Latest news with #Kurdish-dominated
Yahoo
3 days ago
- General
- Yahoo
Erdogan says Kurdish SDF 'stalling' despite integration deal with Damascus
ANKARA (Reuters) -Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan said the Kurdish-dominated and U.S.-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) were using "stalling tactics" despite an agreement with the new Syrian government for the group's integration into Syrian armed forces. Speaking to reporters on a flight from Azerbaijan, Erdogan repeated Turkey's position that Syria's unity and territorial integrity must be preserved, saying the SDF-Damascus deal must be implemented in the agreed and planned timeline. "We had said before we welcomed the agreement. But we see that the Syrian Democratic Forces are still continuing their stalling tactics. They must stop this," he was cited as saying by his office on Thursday.
Kuwait Times
7 days ago
- Politics
- Kuwait Times
Turkey, PKK must change for peace, says former militant
DIYARBAKIR, Turkey: 'When you try and explain peace to people, there is a very serious lack of trust,' said Yuksel Genc, a former fighter with the PKK, which recently ended its decades-long armed struggle against the Turkish state. Talking over a glass of tea in a square in Diyarbakir, the biggest city in Turkey's Kurdish-dominated southeast, this 50-year-old former fighter with long auburn curls is worried about how the nascent rapprochement between Ankara and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) will play out. 'The guerillas are sincere, but they don't think the state is,' said Genc, her words briefly interrupted by the roar of a fighter jet flying overhead. 'They think the government does not trust them.' For years, she was a fighter with the Kurdish rebel group, which on May 12 said it would disarm and disband, ending a four-decade armed struggle against the Turkish state that cost more than 40,000 lives. The historic move came in response to an appeal by its jailed founder Abdullah Ocalan, arrested in 1999 and serving life in solitary ever since on a prison island near Istanbul. Genc herself joined the militants in 1995 when she was a 20-year-old university student in Istanbul. 'At that time, many Kurdish villages were being burnt down, and we were constantly hearing about villages being evacuated, people being displaced and unsolved murders,' she said. She described it as 'a time of terrible repression'. 'You felt trapped, as if there was no other way than to join the guerrillas,' she said. Four years later, after years in exile, Ocalan was snatched by Turkish commandos in a Hollywood-style operation in Nairobi. 'Ocalan's capture provoked a deep sense of rage among the guerrillas, who feared it would mean the Kurdish cause would be destroyed,' she said. But it was Ocalan himself who called for calm and insisted it was time for the Kurdish question to be resolved democratically. He urged his followers to go to Turkey, hand over their weapons and seek dialogue. 'He thought our arrival would symbolize (the PKK's) goodwill, and persuade the state to negotiate.' Genc was part of the first so-called 'groups for peace and a democratic solution' — a group of three women and five men who arrived in Turkey on October 1, 1999 on what they knew would be a 'sacrificial' mission. After a long march through the mountains, they arrived in the southeastern village of Semdinli under the watchful eye of 'thousands' of Turkish soldiers huddled behind rocks. Handing over their weapons, they were transferred to the city of Van 200 kilometers (140 miles) to the north where they were arrested. Genc spent the next nearly six years behind bars. 'For us, these peace groups were a mission,' she said. 'The solution had to come through dialogue.' 'Peace work has a cost' After getting out, she continued to struggle for Kurdish rights, swapping her gun for a pen to become a journalist and researcher for the Sosyo Politik think tank. Even so, her writing earned her another three-and-a-half years behind bars. 'Working for peace in Turkey has a cost,' she said with a shrug. When Recep Tayyip Erdogan became prime minister in 2003, there was hope for a new breakthrough. But several attempts to reach an agreement went nowhere — until now. 'Like in 1999, the PKK is moving towards a non-violent struggle,' she said. 'But laying down arms is not the end of the story. It is preparing to become a political organization.' Resolving the decades-long conflict requires a change on both sides however, said Genc. 'It essentially involves a mutual transformation,' she argued. 'It is impossible for the state to stick with its old ways without transforming, while trying to resolve a problem as old and divisive as the Kurdish question.' 'Ocean of insecurity' Despite the recent opening, Genc does not speak of hope. 'Life has taught us to be realistic: years of experience have generated an ocean of insecurity,' she said. '(PKK fighters) have shown their courage by saying they will lay down their weapons without being defeated. But they haven't seen any concrete results.' So far, the government, which initiated the process last autumn, has not taken any steps nor made any promises, she pointed out. 'Why haven't the sick prisoners been released? And those who have served their sentences —why aren't they benefiting from the climate of peace?' And Ocalan, she said, was still being held in solitary despite promises of a change in his situation. The number of people jailed for being PKK members or close to the group has never been revealed by the Turkish authorities. 'The fact that Ocalan is still not in a position to be able to lead this process towards a democratic solution is a major drawback from the militants' point of view,' she said. 'Even our daily life remains totally shaped by security constraints across the region with the presence of the army, the roadblocks —all that has to change.' — AFP
