Latest news with #LEAs
Business Standard
3 days ago
- Business
- Business Standard
PhonePe's Guardrails: Future of Payment Security
The world of digital payments is changing rapidly, and with consumers expecting more reliable and seamless transactions, the payments ecosystem has become more complex. As these innovations are embraced, users' expectations for safe and secure experiences continue to grow. The future of digital payments, therefore, depends on trust, privacy, and security. Faster payments come with challenges, making certain types of fraud easier to execute. For instance, scammers have started using IVR (Interactive Voice Response) calls to impersonate trusted institutions like banks and telecom providers. These fake calls trick people into believing the requests are legitimate, asking them to verify or authenticate private information, which can lead to fraudulent transactions. Another growing concern is the misuse of generative AI, which has introduced sophisticated scams like phishing and deepfakes. Fraudsters use these tools to convincingly pose as family members, claiming they are in trouble and/or in urgent need of money. These scams prey on emotions, making it harder for people to detect the deception. Generative AI is also being exploited to bypass digital KYC (Know Your Customer) processes, allowing bad actors to impersonate legitimate users. As these threats evolve, PhonePe has adopted stronger security protocols and continuous user education. By combining advanced technology with awareness initiatives, PhonePe is creating a safer digital ecosystem and helping users navigate this ever-changing landscape with confidence. PhonePe is consistently implementing cutting-edge technologies and fostering strong partnerships to ensure a safe and seamless experience for its users, while proactively addressing the evolving challenges in the payments ecosystem. Collaborations and partnerships To strengthen the fight against fraud, the payments giant has been actively collaborating with key stakeholders across industries and regulatory bodies: Law Enforcement Agencies (LEAs): PhonePe works closely with both central and state-level LEAs to share real-time data, conduct fraud investigations, and provide training on emerging fraud technologies. Together, they establish protocols to address fraudulent activities effectively and enhance overall awareness. Alliance of Reporting Entities in India for Anti Money Laundering/Combatting Financial Terrorism (ARIFAC): As a key contributor to this anti-money laundering forum, PhonePe has co-hosted training sessions, including engagements for the South Chapter, to share expertise and strengthen the industry's defenses. National Payments Corporation of India (NPCI) and banking partners: PhonePe has streamlined channels like web portals and emails to enable banks to resolve disputes in real time. Regular interactions with banks helps the company identify fraud tactics and improve redressal strategies. Department of Telecommunications (DoT) and Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI): PhonePe actively participates in initiatives with DoT and TRAI to identify and act against bad actors, such as those using churned or deactivated phone numbers for fraud. Industry seminars and conferences: PhonePe's Trust and Safety team frequently shares best practices at public forums, contributing to the broader industry efforts to improve safety standards. Innovation in technology To stay ahead of evolving threats, PhonePe continuously innovates and deploys advanced technologies that ensure user safety. Profile-based authentication: PhonePe's risk management system combines real-time aggregation and personalized models, developed by its data science team. This enables the company to tailor user experiences while enhancing fraud detection across PhonePe's products. These models leverage cutting-edge technologies, such as HBase, to process large-scale data and enable quick decision-making. Futureproofing against emerging risks: PhonePe's scalable platforms are designed to manage growing transaction volumes and detect new-age fraud, such as doctored photos, deepfake audio, location spoofing, and screen sharing. By blending partnerships with technological innovation, PhonePe is setting new benchmarks for trust and safety in the digital payments ecosystem. Its priority remains protecting users and ensuring a secure, seamless payments experience. Upcoming features in PhonePe's Trust & Safety ecosystem PhonePe continues to roll out cutting-edge features aimed at strengthening fraud prevention and risk management. Anomaly detection models for early warning: These unsupervised machine learning models automatically flag unusual patterns across platforms, acting as an early warning system. The internal platform allows rapid development, testing, and deployment of fraud detection algorithms, keeping PhonePe ahead of threat actors. 360-degree risk profiling: From Day 0, PhonePe builds a comprehensive risk profile for every customer, merchant, bank account, and device. This is achieved by combining internal data with relevant external insights. Machine learning models then provide instant, accurate risk scoring across a vast ecosystem that includes 60+ crore customers, 4+ crore merchants, and over 33 crore daily transactions*. Importantly, this is done with user privacy as a top priority. Case management system for real-time response: PhonePe's enhanced system supports: A consolidated view of risk data for real-time investigations Structured, time-bound resolution workflows Integration of AML, chargeback, and support operations into streamlined modules Generative AI tools to accelerate incident analysis Graph-based cluster detection: As fraud evolves from individual acts to coordinated clusters, PhonePe has implemented graph-based detection to identify anomalous group activities and enable real-time threat mitigation. These tools enable PhonePe's risk operations teams to address issues methodically, improving outcomes for users and merchants. Security remains core to the company's mission, and its aim is to continue securing India's digital payments ecosystem with 'Made in India' innovations that deter fraud, protect users, and preserve privacy.
