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Abdullah Ocalan, the Kurdish militant leader who urged peace with Turkiye
Abdullah Ocalan, the Kurdish militant leader who urged peace with Turkiye

New Straits Times

time12-05-2025

  • Politics
  • New Straits Times

Abdullah Ocalan, the Kurdish militant leader who urged peace with Turkiye

THE 76-year-old militant leader Abdullah Ocalan has spent a quarter of a century in jail after leading his Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) to take up arms against the Turkish state to fight for a Kurdish homeland. In February, however, he called for peace. The struggle had run its course, he said, asking the PKK to lay down arms. On Monday, the militant group heeded his call. It said it would dissolve itself, according to a news agency close to the group, ending more than four decades of armed struggle. Ocalan, revered by the pro-Kurdish political movement but reviled by most Turks for starting the conflict in 1984, made the call four months after being urged to do so by an ally of President Tayyip Erdogan. "An end to the country's denial of Kurdish identity and improvements in freedom of expression led to the PKK losing its meaningfulness," Ocalan said. Both Erdogan and the opposition pro-Kurdish DEM party have voiced support for efforts to end the fighting that has killed more than 40,000 people, reshaped Turkish politics and scarred towns and cities across the southeast. "I am making a call for the laying down of arms, and I take on the historical responsibility for this call," Ocalan said in a letter made public in February by DEM party members after they had visited him in his prison cell. A photograph released at the time, showed a grey-haired Ocalan seated at the centre of a table holding his statement and surrounded by DEM politicians. Ocalan was captured in Kenya by Turkish special forces in 1999. Despite being jailed, he continued to wield considerable clout and symbolic power over the PKK, whose fighters are mainly based in the mountains of neighbouring northern Iraq. The idea of re-engaging with Ocalan was floated last October by an unlikely politician - Devlet Bahceli, an ultra-nationalist party leader and Erdogan's main parliamentary ally, who shocked the country when he suggested Ocalan could be freed if he succeeded in getting the PKK to end its insurgency. Ocalan saw his profile peak during a 2013-2015 peace process between the Turkish state and his PKK fighters. Then prime minister, Erdogan regarded Ocalan as key to efforts to end the fighting. From his jail cell, Ocalan - affectionately referred to as Apo by Kurdish nationalists - rose in prominence. Photos in Turkish media showed a benign image of a grey-haired and smiling figure, in sharp contrast to past pictures of him in combat fatigues wielding an assault rifle. But in mid-2015, the peace process collapsed and the conflict entered its bloodiest phase, focused in urban southeastern areas. In recent years, the conflict has been mainly centred in northern Iraq where the PKK is based. Ocalan was born to a peasant family in the southeastern village of Omerli and his political ideas were shaped amid the violent street battles between left- and right-wing gangs in the 1970s. He split from the Turkish left to found the PKK in 1978, pledging to fight for an independent state of Kurdistan after dropping out of Ankara University's political science faculty. The PKK, designated a terrorist group by Turkiye, the United States and European Union, was led by Ocalan from Syria until Turkiye threatened war in 1998, forcing Damascus to expel him. He sought refuge in Russia, then Italy and Greece before he was captured in the Kenyan capital Nairobi in 1999. Appearing bewildered and dejected, he was flown to Ankara guarded by Turkish commandos, and sentenced to death. His sentence was commuted to life in jail, where he has remained ever since.

Bromine women's race returns for 4th edition on May 30
Bromine women's race returns for 4th edition on May 30