New Straits Times
25-05-2025
- Politics
- New Straits Times
Turkiye, PKK must both change for peace: former militant
"WHEN you try and explain peace to people, there is a very serious lack of trust," said Yuksel Genc, a former fighter with the PKK, which recently ended its decades-long armed struggle against the Turkish state. Talking over a glass of tea in a square in Diyarbakir, the biggest city in Turkey's Kurdish-dominated southeast, this 50-year-old former fighter with long auburn curls is worried about how the nascent rapprochement between Ankara and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) will play out. "The guerillas are sincere, but they don't think the state is," said Genc, her words briefly interrupted by the roar of a fighter jet flying overhead. "They think the government does not trust them." For years, she was a fighter with the Kurdish rebel group, which on May 12 said it would disarm and disband, ending a four-decade armed struggle against the Turkish state that cost more than 40,000 lives. The historic move came in response to an appeal by its jailed founder Abdullah Ocalan, arrested in 1999 and serving life in solitary ever since on a prison island near Istanbul. Genc herself joined the militants in 1995 when she was a 20-year-old university student in Istanbul. "At that time, many Kurdish villages were being burnt down, and we were constantly hearing about villages being evacuated, people being displaced and unsolved murders," she said. She described it as "a time of terrible repression." "You felt trapped, as if there was no other way than to join the guerrillas," she said. Four years later, after years in exile, Ocalan was snatched by Turkish commandos in a Hollywood-style operation in Nairobi. "Ocalan's capture provoked a deep sense of rage among the guerrillas, who feared it would mean the Kurdish cause would be destroyed," she said. But it was Ocalan himself who called for calm and insisted it was time for the Kurdish question to be resolved democratically. He urged his followers to go to Turkiye, hand over their weapons and seek dialogue. "He thought our arrival would symbolise (the PKK's) goodwill, and persuade the state to negotiate." Genc was part of the first so-called "groups for peace and a democratic solution" – a group of three women and five men who arrived in Turkiye on October 1, 1999 on what they knew would be a "sacrificial" mission. After a long march through the mountains, they arrived in the southeastern village of Semdinli under the watchful eye of "thousands" of Turkish soldiers huddled behind rocks. Handing over their weapons, they were transferred to the city of Van 200 kilometres (140 miles) to the north where they were arrested. Genc spent the next nearly six years behind bars. "For us, these peace groups were a mission," she said. "The solution had to come through dialogue." After getting out, she continued to struggle for Kurdish rights, swapping her gun for a pen to become a journalist and researcher for the Sosyo Politik think tank. Even so, her writing earned her another three-and-a-half years behind bars. "Working for peace in Turkiye has a cost," she said with a shrug. When Recep Tayyip Erdogan became prime minister in 2003, there was hope for a new breakthrough. But several attempts to reach an agreement went nowhere – until now. "Like in 1999, the PKK is moving towards a non-violent struggle," she said. "But laying down arms is not the end of the story. It is preparing to become a political organisation." Resolving the decades-long conflict requires a change on both sides however, said Genc. "It essentially involves a mutual transformation," she argued. "It is impossible for the state to stick with its old ways without transforming, while trying to resolve a problem as old and divisive as the Kurdish question." Despite the recent opening, Genc does not speak of hope. "Life has taught us to be realistic: years of experience have generated an ocean of insecurity," she said. "(PKK fighters) have shown their courage by saying they will lay down their weapons without being defeated. But they haven't seen any concrete results." So far, the government, which initiated the process last autumn, has not taken any steps nor made any promises, she pointed out. "Why haven't the sick prisoners been released? And those who have served their sentences – why aren't they benefiting from the climate of peace?" And Ocalan, she said, was still being held in solitary despite promises of a change in his situation. The number of people jailed for being PKK members or close to the group has never been revealed by the Turkish authorities. "The fact that Ocalan is still not in a position to be able to lead this process towards a democratic solution is a major drawback from the militants' point of view," she said. "Even our daily life remains totally shaped by security constraints across the region with the presence of the army, the roadblocks – all that has to change."