Express Tribune
4 days ago
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Army will crushall threats: COAS
Listen to article Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir has said that the Pakistan Army remains fully alert and prepared to respond decisively to any threat and reiterates that peace in Balochistan is non-negotiable and that the future of Pakistan is directly linked to a stable and prosperous Balochistan. While interacting with tribal elders during a Grand Jirga at the Zehri Auditorium in Quetta, the chief of the army staff lauded the bravery and resilience of security forces and the law-enforcement personnel operating in Balochistan, said a statement issued by the Prime Minister's Office on Sunday. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Field Marshal Munir jointly addressed the Jirga, which was organised to interact with the tribal leadership and discuss the evolving security situation in Balochistan, with particular focus on the ongoing proxy war fuelled by India. "This Indian sponsored proxy war is no longer hidden, it is an open malicious act of terrorism waged on our people, our progress, and our peace. We have concrete proof of India's hand behind terrorist networks operating in Balochistan," Field Marshal Munir said. "These nefarious attempts of the enemy will fail. The Pakistan Army, with the unwavering support of the nation and the brave Baloch people, will confront and crush every enemy, foreign or domestic, that dares to challenge our sovereignty." On the occasion, Prime Minister Shehbaz highlighted that Indian-sponsored proxies operating in Balochistan had intensified their efforts to undermine peace, destabilise the province, and disrupt development initiatives led by the government and the armed forces. He said that terrorist groups like the Fitna al-Hindustan sought support of the locals which must be denied to them. He stressed the need for engaging at the grassroots level and ensuring that terrorists found no social space. Praising the leadership and constructive role of the elders, Shehbaz reiterated that denying social space to terrorists was crucial for the success of counter-terrorism efforts and for the long-term peace and stability. He vowed that the enemies of peace would find no space to operate within Pakistan. "Our message to them is clear: the government, armed forces, the LEAs and the administrative apparatus," with the complete support of the people, would take the fight against terrorism to its logical conclusion and defeat terrorism in a decisive manner. Highlighting a series of monumental developmental packages for prosperity in Balochistan, the prime minister emphasised the need to ensure that people at the grassroots level benefited from the government's initiatives. He praised the people of Balochistan for their historic role in safeguarding the national unity and urged them to remain vigilant against foreign-backed subversion and sabotage orchestrated and sponsored by India. Prime Minister Shehbaz and Field Marshal Munir lauded the bravery and resilience of security forces and the LEAs operating in Balochistan. Shehbaz assured the families of Shuhada of full cooperation and support, and vowed that terrorists, their abettors, and facilitators would not be spared. The Jirga concluded with a unanimous pledge from tribal elders to stand shoulder to shoulder with the government of Pakistan and the armed forces, reaffirming their commitment to the security, stability, and development of Balochistan, the statement said. Earlier, Prime Minister Shehbaz visited the Command and Staff College in Quetta and addressed Students and Faculty of the college. His address reflected the government's commitment to strengthening Pakistan's defence institutions amid the evolving regional and internal security dynamics. Shehbaz underscored the importance of professional excellence, operational readiness, and strategic foresight in the face of emerging and hybrid threats, especially in sensitive regions like Balochistan, where Indian sponsored proxies target "our people and aim to disrupt our progress and prosperity".
