, such as Iraq, Syria and Turkey, Mohtadi was reluctant to frame Komala's current goals as being linked to the long-sought establishment of a united, independent Kurdistan spanning all four nations. "This is the dream of every Kurd, and it is something we deserve, but it should be left to future generations to resolve," Mohtadi said. "At this stage, every part of Kurdistan should seek their respective rights within the boundaries of the countries in which there are significant Kurdish populations." Still, the Kurdish issue has a tendency to transcend borders. A number of Iranian Kurdish factions, including PJAK and Komala's Communist Party and Reform factions, are known to operate in Iraq's Kurdish regions. The Iranian military has occasionally launched attacks against Kurdish targets, most recently in January of last year, when the IRGC conducted a series of missile strikes against what Iranian officials alleged to be a base for Israel's Mossad intelligence agency in the KRG capital of Erbil. Leadership in both Baghdad and Erbil rejected the supposed Israeli presence in northern Iraq. Israel does, however, have a long history of seeking to promote ties with Kurdish movements across the Middle East, particularly in Iraq and Syria. Mossad leadership has in past decades made direct contact with Iraqi Kurdish officials, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was the first and potentially only world leader to support the KRG's independence bid in 2017, prompting further regional backlash. The situation in Iran is in some ways even more complicated. Netanyahu, having played a pivotal role in supporting Trump's 2018 decision to scrap the nuclear deal secured by former President Barack Obama three years earlier, is once again fueling skepticism toward a new agreement with Tehran. In place of diplomacy, the Israeli premier has repeatedly threatened strikes against Iran's nuclear facilities, with some officials calling for preemptive joint action alongside the U.S. Trump, however, has downplayed his enthusiasm for such kinetic measures, and has warned Netanyahu against taking unilateral action that could threaten the ongoing nuclear negotiations. Mohtadi, for his part, was similarly cautious about the prospect of foreign military action against Iran, though he did not rule out forging a partnership with Israel. "We welcome any support from any democratic country in the region or in the West for our struggle against this regime," Mohtadi said. "We haven't had any. What we need is in the future is that a free, democratic Iran, will not be an enemy of Israel." "We do not want this slogan of destruction of Israel to continue in the future," he added. "We don't want hostilities against the United States and the West. We do not want hostilities against our neighbors in the future and the remedy for all of these bad policies is a democratic change in Iran." Related Articles Iran May Hold the Key to Trump's Nuclear RevolutionUS and Iran Nuclear Deal Could Be Sealed at Next Meeting: ReportTrump Says Iran Strike Would Be 'Inappropriate' for Israel Amid TalksChina's Military Presence Grows on Doorstep of New U.S. Partner 2025 NEWSWEEK DIGITAL LLC.

Iran's Dissident Kurds Seek US Help to Overthrow Government
Iran's Dissident Kurds Seek US Help to Overthrow Government

