Latest news with #JohnH.Cochrane


New York Times
11-03-2025
- Politics
- New York Times
Corrections: March 11, 2025
An article on Sunday about the 41 hostages who have been killed since being taken captive by Hamas and its allies during their Oct. 7 attack on Israel misstated when Israel's military concluded that an airstrike had killed hostages. It was in March 2024, not March 2023. An article on Saturday about a South Korean court ordering the release from jail of the country's impeached president Yoon Suk Yeol misstated the timing of the indictment. It was in January, not last month. An article on Sunday about the introduction of price controls by Croatia's government to rein in inflation misidentified the name of the research institute where John H. Cochrane works. It is the Hoover Institution, not the Hoover Institute. An article on Saturday about the robotic Athena moon lander spacecraft's inability to charge its batteries after ending up on its side misstated how far the craft was from its targeted landing site. It was about 800 feet, not 150 meters. A column by The Athletic on Sunday about whether Pete Rose should be in the Baseball Hall of Fame referred incorrectly to his World Series history. Rose played on championship teams for the Cincinnati Reds in 1975 and 1976 and for the Philadelphia Phillies in 1980; he did not play on three World Series winners during the days of Cincinnati's Big Red Machine. An article on Monday about the video game designer Josef Fares misspelled the given name of a video game composer. He is Gustaf Grefberg, not Gustav. It also erroneously included a game in his credits; he did not write the score for Wolfenstein: The New Order. Errors are corrected during the press run whenever possible, so some errors noted here may not have appeared in all editions.
Yahoo
27-02-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Opinion: If Trump aims to bring down prices, his policies will need to swerve
If President Trump was elected with a specific mandate, it was to lower prices. Poll after poll reveals that inflation is a top worry for Americans. So the administration should be worried that prices are ticking back up. Further, the president — who seems to think he can solve all problems unilaterally with executive-branch orders — will soon discover that to conquer inflation, he will need the help of Congress. Today's rising inflation isn't Trump's fault. When inflation first spiked several years ago, the Federal Reserve insisted for months that it was under control and on its way back to the 2% target. It had yet to arrive there when, this past September, the Fed began prematurely cutting interest rates. Now, core Consumer Price Index inflation remains at 3.3% year-over-year, well above the pre-pandemic norm and a full 65% higher than the Fed's supposed target. At the current rate, the dollar will lose 29 cents of its purchasing power within a decade. This is not a temporary inconvenience; it's a fundamental betrayal of sound-money principles. Americans who save in dollars suffer their wealth melting away while those with assets inflated by easy-money policies continue to benefit. The problem isn't just visible in the commonly cited Consumer Price Index. Also flashing warning signs is the Producer Price Index, which tracks wholesale prices. In January, the year-over-year increase hit 3.5%, up from a low of 0.9% in January 2024. Producer prices lead consumer prices, meaning that the cost pressures businesses face today will soon be passed on to us. Rising prices should have warned the Fed that inflationary pressures were building again, yet policymakers plowed ahead with interest rate cuts. They didn't seem to be responding to economic fundamentals; they were responding to Wall Street's demands for easy money. The deteriorating fiscal outlook, primarily a result of Congress' taxing and spending decisions over the decades, won't help fight inflation either. The Congressional Budget Office's 10-year projections from January show the national debt growing over the next decade by $23.9 trillion. The recent House Republican budget would add an additional $4 trillion, only part of which will be offset with investment-driven economic growth. More borrowing means higher interest costs on the national debt, which are already skyrocketing and projected to soon exceed $1 trillion per year. As Hoover Institution economist John H. Cochrane has pointed out, when the Fed raises interest rates to combat inflation, it also raises these interest costs on the public debt. This creates a fiscal problem: Unless Congress cuts spending or raises tax revenue or does both, higher interest payments require more borrowing, adding to the budget deficit and undermining the Fed's efforts to contain inflation. This dynamic is playing out now. If it continues, the Fed might eventually be forced to reverse its rate cuts and push rates even higher. With so much of the federal government's debt maturing over the short term, the cycle will quickly repeat itself. But isn't Trump taking decisive action to curb excess spending through his 'Department of Government Efficiency' team? If it successfully roots out fraud and improper payments, it could make more than a symbolic dent. Yet it will still fall short if entitlement spending isn't brought to a sustainable level, which only Congress can do. In addition, if Trump and that team's public face, Elon Musk, are serious about sending taxpayers checks based on the savings found — the so-called DOGE dividend — the extra cash in our pockets and the total disregard for our growing deficits could inflame inflation much like Biden-era stimulus money once did. A few other policies over which the president holds more control or influence deserve mention. Trump's trade policy, of course, may obstruct the fight against higher prices. First, tariffs directly increase the prices of goods. They also make life in American manufacturing harder, because most of what we import are inputs for domestic production. Further, the risk of retaliation by our trading partners is real, as we experienced during the first Trump presidency. How much consumers will feel trade-driven price hikes depends on whether the administration is successful on other fronts of its agenda. If Trump succeeds in deregulating the economy — the energy and AI industries in particular — the resulting boom could swamp the negative effects of tariffs. The same is true of designing tax policies alongside Congress that genuinely boost investment. However, unlike tariffs that can be levied by the president unilaterally, these achievements will be hard to deliver. America cannot afford another decade of artificial booms and painful busts. The time for responsible monetary and fiscal policy is now, before inflation and debt spiral up again. Trump's actions matter a great deal, but Congress needs to do its job. Otherwise, he will fail to deliver on his promise to the American people to bring prices down. Veronique de Rugy is a senior research fellow at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. This article was produced in collaboration with Creators Syndicate. If it's in the news right now, the L.A. Times' Opinion section covers it. Sign up for our weekly opinion newsletter. This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.