Express Tribune
30-04-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
The mindset of Indian jingoism
The writer is a retired major general and has an interest in International Relations and Political Sociology. He can be reached at tayyarinam@ and tweets @20_Inam Listen to article The April 22, 2025 attack on unsuspecting tourist on the Baisaram meadow in Pehelgam (Shepherds' Valley), Anantnag District in the illegally occupied Indian side of Kashmir is condemnable. Civilian fratricide in Kashmir's war of liberation remains a sad collateral damage. The fact that Anantnag has been experiencing attacks on Hindu pilgrims repeatedly in the past and is a high security zone for Indian security forces, raises questions. Without getting into conspiracy theories that are making rounds on either side of the Indo-Pakistan border, and despite the narratives pushed forward by the light weight, immature and jingoist Indian media; on the face of it, it seems a monumental security failure of the Indian establishment. So, when a handful of militants, in military fatigues, singled out and shot tourists in broad daylight with no immediate reaction by LEAs on site, including the Indian Army, the politicians saw an opportunity to turn this into another opening to whiplash the arch enemy Pakistan. From the Indian perspective, putting the blame immediately on Pakistan and calling 'The Resistance Front (TRF)' — the obscure group that took responsibility for the attack — an extension of Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) without any evidence, made sense. It puts Pakistan — which already suffers from image problem thanks to the incessant Indian propaganda internationally and the likes of Khawaja Asif domestically — on the defensive; it enhances Islamabad's financial woes; and it provides a casus belli or justification for any subsequent Indian reaction, diplomatically and militarily. So, as a knee-jerk reaction, New Delhi held in abeyance the 1960 Indus Water Treaty (IWT) that it had been eyeing to undo for quite some time, in addition to other steps including downgrading diplomatic relations, etc. In a tit-for-tat response, Pakistan also suspended the 1972 Shimla (Simla) Agreement reached after the 1971 War, revoking the status of Line of Control (LoC), besides overflight rights to Indian-owned and Indian-registered aircraft. Following discourse deals with some aspects of the standoff. First, India in such eventualities, buoyed by its economic and military muscles, has been following a pattern to building a case for retaliatory strikes against Pakistan. It reacted militarily for Pulwama attacks in Pakistan proper at Balakot in 2019, a first 'first', and undertook major escalatory actions for Bombay attacks in 2008, Parliament attack in 2001, etc. The 2008 stand-off was only de-escalated when the US and the UK issued travel advisories against visiting India; the Bangalore IT enterprise strongly objected to the domestic political rhetoric for losing business; and the stock market plummeted. Escalation harms India more than Pakistan. Second, at the moment, there seems no international appetite for any conflict in the subcontinent. Despite Modi's calls to numerous world leaders, briefing of over 100 diplomatic missions by the External Affairs Ministry 'ostensibly' to build case for striking Pakistan, all major powers including the US, the EU, Russia, China, Turkey, etc have called for calm. Iran has offered to mediate. Unlike the 2019 'signaling support' to Modi, Trump 2.0 is more distracted by domestic agenda and has yet to appoint a US ambassador to New Delhi despite 100 days in office. Lack of sharing compelling evidence by New Delhi in its 'exterior maneuver' is seen as India either waiting for more details, or Modi Sarkar feeling little need to justify its subsequent action to anyone. India might interpret international sympathy for losses in the cited attack as green light for its reaction. This, when combined with domestic pressure to respond, makes any incursion or strike by New Delhi likely. The Tuesday high-level meeting by Modi Government authorised the Indian military to respond; however, the form, format and timing is unclear. Indian military 'may' keep it limited to Kashmir. Third, Indian reaction, in whatever form would 'unmistakenly' elicit a strong response from Pakistan for precisely the same compelling political reasons. If Pulwama recently and the nuclear blasts (Pokhran II vs Chaghai I and II) in 1998 are any guide, Pakistan would outdo the Indian reaction militarily and psychologically. And the ensuing cycle might get out of control transcending into the nuclear domain, for which