Newsweek

time3 days ago

  • Politics
  • Newsweek

Iran's Dissident Kurds Seek US Help to Overthrow Government

Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. Newsweek AI is in beta. Translations may contain inaccuracies—please refer to the original content. The head of a dissident Iranian Kurdish movement has told Newsweek his group is urging the United States to foster contacts with opposition factions in the Islamic Republic to undermine and ultimately overthrow the government. "We think that the administration should have an open-door policy with the Democratic opposition to the Iranian regime, like Kurdish people, like different ethnic minorities, different ethnic political groups, providing they are not terrorists, providing they are not undemocratic," Abdullah Mohtadi, secretary-general of the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan, told Newsweek. "We think it is in the best national the United States to have a direct dialogue with the different components of the Iranian opposition," he added, "because if the United States has ties with them, the regime might collapse under pressure from domestic crises." And while some critics of Iran voice opposition to U.S. President Donald Trump's efforts to strike a nuclear agreement with Tehran, Mohtadi felt a deal that restricted the Islamic Republic's nuclear program would only further serve to impair, rather than empower, the government. "We stand for a non-nuclear Iran, like the Trump administration does," Mohtadi said. "We also share the administration's policy of countering Iran's malign activity in the region. In my opinion, a deal based on these points does not strengthen the regime. In fact, it weakens it." Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan Secretary-General Abdullah Mohtadi speaks during the group's 16th congress, held in November 2024, in Denmark. Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan Secretary-General Abdullah Mohtadi speaks during the group's 16th congress, held in November 2024, in Denmark. Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan The Kurdish Struggle in Iran Iran is a diverse nation comprising a variety of ethnic communities, the largest of which is the Persian community. Other sizable groups include Azeris, Kurds, Arabs, Lurs and Balochis. Kurds, often considered the world's largest stateless people, primarily inhabit territory spanning Iran, Iraq, Syria and Turkey, with Iranian Kurds mostly present in the northwestern provinces of West Azerbaijan, Kurdistan, Kermanshah, Ilam and parts of Hamadan and Lorestan. Kurds are estimated to comprise around 10 percent of the Iranian population, constituting approximately 8–12 million people. They are largely Sunni Muslim, while the vast majority of Iranians adhere to Shiite Islam. As is the case with the other three countries in which substantial Kurdish populations reside, Iran has a troubled history with its Kurdish minority, some of whom have accused the ruling governments of suppressing their rights dating back centuries and some of whom have resorted to force to challenge authorities. Kurdish groups have also been used as proxies in rivalries between regional powers, both during and after Iran's monarchist era that ended with the 1979 Islamic Revolution. During the 1980s Iran-Iraq War that ensued, Kurdish factions on both sides fought against their respective governments. Komala emerged as one of the leading Kurdish armed groups, adopting a Marxist-Leninist outlook, to challenge the newly formed Islamic Republic. The party has operated largely underground, establishing networks both within the country and abroad. The group has also splintered several times, with Mohtadi's faction splitting from the Communist Party wing in 2000. For more than a decade, Mohtadi has sought to foster U.S. contacts and in 2018, under the first Trump administration, Komala opened its first office in Washington, D.C. Other leading Kurdish movements in Iran include the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (PDKI) and the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK). Like Komala, these groups have been engaged in clashes with Iranian security personnel, including deadly incidents that have taken place in recent years. All three parties are designated terrorist organizations by the Iranian government, and Komala is also viewed as a terrorist organization. A representative of PDKI declined to comment to Newsweek. Newsweek has also reached out to PJAK, the Iranian Mission to the United Nations, and the U.S. Department of State for comment. After Mohtadi previously appealed for U.S. support during an October 2022 interview with Newsweek, the Iranian Mission reiterated that the "Komala Party is identified as an active terrorist group that has martyred hundreds of people in Mahabad and other cities in Iran." "If the US administration is committed to fighting terrorism, there should not be any adequate means and facilities for political activities and meetings at the disposal of this group," the Iranian Mission told Newsweek at the time. Mohtadi emphasized, however, that he no longer views armed resistance as the most viable path toward achieving Komala's aims in Iran, noting the recent disbanding of the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) in its decades-long insurgency against Turkey. "Kurds have been struggling for their rights for decades, hundreds of years," Mohtadi said. But I believe that the era of armed struggle, or getting victory through armed struggle, is over, and the PKK disarmament is a kind of [an] example for that." "Our success in organizing general strikes and in organizing the mass movements during the Jina revolution also is a testament to that effect," he added. The Jina movement refers to the large-scale protests under the banner of "Women, Life, Freedom" that erupted across Iran in response to the death of 22-year-old Kurdish Iranian Mahsa Amini, also known as Jina, or Zhina, Amini, while in police custody in September 2022. Activists have accused Iranian authorities of killing Amini after her detention on charges of failing to adhere to the country's dress code. Iranian officials have rejected this narrative, pointing to an investigation that allegedly showed she died of natural causes. Her cousin, a member of Komala's communist faction, has denied that she had any ties to Kurdish opposition groups. Mohtadi said Komala has played a leading role in promoting Kurdish opposition efforts through the protest movement, organizing strikes and other forms of civil disobedience. In doing so, he said, he has allied with PDKI, though he rejected the continued practice of attacking Iranian personnel as carried out by PJAK, which was most recently tied to the killing of an Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) soldier in October. "As far as far as the civil movements are concerned, I think they are more effective than Kalashnikovs now," Mohtadi said, "and the Jina movement, the Woman, Life Freedom movement, proved it." Iranians protest the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini after she was detained by Iranian police, in Tehran, on October 1, 2022. Iranians protest the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini after she was detained by Iranian police, in Tehran, on October 1, 2022. AP/Middle East Images A State Within A State Through the Women, Life, Freedom movement, Mohtadi said Komala is "seeking and actively fighting for a Kurdish united front inside Iranian Kurdistan." He