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South Carolina's early state status is far from secure. But 2028 Dems are going anyway.
South Carolina's early state status is far from secure. But 2028 Dems are going anyway.

Politico

time2 hours ago

  • Politics
  • Politico

South Carolina's early state status is far from secure. But 2028 Dems are going anyway.

Illinois Gov. JB Pritzker will deliver the keynote address at North Carolina's state party unity dinner on July 26, and state party leaders are in talks with Sens. Kelly of Arizona and Cory Booker of New Jersey about visits to the state later this year. But moving the order of primary states is easier said than done. North Carolina is hamstrung by state law from moving its date, and Democrats would need the GOP-controlled legislature to agree to any changes. DNC members have also emphasized smaller states to allow lesser-known candidates to build followings. 'The most powerful force in the universe is inertia, so South Carolina is probably the favorite to stay just because of that,' said an incoming member of the committee granted anonymity to discuss internal dynamics. 'Every state has a chance to be first, but I do think we have to come into this with a degree of realism.' The DNC is attempting to remain neutral. 'The DNC is committed to running a fair, transparent, and rigorous process for the 2028 primary calendar. All states will have an opportunity to participate,' Deputy Communications Director Abhi Rahman said in a statement. Iowa Democrats are also gearing up on a bid to restore their caucuses to their traditional spot as the nation's first presidential contest. Michigan replaced Iowa as the Midwestern early state in 2024. Iowa Democratic Party Chair Rita Hart said she planned to have 'tough and direct conversations' with the party in a statement, even as the DNC r emoved Iowa's only representative , Scott Brennan, from the Rules and Bylaws Committee this year.

Willie Wilson: Is Illinois' state procurement being used effectively to stabilize communities of color?
Willie Wilson: Is Illinois' state procurement being used effectively to stabilize communities of color?

Chicago Tribune

time2 days ago

  • Business
  • Chicago Tribune

Willie Wilson: Is Illinois' state procurement being used effectively to stabilize communities of color?

Government contracting with local businesses is a widely used tool to help stabilize communities. The effective use of procurement — sourcing, purchasing and managing goods and services a state agency needs to operate — can aid in job and wealth creation and lower crime. The state of Illinois spends billions of dollars annually on procurement. In 2013, African Americans, who represented 9.5% of the ownership of businesses, received less than 1% of the total contracts awarded by the state of Illinois. In 2015, the General Assembly and then-Gov. Bruce Rauner authorized creating the Fair Practices in Contracting Task Force. I served as chairman of the task force, and our final report in 2018 offered recommendations to make contracting more equitable. Our extensive work involved examining the contracting of every state agency. Our goal was to ensure parity in state contracting and boost businesses that have been left out. Gov. JB Pritzker in 2021 authorized creating the Illinois Commission on Equity and Inclusion. The same year, in signing legislation to expand economic opportunity, Pritzker noted that 'these four bills mark significant progress in our efforts to close the racial gaps and eliminate barriers that have for too long unfairly held Black and Brown Illinoisans back.' Illinois House Speaker Emanuel 'Chris' Welch said it was 'a monumental step toward our mission of addressing systemic racism by expanding economic access and opportunity.' The Commission on Equity and Inclusion was created in part to expand access to state contracts for minorities, women, people with disabilities and veterans. Clearly, the commission followed the work of the contracting task force. The governor could have collaborated with the task force since the goals were aligned. It is fair to ask: How has the commission improved state contracting with minority-owned firms? According to the commission's fiscal year 2024 expenditure report, much work remains to be done. A few highlights from the report: There are other examples of Illinois agencies that could do more by way of procurement with Black-owned businesses. But the most egregious example is the Department of Corrections. Consider that African Americans represent 54.5% of the total prison population in Illinois. Black people make up the majority of prisoners in Illinois, and Black businesses receive less than 0.5% of state contracts with the IDOC. Black businesses could supply clothing, food, water, cleaning supplies and other items necessary to run the prison system. An inclusive state requires accountability and removal of systemic barriers for Black businesses. In spite of affirmative action and diversity, equity and inclusion policies, disparities persist in access by Black people to capital, markets and other resources. Consequences of these disparities are high crime, inflation, poverty and double-digit unemployment in the Black community. Black-owned businesses and state governments face existential threats from the current political and legal landscape and uncertain tariff policies. However, elected leaders must not be deterred in correcting past wrongs and ensuring that all communities benefit from the use of public tax dollars through government contracting. The following are recommendations to help sustain and grow the number of Black-owned businesses: Contracting officers and elected leaders must be held accountable for their failure to improve procurement numbers for Black-owned businesses. I will convene 2,000 faith leaders and minority business owners around the state to provide recommendations regarding parity in contracting to elected leaders. Government contracting done right can have an enormous benefit to minority-owned businesses and marginalized communities. As a business owner, I reinvest my profits from contracts back into the community. Small businesses can help provide community stability. I write this commentary to make those comfortable with allowing barriers to limit state procurement contracts for Black-owned businesses uncomfortable. Willie Wilson is a business owner, philanthropist and former mayoral candidate.

