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Yahoo
17 hours ago
- Politics
- Yahoo
Trump LA protest response risks turning US military into political force, veterans warn
The Trump administration's deployment of national guard troops to Los Angeles to intervene in civilian protests in the face of opposition from the Californian governor is a major escalation that risks the politicisation of the US military, armed service veterans are warning. Former top military figures have told the Guardian that the decision to put up to 2,000 troops under federal control and send them into the streets of LA is a violation of the military's commitment to keep out of domestic politics in all but the most exceptional circumstances. The last time a US president federalised the national guard against the wishes of a state governor was in 1965, when Lyndon Johnson deployed them to protect civil rights marchers in Alabama. 'This is the politicisation of the armed forces,' said Maj Gen Paul Eaton. 'It casts the military in a terrible light – it's that man on horseback, who really doesn't want to be there, out in front of American citizens.' Eaton, who commanded the training of Iraqi troops during the invasion of Iraq, predicted that the LA deployment would lead to the eventual invocation of the Insurrection Act. The 1807 law empowers the president to deploy the full US military against insurrection or armed rebellion. 'We are headed towards the invocation of the Insurrection Act, which will provide a legal basis for inappropriate activity,' he said. The largely peaceful protests in LA against Trump's deportation efforts have entered their fourth day. National guard troops began arriving in the city on Sunday, with authorisation to protect federal personnel and buildings but not to engage in law enforcement activities. This deployment was made counter to what the governor wanted, so it seems like a political forcing A retired senior US army office Trump's move in the absence of a genuine civil emergency has sent alarm through military circles, which have long prided themselves on being above politics. 'This deployment was made counter to what the governor wanted, so it seems like a political forcing – a forced use of the military by Trump because he can,' said a retired senior US army officer who requested anonymity in order to preserve their lifelong non-partisanship. Trump's memo federalising the national guard for deployment in LA is written in sweeping terms, effectively casting it as a nationwide mobilisation. It says that regular military troops, as well as national guard forces, can be employed by the defense secretary, Pete Hegseth, to protect federal functions anywhere in the country where protests are occurring. Most troublingly, the memo also acts pre-emptively – an action never seen before in the US – authorising the military to be deployed against anticipated protests. It says that troops can be sent to 'locations where protest against [federal] functions are occurring, or are likely to occur based on current threat assessments'. On Sunday, Trump signaled that LA was just the start of a much wider deployment. 'We're gonna have troops everywhere,' he said. Janessa Goldbeck, a Marine Corps veteran who is CEO of Vet Voice Foundation which advocates for veterans and military families participating in American democracy, said that the executive order was an invitation to Hegseth to 'mobilise as many troops as he wants anywhere within the US. That's a massive escalation across the country.' Geoffrey DeWeese, a former US army judge advocate who is now a legal director within the National Institute of Military Justice, expressed concern about how the national guard would be used in LA. Under the memo, they can act as protection for ICE agents, which potentially means that troops could accompany Ice in immigration deportation raids on homes and businesses. 'Ice and the national guard are [both] wearing camouflage, carrying automatic weapons – so how do civilians differentiate them? And what message does it send, when all you see are men and women in uniform, with guns and helmets and goggles and maybe gas masks?' The military mobilisation that is now unfolding is far from unexpected. Military and constitutional experts who were convened by the law and policy institute the Brennan Center last summer to wargame what Trump might do in a second administration predicted precisely the current train of events. Trump himself made no attempt to disguise his intentions, repeatedly telling his supporters during last year's election campaign that if re-elected he would use the military against 'the enemy within'. Concerns about the deployment have been heightened by Trump's previous actions which already pointed towards a politicisation of the armed services. In February he fired the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and several other top brass without giving just cause. Retired lieutenant general Jeffrey Buchanan, the former commander of the US Army North, said the dismissals also had a politicising effect. 'It will lead to Biden's generals, and Trump's generals – or generals who are 'my guys' and generals who are 'not my guys'. That erodes confidence in the military, because the people will think that the military are now politicians.' Buchanan added: 'The military's ultimate loyalty is to our constitution, not to a particular leader. We've had plenty of tensions between military leaders and presidents in our history, but we've always maintained this tradition.' There are also worries about Trump's upcoming military parade to be staged in Washington DC on 14 June to mark the 250th anniversary of the US army. The date happens to coincide with the president's 79th birthday. 'Tanks are rolling into DC, $40m is about to be spent, in a giant function to celebrate one man. That's deeply unAmerican,' said Vet Voice's Goldbeck. She added that while the military celebrated its birthdays, street parades were avoided 'because that is the action of a dictator. This is all in line with how Trump views the military as a tool at his personal disposal, not as a professional fighting force made up of men and women whose oath is to the constitution.'