said this effort includes reinvigorating young Iranian Kurds to take action on the streets. The large-scale protests and unrest that emerged after Amini's death drew international attention to both women's rights and Kurdish rights in Iran, while drawing domestic outrage toward hardliners in the government. Some took their hopes for change to the ballots. Last August, following the death of principalist President Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter crash, reformist President Masoud Pezeshkian, who hails from Azeri-Turkish roots, won a snap election on a platform that included promoting the rights of ethnic minorities, including Kurds. Pezeshkian appointed the first Sunni Kurdish governor of the Kurdistan province in 45 years and chose the semiautonomous Kurdish region of neighboring Iraq as his first foreign visit. However, Mohtadi envisions more comprehensive measures that would grant Kurds greater self-rule within Iran, similar to Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) and the Administration of North and East Syria (AANES). Both quasi-states were established with direct support from Washington in the wake of the Gulf War and the outbreak of the Syrian Civil War, respectively. "We do not copy their model, but generally speaking, yes, we are for a federal Iran," Mohtadi said, "as my party and my people in Iranian Kurdistan supports a federal, democratic political structure in the future of Iran, which means that people have a say in running their own affairs in the Kurdish regions." He affirmed that this would include local, Kurdish leadership tasked with overseeing matters of governance, education and even security. But Mohtadi argued that Komala's work was not solely targeted toward Iranian Kurds and also sought to foster cooperation with other ethnic communities and opposition movements, including both republicans and monarchists, "with the exception of extremists, radical Islamists and those who engage in terrorist activities." Such fringe groups, he argued, are "not useful to the democratic movement against the regime. Sometimes, in fact, they are harmful." He cited an example of a recent alliance he struck with Iran's exiled Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi that was ultimately "sabotaged by extremist monarchists." Disunity has also plagued Kurdish movements abroad, whose gains remain limited and face constant threats of reversal. When Iraq's KRG moved to seek independence in 2017, nearly every regional country, along with the U.S., opposed the measure. In response to the vote, Iraqi troops retook vast swathes of territory seized by Kurdish forces during their joint fight against the Islamic State militant group (ISIS). Two court rulings in Baghdad last year paved the way for further centralization in Iraq, removing a parliamentary quota system for electing minorities and revoking the KRG's authority to distribute salaries to its employees. Even more recently in Syria, the Pentagon-backed Syrian Democratic Forces, who lead the AANES, signed an agreement in March to become integrated into the central government in Damascus, now headed by Interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, the former Islamist militant chief credited with leading the rebel offensive that toppled President Bashar al-Assad in December. Two months later, mutual distrust remains. While Sharaa has promised to afford greater recognition to Syrian Kurds, he has rejected calls for greater decentralization and talk of separatist ideals. Despite these setbacks, Mohtadi remained optimistic about what lies ahead for Kuds in Iran and beyond, while acknowledging the need to continue striving for greater international support. "We have to raise our political awareness about the Kurdish rights and the Kurdish issue in the West, in the United States, with the administration, with the media, with the Congress," Mohtadi said. "We have to continue our work. It takes time, but we will succeed. We will succeed. I'm hopeful for the future of the Kurds more than before." However, while generally supportive of the Kurdish cause in other countries, such as Iraq, Syria and Turkey, Mohtadi was reluctant to frame Komala's current goals as being linked to the long-sought establishment of a united, independent Kurdistan spanning all four nations. "This is the dream of every Kurd, and it is something we deserve, but it should be left to future generations to resolve," Mohtadi said. "At this stage, every part of Kurdistan should seek their respective rights within the boundaries of the countries in which there are significant Kurdish populations." A civil defense team carries out search and rescue operations following a missile strike by Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps on Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government capital of Erbil, on January 17, 2024. A civil defense team carries out search and rescue operations following a missile strike by Iran's Revolutionary Guard Corps on Iraq's Kurdistan Regional Government capital of Erbil, on January 17, 2024. SAFIN HAMID/AFP/Getty Images Regional Spillover Still, the Kurdish issue has a tendency to transcend borders. A number of Iranian Kurdish factions, including PJAK and Komala's Communist Party and Reform factions, are known to operate in Iraq's Kurdish regions. The Iranian military has occasionally launched attacks against Kurdish targets, most recently in January of last year, when the IRGC conducted a series of missile strikes against what Iranian officials alleged to be a base for Israel's Mossad intelligence agency in the KRG capital of Erbil. Leadership in both Baghdad and Erbil rejected the supposed Israeli presence in northern Iraq. Israel does, however, have a long history of seeking to promote ties with Kurdish movements across the Middle East, particularly in Iraq and Syria. Mossad leadership has in past decades made direct contact with Iraqi Kurdish officials, and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was the first and potentially only world leader to support the KRG's independence bid in 2017, prompting further regional backlash. The situation in Iran is in some ways even more complicated. Netanyahu, having played a pivotal role in supporting Trump's 2018 decision to scrap the nuclear deal secured by former President Barack Obama three years earlier, is once again fueling skepticism toward a new agreement with Tehran. In place of diplomacy, the Israeli premier has repeatedly threatened strikes against Iran's nuclear facilities, with some officials calling for preemptive joint action alongside the U.S. Trump, however, has downplayed his enthusiasm for such kinetic measures, and has warned Netanyahu against taking unilateral action that could threaten the ongoing nuclear negotiations. Mohtadi, for his part, was similarly cautious about the prospect of foreign military action against Iran, though he did not rule out forging a partnership with Israel. "We welcome any support from any democratic country in the region or in the West for our struggle against this regime," Mohtadi said. "We haven't had any. What we need is in the future is that a free, democratic Iran, will not be an enemy of Israel." "We do not want this slogan of destruction of Israel to continue in the future," he added. "We don't want hostilities against the United States and the West. We do not want hostilities against our neighbors in the future and the remedy for all of these bad policies is a democratic change in Iran."

