Latest news with #Laessing
Times of Oman
12-04-2025
- Politics
- Times of Oman
How an intercepted drone escalated Mali-Algeria tensions
Bamako: Yet another conflict story unravels from Tin Zaouatine, a desert region in Mali's far north-east. The same region that had witnessed an unprecedented defeat of Russian mercenaries who were ambushed by Tuareg rebels in August 2024 is again at the epicentre of an unfolding crisis. On the night between March 31 and April 1, a Turkish-manufactured Akinci surveillance drone operated by the Malian military literally fell from the sky. Video footage circulating on social media depicted burning debris falling and crashing into an uninhabited area. Hours later, the Algerian army stated that an air defence unit in the border region shot down an armed reconnaissance drone that had entered Algerian airspace. Bamako, the capital of Mali, disagreed, arguing that the wreckage was found almost 10 kilometres (6 miles) into Malian territory. The unprecedented incident has since created a major diplomatic rift between the neighbors. While it appears that neither side has an interest in escalating the issue, the crisis has been intensifying. Protests, retaliation and solidarity Shortly after Algeria took responsibility, hundreds of protesters gathered in front of the country's embassy in Bamako, according to a DW reporter. "They destroyed the drone on our territory. Enough is enough! We're here to show the world that we stand with our authorities," one of the demonstrators told DW. Mali's military junta retaliated through diplomatic means: In a coordinated step with its close allies Niger and Burkina Faso – both also governed by juntas — all three Sahel Alliance (AES) states withdrew their ambassadors from Algeria. Algiers quickly reciprocated. A day later, both Mali and Algeria closed their airspace to each other's aircraft. While it might have been an easy choice for Burkina Faso to stand in solidarity with its ally, the decision might have been more difficult for Niger. "From a Nigerien perspective, this is not a good development, because they have just improved their ties with Algeria," said Ulf Laessing, head of the Sahel program of the German Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAS), which is affiliated with the German conservative party CDU. "Algeria had made an effort for Niger, especially because the relations with Mali are this bad. Algeria's state oil company Sonatrach has signed a contract in Niger, from which Niger profits economically," Laessing told DW. Malian Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop accused Algiers of supporting terrorism. "The council of AES leaders consider the destruction of the drone operated by Malian armed forces as a hostile action against all AES members and a perfidious step that in a way promotes terrorism and destabilization of the region," Diop told DW. Algeria denied any wrongdoing in the drone incident and accused Mali of trying to redirect blame for its internal problems. "The junta of putschists ruling in Mali is vainly attempting to make our country a scapegoat for the setbacks and woes of which the Malian people are paying the heaviest price," Algeria's foreign ministry said in a statement. Mali-Algerian relations have deteriorated since 2023 Mali and Algeria share a common history of French colonial oppression. Since they became independent in 1960 and 1962 respectively, relations between both countries have been through rough patches. Security on the 1,300-kilometre-long (808-mile-long) border has always been a contentious issue. In 2015, after three years of fighting between Mali's army and northern rebels, Algeria successfully mediated a peace contract — the Algiers Accords. However, both the security in Northern Mali and relations with Algeria have remained fragile — especially after Mali's military coups in 2020 and 2021. Amid new clashes between the Algiers Accords signatories, reports of atrocities committed by Malian soldiers and their new brothers in arms, Russian Wagner mercenaries, surfaced. According to Laessing, relations further deteriorated in late 2023, when Algerian President Abdelmadjid Tebboune hosted Mahmoud Dicko, a powerful imam from Mali's Tomboctou region, whom the military junta perceives as a threat due to his popularity. "This was seen as a provocation in Bamako. Mali subsequently terminated the Algiers accords. Algeria retaliated verbally. This way, the crisis aggravated — and because of that, we've already been on a level of crisis," Laessing said. Malian analyst Paul Oula told DW that the diplomatic relations between Mali and Algeria lack trust. "Today, Malian authorities completely disapprove of the Algerian authorities' interference in the management of the security crisis in Mali," Oula said. At the same time, Oula believes that the falling out is of greater benefit to Morocco. Rabat has increased its footprint in the Sahel region over the last years, offering the landlocked AES countries a connection to maritime trade without having to rely on ECOWAS countries. Ways to resolve the tensions Outside actors are worried that further hostilities between Mali and Algeria could be detrimental for the region's already fragile security. The West African economic bloc ECOWAS, where the three AES states had been members before their wave of coups, appealed in a statement to both sides to "de-escalate the tension, foster dialogue and use regional and continental mechanisms to settle differences". Mohamed Si Bachir, political analyst and professor at the National School of Political Science (École Nationale Supérieure de Sciences Politiques) in Algiers, says there are ways to defuse the crisis. "We could use the social and diplomatic leverages," Si Bachir told DW. "In diplomacy, Algeria maintains good capabilities and has long experience in regional conflicts. We can assume that this machine is starting up and going in search of a solution." But also the personal relations between communities on both sides of the Algerian-Malian border could help to bridge the gaps. While neither side seems to benefit from the fallout, it remains to be seen whether Mali and Algeria will be able to summon enough political will to settle their dispute.