Jordan Times

time05-05-2025

  • Sport
  • Jordan Times

Bromine women's race returns for 4th edition on May 30

Run Jordan on Monday launches preparations for the fourth edition of the Bromine Women's Race, scheduled for May 30, at Al Hussein Public Parks (Petra photo) AMMAN — Run Jordan on Monday launched preparations for the fourth edition of the Bromine Women's Race, scheduled for May 30, at Al Hussein Public Parks. Held under the slogan 'Run for You,' the race is sponsored by Bromine and organised in partnership with the Greater Amman Municipality and several private sector partners, the Jordan News Agency, Petra, reported. Run Jordan stressed its ongoing commitment to creating safe, inclusive spaces for women in sports, spaces that empower participants and foster greater community involvement. The organisation also underscored the value of strategic partnerships in the race's continued success, highlighting its strong collaboration with the Greater Amman Municipality, alongside the vital contributions of sponsors and volunteers. General-Manager of Run Jordan Lina Kurd shared insights from her recent participation in the World Marathons Congress in Vietnam, where she spotlighted the significance of the Bromine Women's Race. She noted that while global female participation in marathons averages around 20 per cent, women account for up to 40 per cent of participants in Run Jordan events, which reflects Jordan's leadership in advancing women's sports. Kurd said that the women-only race is not a response to the absence of women in mixed events, but rather a celebration of their presence and a platform to showcase their role in society. She also stressed that the race aims to promote women's empowerment and enhance both physical and mental well-being. Run Jordan invites women of all ages and backgrounds to join the event, which features two race categories, 2.6 kilometres and 5.2 kilometres, both set to start at 9am.

Amidst regional ferment, Kurds' quest for statehood
Amidst regional ferment, Kurds' quest for statehood