Iran pledges to implement security agreement with Iraq
Iran pledges to implement security agreement with Iraq

Shafaq News

time06-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Shafaq News

Iran pledges to implement security agreement with Iraq

Shafaq News/ Iran is committed to implement the security agreement signed with Iraq and the Kurdistan Region, Iranian government spokesperson Fatemeh Mohajerani announced on Tuesday. Mohajerani noted in a press conference that the Iraqi government and the authorities in the Kurdistan Region enjoy 'strong understanding and cooperation' in ensuring security on both sides of the frontier. 'Serious efforts are currently underway to implement the agreement,' Mohajerani revealed, adding that there is full communication between officials in both countries and a clear political will. In 2023, Iran and Iraq signed a border security agreement in Baghdad, committing to enhanced cooperation to prevent cross-border attacks by Iranian Kurdish opposition groups based in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq. The pact followed a series of Iranian missile and drone strikes targeting these groups, which Tehran accused of inciting unrest within Iran. Under the agreement, Iraq pledged to disarm and relocate the opposition factions away from the border areas. Subsequent reports indicated that Iraq closed 80 bases of these groups and handed over heavy weapons to the Peshmerga forces.

Baghdad moves to curb Iranian opposition groups in Kurdistan: Iran media
Baghdad moves to curb Iranian opposition groups in Kurdistan: Iran media