Yahoo
03-04-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Sahel juntas drive new era in mineral extraction
Niger wants to boost its economy and expand its mining industry by mining copper in the Agadez region. The country granted a permit to national firm Compagnie Miniere de l'Air (Cominair SA). "Niger is continuing its programme of diversifying mining production" with a move that "marks its entry into the restricted circle of countries producing this strategic mineral," according to a statement from Niger's military government, which took power following a July 2023 coup. Ulf Laessing, head of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation's Sahel regional program in neighboring Mali, said the concession is part of Niger's strategy to reduce its reliance on foreign companies for mineral extraction. Laessing said that it was impossible to predict how successful the project will be. "The copper mine is in the north, not far from Libya, where the security situation is very poor," he noted, adding that Niger is following a trend seen in Burkina and Mali, where military governments rely more on local companies, rather than Western ones. The operators of the mine located in Niger's second largest city, Moradi, expect to produce an average of 2,700 tons of copper per year over a period of ten years. Niger's government hopes that the mine will create hundreds of new jobs and a lucrative business. Copper is currently traded on the world market for $9,700 (€8,789) per ton. A small scale permit has meanwhile been granted to Nigerien firm Compagnie Miniere de Recherche et d'Exploitation (Comirex SA) at Dannet to produce lithium, a key component of the rechargeable lithium-ion batteries that power everything from cellphones to electric vehicles. The company expects to produce 300 tons of lithium a year. The Nigerien state holds a 25% stake in the Cominair copper mine and a 40% stake in Comirex in order to maintain the government's control over the nation's resources. For decades, the desert state was also a major producer of uranium, known as the "white gold" of the renewable energy revolution. According to the World Nuclear Association, Niger has two significant uranium mines, where around 5% of the uranium produced worldwide was mined in 2022. Since junta leader Abdourahamane Tchiani seized power in the military coup , uranium production has come to a standstill. "This is because the border with Benin is closed and uranium can only be exported via Benin," Laessing told DW, noting that only the Beninese port of Cotonou has been licensed to do so, highlighting the difficulties on the ground. "The government wants to do much more itself and no longer work with French companies or other Western companies," he said. However, Laessing noted that this does not guarantee the success of "in-house mining" due to a lack of local experience, technical qualifications and the necessary mining equipment. As long as the border with Benin is closed due to disputes following the coup, said Laessing, "nothing will happen" in uranium production and it is questionable how quickly progress will be made with copper mining. The source of funding for the mining projects is not clear, said Laessing, who suggested that copper mining could be partially financed with revenues from oil production, he told DW. Niger's former colonial ruler, France, has become unpopular in the Sahel and has lost influence. The junta no longer considers itself bound by partnership agreements from the aegis of Nigerien President Mohamed Bazoum, who was ousted in the 2023 coup. The military junta recently withdrew French nuclear company Orano's license to mine uranium — after 50 years of operation in Niger. Canadian company GoviEX also no longer has a permit to operate the Madaouela uranium mine. "These are symbolic acts to make us less dependent on Western companies," said Laessing. "The chances of success is difficult to assess." When it comes to raw materials for energy transition, neighboring Mali is also well positioned for the future: In recent months, two new lithium mines have started production, partly in cooperation with China. The new concessions complement the extraction of mineral resources, which are abundant in the Sahel states of Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso. Niger, for example, has significant deposits of uranium, tin and phosphate, as well as crude oil. Burkina Faso has copper, zinc and manganese. Mali has several previously untapped oil fields. All three countries have large gold deposits. All three countries are also pursuing an anti-Western course and are looking for new allies: Russia wants to profit from uranium mining through its nuclear company Rosatom; the mining company Azelik is majority-owned by China. According to the Africa Defense Forum, Niger's ruling junta and Iran have been "working secretly on a deal" to buy 300 tons of uranium. "Iranian officials approached the Niger junta in August 2023, about one month after the July 2023 coup," according to an October 2024 article in the military magazine. "The visit was the first step toward circumventing international sanctions aimed at preventing Iran from developing a bomb." However, in 2024 Prime Minister Ali Mahaman Lamine Zeine insisted that "nothing" had been signed with Iran with regards to uranium. Following coups between 2020 and 2023, all three Sahel countries are under military governments. In an effort to emancipate themselves from their old partners and avoid sanctions, they also withdrew from the West African bloc ECOWAS — and founded their own Alliance of Sahel States. "There has long been a strong desire for diversification in international relations in these countries," said Seidik Abba, head of the Sahel think tank CIRES, based in Paris. Even after the end of the colonial era, economic relations with the West were never on an equal footing, Abba said in an interview with DW. "The conditions were dictated unilaterally by Western countries. For example, they set the prices for the raw materials they bought from African countries. And that was and is perceived as unfair in Africa," said Abba. Burkina Faso is Africa's fourth largest gold producer with an estimated 58 tons per year. "The country has not yet taken the step like Mali, where they want a lot more money, royalties and taxes from Western mining companies in gold production; they still rely on cooperation," said Laessing. "Burkina Faso has understood that it would be difficult to continue producing gold without foreign companies." After producing 66 tons of gold in 2022, Mali is considered the center of gold production in Africa and exerted pressure on the companies exploiting the gold deposits. Mali's military-led government, for example, is demanding 125 billion CFA francs ($199 million) in back taxes from Canadian gold giant Barrick Gold. Officially, the government's discourse is that they are now sovereign and pan-African. In practice, though, Laessing noted that foreign companies still play a major role. Antonio Cascais and Eric Topona contributed to this article. The article was originally written in German.
