Latest news with #MadeleineAlbright
Yahoo
30-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
I fled a dictatorship. Trump and his policies are hauntingly familiar.
In the early hours of March 10, 1948, the body of Czechoslovakia's foreign minister was found beneath a window of the ministry's palace in Prague. The official explanation was suicide. The public consensus — then and now — is murder. Two weeks earlier, the Communist Party had staged a bloodless coup, seizing full control of the government. The minister's death symbolized the definitive end of Czechoslovakia's democracy. Forty years of dictatorship followed. I was born into that dictatorship. Like more than thirty other children (including the late Secretary of State Madeleine Albright) whose stories I document in my recent book, Czechoslovakia's Cold War Refugee Children: Contemporary Resonance, my family fled a country no longer safe for political dissent or independent thought. We were the children of artists, politicians, academics, and ordinary people who refused to toe the party line. Today, as I watch troubling developments unfold in the United States, I can't help but feel history knocking — not softly, but insistently. The parallels between the collapse of Czechoslovak democracy in 1948 and the democratic backsliding occurring in the U.S. under the Trump administration in 2025 are unnerving. And for those of us whose families once lived through such unraveling, they are all too familiar. Opinion: I'm a mom. Florida lawmakers, DeSantis must ban cell phones in schools. The coup in Czechoslovakia was not a sudden explosion. It was a meticulously executed erosion. The Communists deployed police and militias loyal to the Party, pressured rivals to resign, and staged a façade of legality by forcing the democratically-elected president to accept a new, Communist-dominated cabinet. When the foreign minister died — likely pushed from the window by agents of the regime — the message was clear: resistance was futile. Opinion: Hope Florida scandal puts obstacle in Casey DeSantis' pathway to governor Today's circumstances are different, but the tactics feel hauntingly similar. A charismatic leader returns to power and quickly begins reshaping government structures to entrench loyalty. Independent federal agencies are gutted. Inspectors general and civil servants are removed en masse. Immigrant activists disappear into detention without due process. Democratic norms bend — not broken all at once, but weakened over time until they no longer resemble what came before. This is the kind of creeping change those of us who fled authoritarianism remember well. It's not just the loud spectacles — the tweets, the rallies, the televised outrage. It's the quiet dismantling of rules and safeguards. The normalization of once-unthinkable behavior. The way fear settles into communities, into families, into children. Czechoslovakia's Cold War Refugee Children brings together oral histories and personal reflections from those of us displaced as children during the regime (1948-1989). We were small, but we remember. We remember the whispered conversations between adults. The fear of being watched or turned in. The hurried packing. The confusion of arriving in new countries where languages, customs, and values were alien. And we remember — always — that we left something behind that was both dangerous and precious. The United States welcomed me as a refugee child. It would not do so today. When today's migrant children are demonized and American children witness the fracturing of their country's ideals, I worry — not just for their safety, but for the imprint it leaves on their souls. History is not just taught; it is lived and transmitted, often unconsciously, across generations. Parallels are not predictions. They are warnings. They are invitations to pay attention. In 1948, many Czechoslovak citizens hoped the Communists would restore order after wartime chaos. They underestimated how quickly the government could become a tool of surveillance and suppression. They thought democracy would return in a few years. It took over four decades. History shows us that authoritarianism starts with the silencing of critics, the politicization of bureaucracy, and the erosion of public trust. It starts with windows opening in the night, and no one daring to ask why. History is speaking, and it is up to us to decide whether we will listen. Miriam Potocky Rafaidus is a researcher at the International Rescue Committee and author of "Czechoslovakia's Cold War Refugee Children: Contemporary Resonance". She is a resident of West Palm Beach. This article originally appeared on Palm Beach Post: Trump reminds me of the dictatorship I fled | Opinion
Express Tribune
25-04-2025
- Politics
- Express Tribune
Pahalgam: Indian blame game and ground realities