Yahoo
2 days ago
- Automotive
- Yahoo
American presidents have long used autopens. Just ask Trump.
Donald Trump has repeatedly slammed Joe Biden's use of an autopen during his presidency, going so far as to center its usage in a broad investigation Trump announced Wednesday into his predecessor. But politicians on both sides of the aisle are deeply familiar with the tool. The autopen — also referred to as the robot pen — replicates an individual's signature using a writing utensil, rather than a scanned and printed version of it. The tool, which resembles a small printer with a long arm that allows users to attach a pen to the center, has a long history of use in American politics. The device was first patented in 1803, according to the Shapell Manuscript Foundation, an independent research organization that collects original manuscripts and historical documents. Iterations of the autopen have been used by presidents as far back as Thomas Jefferson, who wrote that 'I could not, now therefore, live without' the device he used to duplicate letters. 'The Autopen has long been a tool for the world's most influential leaders, allowing them to more effectively apply their time and attention to important issues without compromising the impact of personalized correspondence," according to The Autopen Co., which sells the machines. U.S. leaders on both sides of the aisle have used the autopen for decades — and have faced criticism for their use of the tool. During Lyndon Johnson's administration, the autopen was featured in The National Enquirer for an article headlined 'One of the Best Kept Secrets in Washington: The Robot That Sits In For The President.' Even Trump himself has said he used autopens, but 'only for very unimportant papers.' 'We may use it, as an example, to send some young person a letter because it's nice,' Trump said in March, according to The Associated Press. 'You know, we get thousands and thousands of letters, letters of support for young people, from people that aren't feeling well, etcetera. But to sign pardons and all of the things that he signed with an autopen is disgraceful.' In 2004, George W. Bush's secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld, faced criticism from some veterans for using an autopen to sign condolence letters to families of troops killed in the Iraq War. In 2011, Barack Obama used an autopen to sign a Patriot Act extension — becoming the first known, apparent use of the tool by a president for legislation — and used it subsequently in his administration. The move resulted in Republicans questioning the constitutionality of Obama's decision, though Bush's Office of Legal Counsel, which is part of the Department of Justice, had already concluded the use of autopens was constitutional. 'The President need not personally perform the physical act of affixing his signature to a bill he approves and decides to sign in order for the bill to become law,' the office's 2005 ruling stated. "Rather, the President may sign a bill within the meaning of Article I, Section 7 by directing a subordinate to affix the President's signature to such a bill, for example by autopen.' There is no specific law governing a president's use of an autopen. But the ruling from the Department of Justice hasn't stopped Trump from accusing Biden and his team of illegally using the tool, alleging that Biden's team used an autopen to sign documents without Biden's permission or knowledge. Trump has also claimed that Biden's round of pardons — including 'preemptive pardons' of Jan. 6 investigators, his son Hunter Biden and Anthony Fauci — were illegal and are 'void' and 'vacant.' However, most legal scholars are in agreement that pardons cannot be overturned once granted. In 1869, a federal court ruled, 'The law undoubtedly is, that when a pardon is complete, there is no power to revoke it, any more than there is power to revoke any other completed act.' Biden has denied the claims that any decision was ever made or issued in his name without his approval or knowledge. Trump and other Republican accusers have provided no evidence that aides used an autopen without the former president's approval. 'Let me be clear: I made the decisions during my presidency,' Biden told POLITICO in a statement. 'I made the decisions about the pardons, executive orders, legislation, and proclamations. Any suggestion that I didn't is ridiculous and false. This is nothing more than a distraction by Donald Trump and Congressional Republicans who are working to push disastrous legislation that would cut essential programs like Medicaid and raise costs on American families, all to pay for tax breaks for the ultra-wealthy and big corporations.'