Middle East Eye
11-05-2025
- Politics
- Middle East Eye
The long path to recovery in northeastern Syria
To cross the Tigris river from Iraqi Kurdistan into northeastern Syria is to journey between two different worlds. Over centuries, this has often been the way for this great river: the boundary between rival empires and a contested waterway that remains the key to life for millions. The rickety pontoon bridge gives an inkling of what is to come as you leave behind the largely well-developed and functioning Kurdistan Regional Government for an area of Syria that is isolated, vulnerable and economically destitute. The road up from the river is near-impassable, scarred with massive potholes. The Kurdish-dominated area of northern Syria, which many Kurds prefer to call Rojava, is surrounded by what they perceive to be rivals and enemies. The Turkish border is walled off or lined with barbed wire. In every meeting I attended, my interlocutors broached the impacts of the sectarian violence carried out in Syria's coastal regions in March. The underlying but unexpressed fear was clear: we could be next. Representatives from Arab, Christian, Armenian, Alawi, Yazidi and Kurdish communities made this point routinely. Few expressed much trust in the platitudes of the new authorities in Damascus. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters The most overwhelming sense was of a region that has been obliterated economically. Although reports of smuggling networks abounded, most shops were shuttered. Everyone relied on primitive generators for electricity. Occasionally, a lucky few had access to solar power. At night, few lights could be seen on the streets. The area also suffered from a lack of water. Once the breadbasket of Syria, having replaced the Hawran in the south from the 1950s, the flat, fertile lands were now largely untilled. Crippling sanctions Myriad reasons were given for this dismal situation: war, Turkish incursions and the fight against the Islamic State (IS) group. The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) are also not innocent. Human rights groups have highlighted significant issues with detaining political activists and the recruitment of child soldiers, some as young as 12, by groups associated with the SDF. Qamishli and Hasakah were on the front lines of that struggle. IS remains a threat to this day, claiming around 300 attacks last year - more than double the previous year's figure. US and European sanctions have also contributed to crippling the Syrian economy. Nobody will invest until American sanctions are eased. Oil fires blazed where the population was forced to use crude methods to extract resources. You can smell it in the air everywhere. One can only imagine the health impacts and environmental damage. What is needed now is an easing of sanctions to provide a tangible political and economic horizon On a humanitarian level, many people complained to me that international aid had dried up, as NGOs had shifted their focus to Damascus. The needs are great. Overall, half the Syrian population is still food insecure. Throughout this area in the north, there are camps for both refugees and internally displaced people. Many have fled recently after the fall of former Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's regime and Turkish attacks. The presence of external actors is extraordinary. We passed the Russian base at Qamishli airport, and then soon after, we passed an American base. Russian military patrols still go down the main highway. Where else can you find Russian and American forces deployed so close together? The US has announced it is reducing its force deployment in Syria, closing three of its eight bases in the northeast. Yet, their presence is seen by many as crucial to the anti-IS coalition, with around 10,000 of the group's fighters still detained in northeastern Syria. The sheer presence of American forces acts as a deterrent to IS, who are looking for any opportunity to rise again, but also acts as a buffer to keep Turkish-backed forces and Kurdish groups from fighting. But eventually, Syrians will want to see all foreign forces out of the country. Hopeful sign During my visit to the region, the upbeat assessment was that a ceasefire with Turkey had been holding for more than three weeks. The drone attacks had stopped. The Euphrates now forms the de facto border between areas controlled by the SDF and those controlled by Turkish-backed forces. The deal signed in March between Damascus and the SDF was also a hopeful sign. The Kurdish National Council and other parties have been working towards building on this deal, but significant divisions remain. SDF leader Mazloum Abdi, a key partner for the US in its fight against IS, told me that recent meetings with authorities in Damascus had gone well, as American helicopters hovered nearby in what looked like training exercises. Syria after Assad: How to rebuild from the ashes of war Read More » Abdi was also upbeat about progress with Turkey, which itself views the SDF as a terrorist organisation and an extension of the proscribed Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK). While he described the Turkish threat as an 'existential challenge', Abdi appeared grimly determined to make headway with both Damascus and Ankara. His optimism might not be totally misplaced. PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan, the political and spiritual leader for many of Syria's Kurds, called on the group to disarm in February. This represents an opportunity to end the conflict inside Turkey that has killed 40,000 people over 40 years. It would also have major implications for both Syrian and Iraqi Kurds. A genuine peace would reassure the Turkish leadership. Ending the fighting in northern Syria would enhance the country's prospects for long-term stability. This should matter to all international actors, from the Middle East to Europe. What is needed now is an easing of sanctions to provide a tangible political and economic horizon. In the rosiest scenario, this would deal a huge blow to extremist groups such as IS and give confidence to Syrians looking to return to their beloved homeland. This is a long road with plenty of potholes, but it is definitely worth the journey. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
Asharq Al-Awsat
12-03-2025
- Politics
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Syria-Kurdish Deal: What Benefits Could Both Sides Gain?
The Syrian presidency announced on Monday an agreement with the head of the Kurdish-dominated Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) to integrate the institutions of the autonomous Kurdish administration in the northeast into the national government, AFP reported on Tuesday. What are the key provisions of the agreement? And what gains could both sides achieve if it is implemented by the end of the year? The presidency published a statement on Monday signed by both parties laying out the agreement on 'the integration of all the civilian and military institutions of the northeast of Syria within the administration of the Syrian state, including border posts, the airport, and the oil and gas fields.' The agreement makes no mention of dissolving the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), the US-backed military arm of the Kurdish self-administration in northeastern Syria, or handing over its weapons, contrary to previous Syrian government demands for integration into the new national army. The agreement includes recognition of the Kurdish component, which has long faced marginalization and exclusion under the Assad regime, as an 'indigenous community within the Syrian state.' It also guarantees 'the rights of all Syrians to representation and participation in political life and all state institutions,' while rejecting calls for division and hate speech. The agreement, consisting of eight points, serves as a 'roadmap' that joint committees are expected to discuss and develop implementation mechanisms for, with a deadline set for the end of the year. SDF leader Mazloum Abdi described the deal as a 'historic opportunity' to build a new Syria, as celebrations erupted in several cities across the country. Under the agreement, the Kurds commit to 'supporting the Syrian state in its fight against Assad's remnants and all threats to its security and unity,' implicitly referring to violence in Syria's coastal region.