Pakistan has conveyed its position unambiguously. Fourth, for a long time the Indian miltablishment believes in the availability of space for a limited conventional war between both sides under the nuclear overhang about which I have written in the past. See "The dangers of calling Pakistan's 'nuclear bluff'" published on September 3, 2019. Indian military leaders — serving and retired — might be baying for a fight, for remaining relevant in case of retired lot; and under 'legacy, tamgha (medal) and promotion syndrome' in case of serving officer. However, senior military leadership might miscalculate Pakistan's resolve, the tenacity of its armed forces, now battle-hardened, and the clarity of its leadership, both military and political. Pakistan's noisy 'inner front' would jell like hell, once the shots with a bang are fired. Fifth, India climbs the 'escalation ladder' higher and quicker. Any unacceptable territorial losses, force destruction, infrastructure damage and casualties in case of the much smaller Pakistan in a protracted conflict would amount to crossing the psychological thresholds, the red lines that remains ill-defined and amorphous, and can force the nuclear hand. And in that eventuality, the conflict would not remain limited to the region. It would spill out of the state of 'managed hostility', as Mr Shankar Menon, India's former NSA, fondly names the Indo-Pak crisis. Sixth, Mr Modi, for some time has been following pages from Netanyahu's playbook in Palestine. Revocation of Article 370 in Kashmir, following racial profiling and discrimination against Indian Muslims under Hindutva-laced vigilante justice and brow-beating India's neighbours under hegemony on steroids are continuing cases in point. However, the 'Butcher of Gujarat' needs to know that Pakistan is not Gaza, it is not Kashmir, he is not Bibi, India is not Israel, and Trump his presumed backer still jokes about his Indian accent. And Pakistan as a state is not isolated, given its Muslim Arab interface and the Chinese clout. War is in nobody's favour, but if push comes to shove, Pakistan, its people, its government and its armed forces would surprise the super confident 'Shining' India!
Express Tribune
09-04-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Abandoned US equipment and Afghanistan's Bagram base
The writer is a retired major general and has an interest in International Relations and Political Sociology. He can be reached at tayyarinam@ and tweets @20_Inam Listen to article As per press reports, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Pakistan's Deputy PM and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar spoke telephonically on 4th April, wherein both "agreed to resolve the issue of American weapons left behind in Afghanistan after the August 2021 [US] withdrawal". This seems a conceptual agreement between both sides, with yet to be clarified mechanism and way forward. Of late the leftover US inventory, especially the arms and ammunition, has surfaced in the Pak-US bilateral parleys, as substantial quantities of weapons and munitions, especially the sniper rifles Panther LRT and M24, are held and used by TTP in their deadly attacks against Pakistan's LEAs. In my earlier piece on the subject, 'The story of abandoned weapons and equipment in Afghanistan', published in this space on October 5, 2023, I had surmised, after thorough research involving America's SIGAR (Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction) and reports to the US Congress, that the US had left behind nearly $7.2 billion worth of aircraft, guns, vehicles, ammunition and specialised equipment in Afghanistan. This huge arsenal included nearly 600,000 weapons (all calibres) including 9,524 air-to-ground weapon systems and numerous night vision, surveillance and communications equipment, etc. Former US NSA Jake Sullivan acknowledged Washington's inability to account for this huge inventory, when he said, "We don't have a complete picture, obviously, of where every article of defense materiel has gone, but certainly a fair amount of it has fallen into the hands of the Taliban." A Taliban official apprised Al Jazeera about capturing more than 300,000 small arms and 26,000 heavy weapons. The US Department of Defense later acknowledged its inability to retrieve the materiel, as Washington did not recognise the IEA. Besides, America destroyed in situ some 78 aircraft, 26 helicopters; 55 ground vehicles, including 27 Humvees, 23 Turkish MRAPs and 3 light tactical all-terrain vehicles; 47 other MRAPs, 2 MRAP recovery vehicles; 4 weapons systems, including two M119 105mm Howitzer guns, rocket artillery, mortars, Phalanx