Listen to article The tragic killing of innocent tourists in Baisaran, Pahalgam on April 22 has understandably sparked grief, outrage, and a flurry of accusations. Yet before succumbing to the blame game — particularly the one targeting Pakistan - it is crucial to step back and examine the broader context and implications of such violence. History offers a cautionary tale. Former President Bill Clinton, in an introduction to Madeleine Albright's book, The Mighty and the Almighty: Reflections on America, God, and World Affairs, recounts an incident during a visit to India in 2000. Hindu militants murdered 38 Sikhs in cold blood. Clinton stated, "If I had not made the trip because I feared what militants might do, I could not have fulfilled my responsibilities as President of the United States." A Telegraph India article from June 2006, by Charu Sudan Kasturi, includes an excerpt that references the Chattisinghpora, Anantnag massacre in March 2000, which resulted in the deaths of 35 Sikhs. Initially, security forces attributed the incident to Pakistan-based terrorists and executed five alleged perpetrators. However, local villagers asserted that these individuals were innocent civilians, compelling the state government to initiate an investigation. A three-member investigation team established in 2002 by Chief Minister Mufti Mohammed Sayeed eventually uncovered that three police officers and two doctors had been involved in falsifying DNA samples obtained from the deceased Kashmiris. These events are not mere historical footnotes. They illustrate how, in moments of national trauma, convenient narratives often replace complex truths - and truth suffers. Today, a similar pattern is emerging. Indian media, political leaders and official documents are once again pointing the finger at Pakistan. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has vowed to "teach the perpetrators a lesson", while India's Ministry of Jal Shakti has suspended the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT), citing Pakistan's "sustained cross-border terrorism". The April 24 suspension notice explicitly refers to the "Indian Union Territory of Jammu and Kashmir" — a designation deeply contentious under UN Security Council resolutions, which regard the region as disputed. Even the third point of the five-point notice of suspension of the IWT by Debashree Mukherjee, Secretary of India's Ministry of Jal Shakti, Department of Water Resources, dated April 24, implies direct involvement of the Pakistan government in acts of terrorism. Secondly, linking a bilateral water treaty to an unproven terror allegation is not only diplomatically problematic but also dangerous. It raises critical questions: Is this a pretext for a long-planned withdrawal from the treaty? Has the Indian establishment been laying the groundwork for a policy of "water aggression" since at least 2016? The swiftness of the IWT suspension, just a day after the Pahalgam killings, suggests a premeditated strategy rather than a reactive decision. This mirrors India's actions post-Pulwama in 2019; within six months, Article 370 was abrogated, stripping Kashmir of its special status and integrating it into the Indian Union. Thirdly, to focus solely on Pakistan is to ignore an inconvenient but growing reality — terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir today is no longer an external problem alone. The insurgencies in most of Northeastern India also testify to the organic militant forces opposed to the status quo under the New Delhi rule. As Dr Ajay Chrungoo, a Kashmiri physician and political scientist, argues, militancy now emerges from within. Radicalised local networks, disillusioned youth and homegrown jihadist cells are increasingly driving the violence, inspired by Al-Qaeda, ISIS ideologies. Some groups even harbour hostility toward Pakistan. TTP, ISKP, BLA and BLF are some of the examples of terror groups involved in a relentless campaign to hurt interests of Pakistan. This decentralisation of terror has made it more mobile, more lethal and more difficult to attribute. Modern communication tools and access to black-market weapons — often from India's own insurgency-hit northeastern states — have only amplified their reach. Dr Chrungoo also places blame squarely on India's own leadership. He holds National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Home Minister Amit Shah accountable for "security lapses and flawed policies" that have allowed violence to flourish. And indeed, when tourist destinations like Anantnag and Pahalgam - far from the Line of Control - become hubs of militancy, it speaks of a deeper, internal crisis. Of course, there may be sporadic links to groups based in Pakistan. But invoking these links without evidence within hours of an incident, and using them as grounds for sweeping policy shifts and saber-rattling neither serves truth nor ensures peace. It only undermines trust, escalates tensions and clouds rational debate. Lastly, India — and the world -—must resist the temptation to simplify. The situation in Kashmir is neither black nor white. It is grey, layered, and deeply entangled in decades of militancy, mistrust and mutual hostility. In the aftermath of the Pahalgam tragedy, grief must not be weaponised. Neither is scapegoating helpful. What we need is a sober, fact-based discourse - one that acknowledges both the external threats and the internal fractures. Only then can the region hope to move from reaction to resolution. Dumping the blame always at the neighbour's doorstep may provide some temporary deflection unless the intent is to keep the caldron on the boil for an already struggling Pakistan.