US Reps. Raja Krishnamoorthi and Robin Kelly have the most cash available in Illinois US Senate race
US Reps. Raja Krishnamoorthi and Robin Kelly have the most cash available in Illinois US Senate race

Yahoo

time3 days ago

  • Business
  • Yahoo

US Reps. Raja Krishnamoorthi and Robin Kelly have the most cash available in Illinois US Senate race

Lt. Gov. Juliana Stratton may have the endorsement of the state's wealthiest politician, billionaire Gov. JB Pritzker, but she finds herself at the bottom of the major Democratic U.S. Senate contenders when it comes to how much available cash she has to campaign with as the candidates approach nine months before the primary. Stratton's two congressional rivals, U.S. Reps. Raja Krishnamoorthi of Schaumburg and Robin Kelly of Matteson, benefited from their existing federal campaign accounts and ended June with multimillions of dollars available in their bank accounts, campaign finance reports filed this week with the Federal Election Commission showed. Stratton, Pritzker's two-time running mate, on April 24 became the first candidate to announce she wanted to succeed retiring U.S. Sen. Dick Durbin. Campaign reports covering the April-through-June second quarter of the year showed Stratton raised nearly $1.1 million, spent $417,286, and began July 1 with $666,416 in cash available. But a closer review of her fundraising shows that about $185,000 of that amount must be used for the Nov. 3 general election and is unavailable for her use in the March 17 primary. For this election cycle, individuals can contribute a maximum of $3,500 to a candidate for each of the primary and general elections. The records show Pritzker contributed the maximum $7,000, and her candidacy also was backed with $7,000 donations by several Chicago sports team owners: Cubs co-owner Laura Ricketts, Blackhawks owner Danny Wirtz and White Sox owner Jerry Reinsdorf. Krishnamoorthi, in his fifth term in the House, announced his bid for Durbin's seat on May 7, the last of the three major Democratic contenders to declare. But the northwest suburban congressman, long a prodigious fundraiser, this week became the first of the contenders to launch TV ads in the race, a statewide buy of a half-million dollars and part of a sustained TV presence. Krishnamoorthi began April with nearly $19.5 million in his campaign account and raised more than $3.1 million from April through June. That left him with $21.1 million in cash available at the start of July. About $1.1 million of that total is reserved for general election spending. Kelly, a seven-term congresswoman representing the South Side and south suburbs in a district that stretches to Danville, announced her Senate candidacy on May 6. She started the second quarter with $2 million in the bank and ended June with $2.2 million, according to her campaign report. There was no immediate estimate on how much of Kelly's money was limited to spending for the general election. Solve the daily Crossword

Civic leaders: Gov. JB Pritzker should veto bitter pension sweetener for Chicago
Civic leaders: Gov. JB Pritzker should veto bitter pension sweetener for Chicago