Axios
29-05-2025
- Politics
- Axios
Inside Trump's push against school desegregation plans
The Trump administration is signaling it wants to ditch federal desegregation efforts in public school systems, a move that would end much-debated, decades-old programs mainly aimed at improving education opportunities for nonwhite students. Why it matters: Lifting desegregation policies set by federal rules and court orders — some of them a half-century old — could lead to a wide range of changes in more than 80 school systems Axios has identified as still being under such requirements. Those systems, primarily in the South, would no longer have to follow policies that set flexible transfer rules, school boundary guidelines, diversity hiring goals, and requirements for equal resources among schools, for example. It also would mean that Black and Latino parents in school systems that have been historically resistant to desegregation efforts likely would have less help tackling allegations of discrimination. State of play: This month, the Trump administration moved to dismiss a school desegregation case in Louisiana that began in 1966 in mostly white Plaquemines Parish. Plaquemines schools — like many systems targeted by the government's efforts — were run by white segregationists when Lyndon Johnson's administration sued the district for resisting the 1954 Supreme Court Brown v. Board of Education decision, which outlawed racial segregation in schools. Now, President Trump's Justice Department says it has "righted a historical wrong" by "freeing" the Plaquemines school board from federal oversight. The DOJ and Plaquemines school officials — who say their district addressed its equity issues long ago — have asked a judge to dismiss the case. After that announcement, Louisiana Attorney General Liz Murrill (R) said she wants to end more desegregation orders in the state. To close desegregation cases, the U.S. government and a school system must agree to end monitoring agreements or get approval from a federal judge in most cases. The big picture: Trump's administration has been focused on removing programs that have benefited people in historically disadvantaged communities — and on fighting what it has called anti-white discrimination. The administration, for example, has said the U.S. government no longer will unequivocally prohibit contractors from having segregated restaurants, waiting rooms and drinking fountains. Trump also has revoked President Johnson's decades-old order on diversity and affirmative action practices in the U.S. government. Zoom in: Like those in Plaquemines, some school officials in districts still under desegregation orders say they've met their integration and equity goals — and that the orders still in effect amount to government overreach at a time when enrollments are more diverse than ever. However, civil rights advocates argue that desegregation programs are still necessary, citing ongoing disparities in educational opportunities and test scores. The advocates also point to the "resegregation" happening in many systems, as white students disproportionately leave neighborhood schools for charter and private schools. By the numbers: At least 84 school districts remain under court orders or federal monitoring agreements, an Axios review found. More than half of those districts — 63% — are in Alabama, Georgia or Mississippi in the South's " Black Belt," a rural and historically impoverished area with large Black populations dating back to enslavement. Another 26% of the districts are in Louisiana, Florida, Tennessee and Texas. Zoom in: The Huntsville City (Ala.) system is among the districts that still have active desegregation orders. The district has struggled since 1970 to adjust school zoning policies that often have reinforced racial divides and limited extracurricular activities for Black students, according to court documents. The school district recently filed for a partial release from its desegregation order. The Trump administration's Justice Department didn't object. What they're saying: Raymond Pierce, president and CEO of the Southern Education Foundation, tells Axios the Trump administration appears to see school desegregation with the disdain it's shown for DEI programs. "They want to blend diversity, equity and inclusion with civil rights," Pierce said. "DEI is good policy, but desegregation is the law." Pierce added that many districts that still have desegregation orders have never adopted effective plans, and have been waiting for an administration that would de-emphasize them. " These are places that never desegregated seriously, so the chances that minority students will get any response from the courts in the future to violations of rights will vanish," said Gary Orfield, co-director of the UCLA Civil Rights Project. Noliwe Rooks, author of " Integrated: How American Schools Failed Black Children," told Axios that desegregation failed to address many Black students' needs — whether that meant upgrading their schools, moving them to better ones or providing equal resources.