The Hindu

time24-04-2025

  • Business
  • The Hindu

Amidst regional ferment, Kurds' quest for statehood

West Asia is in a geo-engineering flux not seen since the birth of Israel 77 years ago. The perennial Palestinian issue is at a pivotal moment with an extreme right Israeli government's hard-line position at odds with the Arab States' insistence on a two-state solution for the Abraham Accords' expansion. After the loss of regional proxies and the resumption of American 'maximum pressure' tactics and military threat, a weakened and isolated Iran has agreed to negotiate its nuclear programme. The toppling of the five decades-old al-Assad regime has created new paradigms. Although Turkey has ambitions to reshape Syria, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is battling an Intefadah at home. The decline of oil prices by a fifth in 2025 may upend the regional economic stability. Amidst this tumult, U.S. President Donald Trump, the global disruptor of 'Gaza Riviera' fame, is set to pay his first visit abroad to the Gulf next month. How does this regional commotion impact a century-old quest by Kurds for statehood? In the past century, two diaspora-based states, viz. Israel and Armenia, have been created in West Asia. Could Kurdistan be the next or, once again, likely to be brushed under the carpet as weightier developments and superpower politics take precedence? Let us examine the prospects in some detail. An unrealised dream Kurds are not only the biggest minority group in West Asia, but they are also the world's largest ethnic minority without a state of their own. Estimates vary, but their total population is put at 35 million-45 million. The overwhelming majority of them live in Turkey (around 17 million, 20% of the total population), Iraq (9 million, 20%), Iran (8 million, 10%), and Syria (2.5 million, 10%). Kurd diaspora exists in Germany (around 1.5 million) and other West European countries. While Kurds have their sub-divisions, their common identity is shaped by a shared history and the craggy geography of Asia Minor. Anthropological studies put them to be of Old Mediterranean and Caucasian stock, distinct from either Turkic, Semitic, or Iranian ethnicities dominating their existence. While most Kurds are Sunni Muslims, they are linked to other regional ethnic minorities, such as Yezidis, Alevi, and Zoroastrianism. The Kurds have a reputation for gritty bravery. Historically, they have often been either exploited as a geopolitical pawn or subject to suppression and exclusion. One of the rare occasions when they led the endgame was in the 12th century when Salahuddin, a Kurd General, commanded the Islamic legion to liberate Jerusalem from crusading Christian armies. The Kurdish quest for a state has remained unrequited. The nearest the Kurds came to realising this ambition was at the Treaty of Sevres in 1920, negotiated to dismantle the Ottoman empire. It promised the Kurds an autonomous state in eastern Turkey. However, the Young Turks under Kemal Ataturk thwarted the Kurdistan Homeland project and instead foisted assertive Turkish nationalism. Since then, Ankara has single-mindedly suppressed the identity of Kurds, who were officially called 'mountain Turks'. This repression has continued: as late as 1994, a Kurdish female MP was sentenced to 15 years in prison for temerity to speak a sentence in Kurdish after her swearing-in about the Kurd-Turk brotherhood. Counterproductive repression Turkish repression has been counterproductive: it led to the formation in 1978 of PKK (Kurdistan Workers' Party) by Abdullah Öcalan which has waged a campaign for Kurdish independence. Mr. Öcalan was caught in 1999 and is still in solitary confinement in a Turkish jail. Four decades of no-holds-barred conflict has killed an estimated 37,000 people. Following the recent softening of Ankara's policies, Mr. Öcalan has called for the cessation of hostilities and PKK declared a ceasefire on March 15. Turkey has announced a $20 billion socio-economic reconstruction plan for the south-east of the country where most Kurds live but a political package to bring the Kurds to the Turkish mainstream is still awaited. The 13-year civil war provided Syria's Kurds a rare opportunity to fill in the politico-strategic vacuum. With substantive American support, a formidable Kurdish Self Defence Force (SDF) was created to fight the Islamic State and al-Qaeda. SDF currently controls nearly 40% of Syria. This has caused considerable threat perceptions in Ankara which accuses SDF of helping PKK. Turkey has sought to checkmate the SDF by creating exclusion zones and forming a militia against it. However, the US pressure has prevented it from an anti-SDF military campaign. In a potentially far-reaching move on March 11, the SDF Commander and the interim Syrian President signed a basic agreement to integrate the SDF into the new Damascus politico-strategic architecture. Even otherwise, SDF's good fortunes may diminish with the planned attenuation of American military presence in Syria. During Saddam Hussein's rule, Kurds in neighbouring Iraq suffered brutal pogroms, forced deportation and even chemical weapons attacks. However, the situation changed in 1991 after the U.S. Operation Desert Storm substantially weakened Iraqi hold over Kurds and a Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) was formed in 1992. The Constitution of Iraq following the U.S. occupation of the country granted the KRG considerable autonomy although a 2017 referendum on Kurdistan Regional Independence, which received 92% support, was disallowed by the Iraqi Supreme Court stating that no Iraqi province was allowed to secede. Meanwhile, oil-rich KRG has sought to assert its autonomy, often creating a piquant situation with Baghdad authorities. Following an international arbitration ruling, oil exports through the Kirkuk-Ceyhan pipeline have been suspended for the past two years. Turkish armed forces have also been active in hitting alleged PKK targets in KRG. Iran, too, has occasionally attacked the alleged hostile U.S.-Israeli presence in KRG. Thus, although KRG has now been around for over three decades, its existence is still quite tenuous. The situation of Iranian Kurds Compared to repression elsewhere in the region, the Iranian regimes have been marginally benign to its Kurds who mostly live in the northwest of the country along mountainous borders with Turkey and Iraq; some Kurds are also living in the Khorasan province in the northeast. These areas lie along the geo-strategic faultlines, forcing Kurds to choose between loyalty to Tehran, Ankara, or Baghdad. Unlike in other Kurdish-populated countries, there are strong ethnic and cultural ties between Kurds and Persians and some modern Iranian dynasties were partly of Kurdish origin. While Tehran has never employed the same level of brutality against its own Kurds as Turkey or Iraq, it has always been implacably opposed to Kurdish separatism. During the long Persian-Ottoman wars and the recent Iran-Iraq war, largely Sunni Kurds were often suspected of being the fifth column of the foreign powers. Under the Islamic Republic, attempts to Persianise, and general economic deprivation, spurred centrifugal tendencies among Iranian Kurds. With the considerable weakening of the Iranian state and looming prospects of the U.S.-Israel military campaign against Tehran, Iranian Kurds, the country's largest minority, may feel encouraged to secede. Recent weakening of the central authority in each of the aforementioned four countries has brightened the prospects of Kurdish statehood and such proto-states have already emerged in Iraq and Syria. At the same time, they neither have a unifying ideology such as Zionism nor a transnational political entity to dovetail their statehood to the emerging grand Western strategy for West Asia. Their hopes rest on the regional entropy creating a situation conducive to the creation of a Kurdistan. However, even if such a pro-Western surrogate Kurdish state is grafted, it remains to be seen whether it would face autoimmune rejection (as Israel) from regional powers or take deep roots. In short, Kurds' fate currently swings between two of their apt proverbs: 'It is easy to catch a serpent with someone else's hand' and 'Kurds (as a nation) have no friends, except the mountains.' Mahesh Sachdev, Retired Indian Ambassador with an interest in West Asian geopolitics. He is currently the president of Eco-Diplomacy and Strategies, based in New Delhi