Chicago Tribune

time3 days ago

  • Business
  • Chicago Tribune

Civic leaders: Gov. JB Pritzker should veto bitter pension sweetener for Chicago

In the waning hours of the state legislative session, Springfield lawmakers unanimously passed a new mandate on city of Chicago taxpayers that will cost $60 million next year and top out at about $750 million in the coming decades. Gov. JB Pritzker should veto it. This pension sweetener legislation, shepherded through the legislature by state Sen. Robert Martwick, D-Chicago, with little to no public debate, will boost pension benefits for Tier 2 police officers and firefighters, those who began work in 2011 and after and who fall under a different pension plan than their more senior colleagues. The legislation makes changes to how pensionable salary is calculated at retirement — including by increasing the cap on pensionable salary — and would increase the annual cost-of-living adjustment for pensioners. Our three organizations support reasonable retirement benefits for public employees, but we also strongly believe that the people who pay the taxes should be prioritized, too. In this case, they weren't, and the legislation, which was sent to the governor's desk, makes a very bad situation even worse. It would be a bitter pension sweetener, indeed. Right now, Chicago police and fire pension funds are grossly underfunded. Specifically, city taxpayers owe current and future retirees about $20 billion more than they have to pay police and firefighter pensions. Illinois taxpayers have an even worse problem, owing about $144 billion more than they have. For both city and state, the ratio of assets on hand to pension obligations is among the lowest in the country — around 25% funded for the Chicago police and fire funds. Chicago and Illinois have among the most underfunded pension systems in the entire country. Taxpayers are on the hook for a combined state and local pension tab of $459 billion, or more than $90,000 per household. No one wants to be miserly when it comes to our first responders. They risk their lives to protect ours, and we deeply appreciate their service. But our appreciation for their work does not erase the daunting mathematical dilemma we face as a city and a state with ever-increasing pension costs and no responsible plan to fully fund them. This new mandate comes at a time when both the city and the state are facing enormous fiscal uncertainty. The Chicago regional transit system has never recovered ridership levels since the pandemic and is now facing the possibility of extreme service cuts. A proposal to rescue and reform the system, and address a $771 million 'fiscal cliff,' fell short in the spring legislative session. What little remains of pandemic relief dollars from the federal government is drying up. The Trump administration is threatening funding cuts to both the city and the state. And the president's newly adopted budget could cut billions in federal Medicaid funding to Illinois. For years, our organizations have called for policymakers to resolve the unfunded pension issues. We have engaged with stakeholders across the state, including labor, and been open-minded about solutions, including higher taxes — so long as the incremental revenue is devoted entirely to pension funding. We have recognized and accepted the constitutional restriction on reducing benefits for current employees. And our organizations saluted state leaders when they passed the Tier 2 legislation over a decade ago to better manage benefits for future retirees and when they blocked an end-of-session effort in late May that would have added an estimated $60 billion in new benefits to the state pension systems. But now, the bill on its way to Pritzker's desk would undo much of that work, making the city less affordable, putting its credit rating at risk and shifting the cost to future generations. Illinois politicians have been doing this to the city for decades, and we are hopeful that our governor will end this fiscally irresponsible practice. At a minimum, we should have an honest assessment of the short- and long-term costs and consequences. We urge Pritzker to veto this legislation, and we also urge every member of the legislature to reconsider their position. Although they voted unanimously in favor of the sweetener just before the session gaveled to a close, they might reflect more deeply on the long-term costs and choose not to override a fiscally astute governor's veto. We also call on Chicago Mayor Brandon Johnson and aldermen to be vocal in opposition to this legislation, making it clear to the public and state leaders that they do not support an unfunded pension mandate that will significantly worsen an already-precarious budget situation. Now that the governor has announced plans to run for a third term, we implore him to build on his strong record of improving the state's finances by prioritizing a long-term plan to stabilize state pensions. And we call on Chicago's mayor and the City Council to create a companion proposal at the local level. We stand ready to help.