Yahoo
25-05-2025
- General
- Yahoo
There's a specific way to fly your US flag on Memorial Day: What to know
(NEXSTAR) — Since it was established, Memorial Day has had a clear purpose: giving Americans a day to honor those who have died in American wars. Unlike other holidays, its significance also comes with special guidelines on how the American flag should be flown. Memorial Day's origins stretch back to the late 1800s, when Decoration Day was established three years after the end of the Civil War. It was meant to give the nation a day to decorate the graves of the war dead with flowers. According to the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, Decoration Day was eventually set for May 30 to correspond with flowers being in bloom. Years later, the holiday would be renamed Memorial Day. Why Costco, Sam's Club typically have lower gas prices than other stations Though dozens of places have been linked to the origins of Memorial Day, the VA noted that Congress and President Lyndon Johnson bestowed that title upon Waterloo, New York in 1966. There, a ceremony had been held annually on May 5 to honor local veterans of the Civil War. Like our current Memorial Day, businesses would close for the day. It wasn't until the end of World War I that Memorial Day was expanded to honor those who have died in all American wars. In 1971, Congress declared the last Monday of May Memorial Day, making it a national holiday. From Waterloo to its official holiday declaration, U.S. flags had been a central part of the celebrations and tributes. The United States Code has specific guidelines for flying Old Glory on Memorial Day, though: U.S. flags should fly at half-staff from sunrise until noon. At noon, flags should be 'raised briskly' to the top of the staff. Flags should be flown at full-staff until sunset on Memorial Day. There are a handful of other holidays in which flags are to fly at half-staff, albeit for the entire day. That includes the recently observed Peace Officer Memorial Day, Patriot Day, National Korean War Armistice Day, National Fallen Firefighters Memorial Weekend, and Pearl Harbor Day. The president can also issue orders lowering the flags to half-staff as a mark of respect following the death of a principal figure. We've had several of those orders in recent months, following the deaths of Pope Francis and President Jimmy Carter. Whether the flag is flying at half-staff or full-staff, it should only be displayed from sunrise to sunset on buildings and on stationary flagstaffs in the open. When raised, it should always be done briskly; when lowered, it should be done so ceremoniously. If illuminated at night, the flag can remain up at all times. Drug-resistant fungus Candida auris reported in 17 states American flags on walls should be hung so the union, or stars, are in the top left corner. The same should be said for those hanging in windows, but the union should be in the upper left corner for those viewing it from the outside. In only one situation can a flag or pennant be displayed above the U.S. flag: During church services conducted at sea by naval chaplains for personnel of the Navy, the church pennant may appear above the American flag. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
25-05-2025
- General
- The Hill
There's a specific way to fly your US flag on Memorial Day: What to know
(NEXSTAR) — Since it was established, Memorial Day has had a clear purpose: giving Americans a day to honor those who have died in American wars. Unlike other holidays, its significance also comes with special guidelines on how the American flag should be flown. Memorial Day's origins stretch back to the late 1800s, when Decoration Day was established three years after the end of the Civil War. It was meant to give the nation a day to decorate the graves of the war dead with flowers. According to the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, Decoration Day was eventually set for May 30 to correspond with flowers being in bloom. Years later, the holiday would be renamed Memorial Day. Though dozens of places have been linked to the origins of Memorial Day, the VA noted that Congress and President Lyndon Johnson bestowed that title upon Waterloo, New York in 1966. There, a ceremony had been held annually on May 5 to honor local veterans of the Civil War. Like our current Memorial Day, businesses would close for the day. It wasn't until the end of World War I that Memorial Day was expanded to honor those who have died in all American wars. In 1971, Congress declared the last Monday of May Memorial Day, making it a national holiday. From Waterloo to its official holiday declaration, U.S. flags had been a central part of the celebrations and tributes. The United States Code has specific guidelines for flying Old Glory on Memorial Day, though: There are a handful of other holidays in which flags are to fly at half-staff, albeit for the entire day. That includes the recently observed Peace Officer Memorial Day, Patriot Day, National Korean War Armistice Day, National Fallen Firefighters Memorial Weekend, and Pearl Harbor Day. The president can also issue orders lowering the flags to half-staff as a mark of respect following the death of a principal figure. We've had several of those orders in recent months, following the deaths of Pope Francis and President Jimmy Carter. Whether the flag is flying at half-staff or full-staff, it should only be displayed from sunrise to sunset on buildings and on stationary flagstaffs in the open. When raised, it should always be done briskly; when lowered, it should be done so ceremoniously. If illuminated at night, the flag can remain up at all times. American flags on walls should be hung so the union, or stars, are in the top left corner. The same should be said for those hanging in windows, but the union should be in the upper left corner for those viewing it from the outside. In only one situation can a flag or pennant be displayed above the U.S. flag: During church services conducted at sea by naval chaplains for personnel of the Navy, the church pennant may appear above the American flag.