Ammon
16-02-2025
- Politics
- Ammon
We should be worried
"This was how twentieth-century fascism began: with a magnetic leader exploiting widespread dissatisfaction by promising all things." — Madeleine Albright The above written quote is from Madeleine Albright's book 'Fascism'. In her book she discusses fascism in the twentieth century and argues that we should be worried. She titles the book as a warning. The former Secretary of State under Bill Clinton's presidency stresses that fascism is not an ideology but rather a process, one that is about controlling power. This raises an important question: Are we witnessing similar warning signs today? Although she stated in an interview that Donald Trump is not a fascist, she emphasized that he is one of the presidents least aligned with democracy in U.S. history. Nevertheless, Trump's statements, as well as his approach to solving both global and domestic problems, raise serious concerns. Therefore, let's briefly discuss the 45th and 47th president of the United States, who has a different approach to world issues, who tends to insert the political conflicts into construction boxes, and deal with countries using a corporate eye, and leaders as rivals. Trump managed to become a master of populist propaganda, and he fearlessly claims either directly or indirectly that the U.S. governing system is corrupt and ineffective. But is it really? And why is Trump's populism spreading not only in the United States but across the world? The answer to these questions is complex, though it is not a complete mystery. Trump is the outcome of the collision of many factors. He is the sum of different sectors that emerged and rose to power in the United States. Navigating these sectors gave him valuable experience, and he was deeply involved in each one of them. Trump was born with a silver spoon—a father who built his wealth and decided to send his son to a military academy where he learned discipline. Later, he entered the real estate business at his father's company. Real estate is an industry that involves people from different economic levels and social layers, and this business holds significant financial power, and requires regular interaction with politicians. Most importantly, 'who owns the land owns the power.' Trump understood this well. His rise through the ranks of power in the U.S. was shaped by an environment that often breeds arrogance and narcissism; especially for those at the top, like him. While his real estate empire gave him wealth and power, it was his venture into entertainment that made him a household name. He did not enter show business through a traditional artistic route, nor did he go through just one door. Instead, he became Donald Trump—his life became his legacy. He was involved in sports, movies, and various forms of media. With a vast network of connections and a strong narcissistic drive, Trump developed into an individual who combined anarchy with extreme discipline. A man who respects only himself, a man who achieved the dreams of many men, a man who entered multiple fields and became a tycoon, or sometimes a tornado in each of them. Then, thinking 'why not?"—believing that everything is just another reality show, that all battles can be won—Trump decided to enter politics, some argue that he was fueled by passion and resentment after Obama's famous public roasting of him. Nevertheless, Trump who has changed his political affiliation multiple times, from Republican to Democrat to Independent, had still viewed life from a reality TV perspective, never taking anything too seriously. For him, it has always been a show—and he is always the protagonist! Returning to Madeleine Albright's warning: Is Trump the fascist we should be worried about? Or is he just the beginning of a snowball effect that will bring even more extreme figures to power? Will populist politics, extracted from ideologies rooted in racism and self-centered nationalism, gain even greater strength? Trump's support did not come only from certain ideological groups or members of his political party in the United States. Even people who were not naturally his supporters backed him because they were tired and exhausted from the previous political establishment. And here lies the real warning. Additionally, Trump became a global movement—a new pole against the established Americanization across the globe. From within the United States, a counterforce emerged against the very power that once managed to defeat the Soviet Union, and it does bear some similarities—something that can be observed in Albright's book. So, is this the new global movement? And is the support that Trump received, either directly or indirectly, from various world leaders a clear hint of this shift? Leaders such as Putin, Viktor Orbán, Netanyahu, and Marine Le Pen represent specific ideological directions, and having Trump align with them is not something that should be overlooked or dismissed lightly. Donald Trump is not the cause of worries himself, or the direct cause of danger, but rather, it is the political methods that have been used in recent years. These methods have paved the way for more politically extreme figures like Trump to reach office, often with the backing of influential economic figures like Elon Musk, money and politics have always been on the same side, and one can't be without the other, but always there have been a certain connection between them that cannot and should not ever exceed its limit, as these element if merged in an extreme dose might cause great damage, and history is filled with examples. Hence, the recent world is a warning to all political powers of the Western world: step back for a moment. Return to the principles of peace and prosperity that were established after World War II. Indeed, modern democracies require reforms, new policies and economic structures must be developed. But Trump's right-wing populism use is not the correct formula for achieving this. During the rise of Mussolini, Churchill referred to him as 'the greatest lawgiver among living men,' while newspapers in Italy emphasized his superhuman abilities and portrayed him as a messianic figure. We all know what followed and the consequences of Mussolini's reign. Hence, everything happening in our world right now is a warning, even if it is still in its early stages. We should be worried!