Los Angeles Times
27-02-2025
- Business
- Los Angeles Times
Opinion: If Trump aims to bring down prices, his policies will need to swerve
If President Trump was elected with a specific mandate, it was to lower prices. Poll after poll reveals that inflation is a top worry for Americans. So the administration should be worried that prices are ticking back up. Further, the president — who seems to think he can solve all problems unilaterally with executive-branch orders — will soon discover that to conquer inflation, he will need the help of Congress. Today's rising inflation isn't Trump's fault. When inflation first spiked several years ago, the Federal Reserve insisted for months that it was under control and on its way back to the 2% target. It had yet to arrive there when, this past September, the Fed began prematurely cutting interest rates. Now, core Consumer Price Index inflation remains at 3.3% year-over-year, well above the pre-pandemic norm and a full 65% higher than the Fed's supposed target. At the current rate, the dollar will lose 29 cents of its purchasing power within a decade. This is not a temporary inconvenience; it's a fundamental betrayal of sound-money principles. Americans who save in dollars suffer their wealth melting away while those with assets inflated by easy-money policies continue to benefit. The problem isn't just visible in the commonly cited Consumer Price Index. Also flashing warning signs is the Producer Price Index, which tracks wholesale prices. In January, the year-over-year increase hit 3.5%, up from a low of 0.9% in January 2024. Producer prices lead consumer prices, meaning that the cost pressures businesses face today will soon be passed on to us. Rising prices should have warned the Fed that inflationary pressures were building again, yet policymakers plowed ahead with interest rate cuts. They didn't seem to be responding to economic fundamentals; they were responding to Wall Street's demands for easy money. The deteriorating fiscal outlook, primarily a result of Congress' taxing and spending decisions over the decades, won't help fight inflation either. The Congressional Budget Office's 10-year projections from January show the national debt growing over the next decade by $23.9 trillion. The recent House Republican budget would add an additional $4 trillion, only part of which will be offset with investment-driven economic growth. More borrowing means higher interest costs on the national debt, which are already skyrocketing and projected to soon exceed $1 trillion per year. As Hoover Institution economist John H. Cochrane has pointed out, when the Fed raises interest rates to combat inflation, it also raises these interest costs on the public debt. This creates a fiscal problem: Unless Congress cuts spending or raises tax revenue or does both, higher interest payments require more borrowing, adding to the budget deficit and undermining the Fed's efforts to contain inflation. This dynamic is playing out now. If it continues, the Fed might eventually be forced to reverse its rate cuts and push rates even higher. With so much of the federal government's debt maturing over the short term, the cycle will quickly repeat itself. But isn't Trump taking decisive action to curb excess spending through his 'Department of Government Efficiency' team? If it successfully roots out fraud and improper payments, it could make more than a symbolic dent. Yet it will still fall short if entitlement spending isn't brought to a sustainable level, which only Congress can do. In addition, if Trump and that team's public face, Elon Musk, are serious about sending taxpayers checks based on the savings found — the so-called DOGE dividend — the extra cash in our pockets and the total disregard for our growing deficits could inflame inflation much like Biden-era stimulus money once did. A few other policies over which the president holds more control or influence deserve mention. Trump's trade policy, of course, may obstruct the fight against higher prices. First, tariffs directly increase the prices of goods. They also make life in American manufacturing harder, because most of what we import are inputs for domestic production. Further, the risk of retaliation by our trading partners is real, as we experienced during the first Trump presidency. How much consumers will feel trade-driven price hikes depends on whether the administration is successful on other fronts of its agenda. If Trump succeeds in deregulating the economy — the energy and AI industries in particular — the resulting boom could swamp the negative effects of tariffs. The same is true of designing tax policies alongside Congress that genuinely boost investment. However, unlike tariffs that can be levied by the president unilaterally, these achievements will be hard to deliver. America cannot afford another decade of artificial booms and painful busts. The time for responsible monetary and fiscal policy is now, before inflation and debt spiral up again. Trump's actions matter a great deal, but Congress needs to do its job. Otherwise, he will fail to deliver on his promise to the American people to bring prices down. Veronique de Rugy is a senior research fellow at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. This article was produced in collaboration with Creators Syndicate.