guns and 6 RQ-21 Unmanned Aerial Systems and one Ground Control Station, etc. An unascertainable percentage of this arsenal went to the black market on the Iran-Afghan-Pakistan border, whereas Iran reportedly resorted to bulk purchases. A New York Times report highlighted concerns about this American equipment especially the pistols, rifles, grenades, binoculars and night-vision goggles falling to the gun dealers, Al-Qaeda, ISK, Pakistani and Central Asian militant groups, etc. TTP fighters, Baloch militants and even Kashmiri freedom fighters are better armed and equipped today, thanks to this abandoned American inventory. Although the US forces removed critical components from the abandoned equipment, IEA and other countries mined through the leftover sensitive optical and communications equipment and computer software/hardware on board certain aircraft. IEA has reportedly repaired some aerial platforms and put these to usage. The Trump Administration's desire to retrieve this huge arsenal was met with indignation by the IEA, as Abdul Qahar Balkhi, the Afghan Foreign Ministry spokesperson, in a recent interview, declined to hand over this captured equipment to the US. The March 20, 2025 Kabul visit by a US delegation, led by the versatile Zalmay Khalilzad, underscores important developments. This was a transactional visit to secure the release of the US prisoner, George Glezmann, a mechanic for Delta Air Lines, after over two years in captivity. Zia Ahmad Takal, Deputy Spokesperson for IEA Ministry of Foreign Affairs, later announced on X (formerly Twitter) that the discussion also covered consular services to Afghan nationals in the US, in addition to progress on prisoner issues. Adam Boehler, the US Special Envoy for Prisoner Affairs, was in the delegation. Acting FM Muttaqi dubbed the visit "a positive development" in Kabul-Washington bilateralism and emphasized the US to have a "balanced policy." The issue of retrieval of the cited arsenal reportedly remained an important agenda point. Khalilzad perhaps wanted to convince the IEA leadership of the possibility of US financial largesse in return, for the cash-strapped Kabul. The present US policy towards IEA underscores non-recognition of the IEA; avoiding the collapse of Afghan economy and a humanitarian catastrophe; support for a credible process to establish an inclusive government; and more recently retrieval of the abandoned materiel. After leaving lock, stock and barrel consequent to Doha Accord, inked by Trump 1.0 in 2020, it is hard to fathom Trump 2.0 returning to Bagram base, as speculated in the press. Retrieval of the abandoned inventory, however, would remain pressure tactics to keep IEA in line on issues like counterterror cooperation, economy, restraining Chinese inroads in rare earth exploration and curtailing Iranian influence. The emerging policy on the retrieval of the abandoned weaponry would need a lot of deliberations and financial outlays, like the DDR (Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration) and the Stinger Buyback programmes of the yester years. However, given the tariff-driven US global policy, the Trump Administration would initially try to browbeat the IEA for the retrieval of their equipment, as financial allocations for the purpose, as of now, are seemingly hard to come by. The IEA might, in return, invoke Doha Agreement for Washington to fund Afghanistan's reconstruction, as previously agreed in the Doha Agreement. So, the road ahead seems pitted with potholes. As far as handing over of Bagram base to the US is concerned, 'Qandahar' especially (within the IEA dispensation) will never hand over any part of Afghanistan to the foreign troops, especially the US, again. Residual presence of the foreign forces, including intelligence assets, was a major sticking point for the most part during Doha parleys before 2020. Those who churn out such scandalous claims do not know the IEA, especially its mover-shaker, the Qandahari Shura, and its worldview. It is a curious mix of 'Muslim Pashtunwali/Pakhtunwali' with religion and sociology remaining inseparable. 'Muslim Pashtunwali' or 'Pakhtun/Pashtun Islam' was at work and responsible for Taliban's non-handover of Osama bin Laden during the late 1990s. They preferred to lose government and go again to the mountains, rather than losing before their 'Pashtun Islam'. This immense sociological clout was, is, and likely to remain the lifeline of IEA under Qandahar. Outlook and future would, however, be defined by a see-saw between puritanical Qandahar and pragmatist Haqqanis of Loya Paktia and is anybody's guess. There are multifarious variables at work.