Editorial: Gov. Pritzker and State Farm should stop throwing rhetorical bombs at each other and start negotiating
Editorial: Gov. Pritzker and State Farm should stop throwing rhetorical bombs at each other and start negotiating

Chicago Tribune

time3 days ago

  • Business
  • Chicago Tribune

Editorial: Gov. Pritzker and State Farm should stop throwing rhetorical bombs at each other and start negotiating

The governor of Illinois and one of the state's biggest employers are engaged in an unusually heated war of words. Shortly after news dropped last week of State Farm's eye-watering 27% average rate hike on Illinois homeowners insurance customers, Gov. JB Pritzker erupted, accusing the Bloomington-based insurance giant of pulling a fast one. 'These increases are predicated on catastrophe numbers that are entirely inconsistent with the Illinois Department of Insurance's own analysis — indicating that State Farm is shifting out-of-state costs onto the homeowners of this state,' Pritzker said in a statement. 'Hard working Illinoisans should not be paying more to protect beach houses in Florida.' In the insurance world, those are fighting words. State Farm responded with its own statement saying Pritzker had his facts wrong, and that the insurer's rate hike — as shocking as it was — reflected only its experience in Illinois, where hail and wind storms, combined with higher replacement costs, have made its homeowners business here deeply unprofitable. 'Illinois families deserve an honest conversation about insurance economics rather than political rhetoric.' So what we appear to have now are two powerful forces facing off, each effectively accusing the other of being a liar. Not ideal, to say the least. We understand the governor's frustration. The 27% increase, set to take effect Aug. 15, is the largest such one-time hike in memory in Illinois, and State Farm isn't just any old provider. The largest insurer of homes and cars in the land, State Farm is particularly dominant in its home state. For years, it's insured roughly 1 of every 3 Illinois homes. So when State Farm raises annual premiums by hundreds of dollars in one fell swoop, that could well have a negative impact on the state's economy. State Farm is that big of a player. Consumers already are struggling with inflation of all sorts. Insurance — like utility bills, which also are rising sharply this summer — isn't an avoidable cost. When insurance costs rise this much, many consumers have to tighten other parts of their budgets, which hurts businesses whose products are more discretionary. That's not to say, though, that we approve of the governor lobbing such serious accusations at State Farm without simultaneously releasing to the public the evidence backing up the rhetoric. Pritzker referenced a Department of Insurance analysis supporting his allegation. So far, no one has seen that analysis despite journalists' request for it. Likewise, the reference to 'beach houses in Florida' appears to be something of a cheap shot. In 2023, State Farm's homeowners premiums in Florida were two-thirds of its total premiums in Illinois, according to National Association of Insurance Commissioners data. State Farm's homeowners premiums in Texas were 73% more than in Illinois; they were 55% higher in California. Maybe 'cattle ranches in Texas' don't have the same ring as 'beach houses in Florida?' That stated, State Farm executives had to anticipate that a rate hike of this magnitude would provoke a political backlash. While homeowners have seen their insurance bills rise in recent years, whether they use State Farm or another carrier, few could have expected sticker shock at this level, particularly since Illinois doesn't have the same reputation for weather catastrophes as Florida, Texas or California. In California, where devastating wildfires have been coupled with major insurers' pulling back on doing business in catastrophe-prone areas, State Farm moved to raise homeowners premiums by 30% on average. A judge earlier this year agreed to allow State Farm to raise rates by 17%, and the company intends to seek the full 30% increase that it originally sought through continued negotiations with the state's insurance commissioner. That sort of compromise seems to us a reasonable solution to the standoff in Illinois. State Farm could obtain part of its planned increase — say, 15% — and then potentially impose the remainder if its Illinois results don't improve over the coming year. In return, Pritzker might soften his request for state legislation giving our insurance regulators approval authority over future rate hikes, a power they don't have now, which makes Illinois' insurance industry one of the most lightly regulated in the country. These are simply suggestions. There are other avenues to compromise. The point is that State Farm and Pritzker need each other. State Farm is one of Illinois' largest employers and a critical corporate citizen. Its future in Bloomington, a city whose economy is heavily dependent on State Farm, has been the subject of steady rumors over the past decade as the insurer has expanded operations in Texas. Conversely, Illinois' insurance department is the company's primary regulator. Part of the reason Illinois is home to two of the largest insurers in the U.S. (Allstate being the other) is that it's perceived as a good place to be based. Unlike, say, banking, insurance is regulated state by state; a company's home state takes the lead on ensuring it is operated soundly. A decent relationship between the company and state government is consequently essential. Even when conditions get this stormy, cooler heads need to prevail.

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