Yahoo
07-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Five facts about Kosovo: three flags, pop royalty and love of US
Kosovo, one of Europe's poorest countries beset with rocky relations with its larger neighbour Serbia, holds parliamentary elections Sunday. Here are five things to know about the former Serbian province, which broke away from Belgrade in a bloody war in the 1990s and is still pushing for full global recognition of its statehood. - America the great - Kosovo's reputation as "the most pro-American country" in the world continues to be visible on the streets. The love for all things American is rooted in gratitude for Washington's support during Kosovo's struggle for independence from Serbia, including the US-led NATO intervention that ended the war in 1999. The capital Pristina is home to a statue of former US president Bill Clinton, a bust of former US secretary of state Madeleine Albright and a boulevard named after George W. Bush. Klinton and Medllin -- a Kosovar twist on Clinton and Madeleine -- are also popular names for children born after the conflict. With popularity also comes influence. Washington wields heavy clout in Pristina, leading to the joke that Kosovo has two governments: one that is elected and another in the super-modern US embassy, perched on a hill overlooking Pristina. - Pop stars and diaspora - Kosovo is home to around 1.6 million people, with another 800,000 estimated to be living abroad, mostly in Germany and Switzerland. The diaspora is a hefty economic force, sending home millions of euros in vital remittances annually, while also spending an untold amount of cash during summer holidays. Kosovo is also home to one of Europe's youngest populations, with half aged under 25. However, it has one of the highest youth unemployment rates, which together with the poverty level of just above 19 percent, is a major factor in pushing people to emigrate. Some of Kosovo's most famous ambassadors are its diaspora pop stars, including the UK-raised Dua Lipa and Rita Ora, who both speak proudly of their Kosovo roots and do not miss a chance to promote its independence. - Three flags - Three different flags can be found flying across Kosovo. The official flag bears the diamond shape of its territory and six stars symbolising the six main ethnic groups on a blue background. It is jokingly called a "towel" by members of Kosovo's ethnic Albanian majority, who believe the flag was adopted largely to please Western patrons who wanted a neutral symbol. But the colours more commonly flown across Kosovo are the pan-Albanian symbol of a black double-headed eagle on a red background, which is also the official flag of neighbouring Albania. The exception is in enclaves home to Kosovo's Serb minority, who still fly the Serbian tricolour flag as a symbol of their loyalty to Belgrade. - Recognition - Kosovo declared independence in 2008 -- a decision that was recognised by more than 100 nations, according to its foreign ministry. Serbia, however, has fiercely refused to recognise the young democracy and with help of Russia and China has lobbied heavily against its international recognition and played a pivotal role in helping block its UN membership. In 2017, Belgrade launched a "derecognition campaign" aiming to persuade countries that have recognised Kosovo to reverse that decision. Serbia said it has succeeded in convincing some 28 countries to revoke their recognition of Kosovo to date. However, the "derecognition campaign" is not without controversy. Kosovo authorities have accused Serbia of spreading disinformation, saying that they had not received a single official communique from any of the countries Serbia has alleged no longer recognises the government in Pristina. - Moderate Islam - More than 90 percent of Kosovars identify as Muslim, making it one of Europe's few Muslim-majority territories. Most followers of the faith in Kosovo practise a liberal form of Sunni Islam. Research shows that for many, religion is a private matter and ethnicity takes precedence. "The religion of the Albanians is Albanianism," goes one common saying in the Balkans. But recent years have seen growing pockets of extremism, leading authorities to crack down on a handful of radical clerics. ih-ds/fg