Mining is a potential ‘$16 trillion' industry in Iraq: Official
Mining is a potential ‘$16 trillion' industry in Iraq: Official

Rudaw Net

time19-04-2025

  • Business
  • Rudaw Net

Mining is a potential ‘$16 trillion' industry in Iraq: Official

Also in Iraq Sadr rejects Iraqi president's appeal to join elections Iraqi forces disrupt ISIS fuel network in Anbar Kurd appointed mayor of disputed Tuz Khurmatu district Baghdad summons Lebanese envoy over president's PMF remarks A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Iraq is rich in minerals and mining has the potential to be a $16 trillion industry, an advisor to the prime minister said on Saturday. 'Iraq is rich in various types of minerals and precious stones, including silica sand, which is found in the provinces of Anbar, Najaf, Karbala, and Muthanna. This type of sand is used in glass manufacturing, ceramics, and electronic chip industries,' Mazhar Mohammed Salih told Rudaw. 'Quartz rock, which is rich in silica and is found in the mountainous regions of Kurdistan, is also used in the manufacturing of electronic chips, glass, and porcelain,' he added. Iraq also has large sulfur reserves, mostly found in the Mishraq area near Mosul, and it has large quantities of phosphate, which is used in cement production, especially in the Akashat area of Anbar province, according to Salih. According to preliminary estimates, the revenue from mining these minerals could reach 'approximately 16 trillion dollars,' said Salih, adding that these industries are underdeveloped. He said that there is also a good amount of gold in the country, especially in the mountainous areas of the Kurdistan Region, in addition to iron, nickel, thorium, lead and limestone. Cement, mining, and agriculture are some of Iraq's key industries, but they are dwarfed by the oil sector, on which the economy is dependent. Iraq has one of the world's largest proven crude oil reserves. Experts warn that economic diversification is crucial to stabilizing Iraq's economy.

Sadr rejects Iraqi president's appeal to join elections
Sadr rejects Iraqi president's appeal to join elections

Rudaw Net

time18-04-2025

  • Politics
  • Rudaw Net

Sadr rejects Iraqi president's appeal to join elections

Also in Iraq Iraqi forces disrupt ISIS fuel network in Anbar Kurd appointed mayor of disputed Tuz Khurmatu district Baghdad summons Lebanese envoy over president's PMF remarks KRG delegation to visit Baghdad Saturday for oil export talks: Oil minister A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Iraqi cleric Muqtada al-Sadr on Friday rejected a formal call from President Abdul Latif Rashid to reverse his decision to boycott upcoming legislative elections. 'I did not participate and will not participate with the corrupt, the insolent, and the enemies of the people,' Sadr said, noting that many people cast ballots in previous votes to elect 'thieves of money that has not been recovered to this day.' In March he announced that his movement would boycott the 2025 elections in protest of corruption. Rashid issued a letter on Wednesday, published by state media on Friday, urging the influential cleric and his National Shiite Movement to rejoin political life through the November 11 elections. 'We affirm that this movement and all that will result from it will remain incomplete if the National Shiite Movement does not participate in the elections and contribute effectively to parliamentary life and support state institutions,' read the letter. 'We call upon you, your eminence, to reverse the decision not to participate.' 'The opportunity for correction and rectification still exists, awaiting the efforts of those who are good,' the presidential letter added. Local media have speculated that Sadr's camp was advocating for postponing the elections and forming an emergency government - claims Sadr denied in his response on Friday. The Sadrists emerged as the top force in Iraq's October 2021 parliamentary elections, securing 73 seats in the 329-member Iraqi legislature. However, they failed in their effort to establish a 'national majority' government together with Sunni Arab and Kurdish allies. The rival Shiite-led Coordination Framework then insisted on the post-2003 norm of establishing a consensus government. The deadlock ultimately prompted the Sadrist lawmakers to resign en masse. Sadr last May renamed his movement the National Shiite Movement, a move that was widely interpreted as a precursor to re-entering politics. In mid-February, Sadr urged his supporters to update their voter registration records. However, a former Sadrist lawmaker, Rafi Abduljabbar Azzawi, told Rudaw at the time that the cleric's request 'does not necessarily indicate a shift in his stance on participating in Iraq's upcoming elections, but rather to urge Iraqis to take a stand in the critical period ahead.'

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