Rudaw Net

time02-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Rudaw Net

Baghdad moves to curb Iranian opposition groups in Kurdistan: Iran media

Also in Iraq New Iraqi customs rules snarl Duhok trade route Iraqi parliament expected to vote on anti-smoking bill next week Iraq releases 2,500 prisoners under general amnesty law Yazidi women abroad testify online to receive government support A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Iraq's National Security Council has formally banned all political, media, and social activities of Iranian opposition parties and movements operating within its territory, including the Kurdistan Region, Iranian media reported on Friday. State-owned media outlets, including Mehr News Agency and IRNA, reported the development citing a document from the Iraqi prime minister's office. Iraqi officials have not publicly confirmed the ban. According to the media reports, the decision was made during the National Security Council's session on April 23, following a presentation by National Security Advisor Qasim al-Araji and based on a confidential directive from the prime minister's office. The directive states that 'all executive authorities shall implement this decision in accordance with the law' for the year 2025. Tehran has accused Iranian Kurdish opposition groups based in the Kurdistan Region - namely the Kurdistan Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI), Komala, Free Life Party of Kurdistan (PJAK), and the Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK) - of fueling Iran's nationwide protest movement in 2022 and inciting unrest. The groups, struggling for greater rights for Iran's marginalized Kurdish population, have fought an on-and-off war with the Islamic Republic for decades. A member of Komala said they have been ordered to vacate their offices and move into a camp. 'We were asked to evacuate our headquarters in Zrgwez, Bana Gawra, Zrgwezala by today, May 1st,' Amjad Hussein Panahi told Rudaw on Thursday. He said that the deadline was extended to the 10th after Komala objected. Panahi said that Komala has been based in the area for 35 years and expressed willingness to move, but said it cannot be rushed and hundreds of families require support relocating. 'We have a lot of belongings in our current headquarters. We can't just leave all these belongings. A suitable place must be designated elsewhere for the Peshmerga and their families,' Panahi said. In 2023, Iraq and Iran signed a security pact that saw Baghdad agree to disarm Kurdish opposition groups and secure the border regions. Iran had threatened to use military action if Baghdad failed to fulfill the agreement. Under that agreement, the Kurdish opposition groups were largely moved to the city of Koya in southeastern Erbil province. Iran has long accused the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) of harboring opposition groups it considers threats to its national security and allowing them to use the border areas as a launchpad for attacks. The Kurdistan Region has categorically rejected Tehran's accusations. Iranian Consul General to Erbil Faramarz Asadi told Rudaw in February that two or three phases of the Iran-Iraq security agreement had been implemented, while 'others are proceeding slowly.' Soran Hussein contributed to this report.

Kurdistan Region leaders commemorate Kurdish Journalism Day
Kurdistan Region leaders commemorate Kurdish Journalism Day

Rudaw Net

time22-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Rudaw Net

Kurdistan Region leaders commemorate Kurdish Journalism Day

Also in Kurdistan DEM Party urges Kurdish support for Turkey-PKK peace process Soran police arrest couple on suspicion of invalid marriage KDP reviews candidates for ministerial posts amid PUK talks Erbil hosts four-day art gallery by Iranian Kurdish artist A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Kurdish leaders on Tuesday commemorated the 127th anniversary of the publication of the first Kurdistan newspaper and the 27th anniversary of the establishment of the Kurdistan Journalists Syndicate, emphasizing the vital role of the press in promoting public awareness, democracy, and freedom of speech. Tuesday marks the anniversary of the publication of the first issue of "Kurdistan," the first Kurdish-language newspaper in history. Issued in Cairo, Egypt by renowned literary figure Miqdad Medhat Baderkhan in 1898, the issue was written in the Kurmanji dialect. A total of 31 issues of the newspaper were published in the span of four years. Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani in a statement extended his congratulations to all journalists on the occasion, reaffirming the Region's commitment to press freedom. He highlighted the 'unwavering commitment to press freedom and the importance of protecting free expression, which are fundamental pillars of democracy, societal development, and a thriving community.' The Kurdish president added that the Kurdistan Region 'will continue our efforts to foster a supportive environment for journalists, ensuring their access to information remains free from restrictions or barriers, and that any violations of journalism laws are appropriately addressed.' Kurdistan Region Prime Minister Masrour Barzani also congratulated journalists on the occasion and reaffirmed the government's support for press freedom. 'We reaffirm the Kurdistan Regional Government's commitment to freedom of opinion, freedom of media and journalism work, and facilitating the work of media professionals,' the Kurdish prime minister said. He called for journalism to be practiced 'taking into account the law, ethics, and international standards.' Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) leader Masoud Barzani, in a statement marking the occasion, described journalism as 'an important factor in promoting national awareness and preserving and enriching the Kurdish language.' The KDP leader also emphasized journalism as an important tool for representing the Kurdish people's just cause and their peace-loving culture. Kurdish authorities have repeatedly faced criticism by international organizations and foreign missions for their treatment of journalists as well as for imposing restrictive measures on the press. In mid-January, a report from the Metro Center for Journalists' Rights and Advocacy emphasized that the number of press freedom violations committed in the Kurdistan Region in 2024 has declined. However, the Kurdish watchdog warned that journalists still face serious problems, especially in accessing information.

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