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Yahoo
12-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
It's all over but the judging: After a hard-fought session, the judges score the rounds
There are certain traditions with Sine Die: Balloons and confetti litter the chambers, as they did here in 2024, and Maryland Matters assesses the winners and losers from the 90-day session. (Photo by Bryan P. Sears/Maryland Matters) Boy are we glad that's over. The 2025 legislative session was a slog. Perhaps the most important, fatiguing and demoralizing 90 days in a generation. But there was one last thing to do: The Maryland Matters staff fanned out to talk to lawmakers, advocates, lobbyists and others who say they know what's going on about who won, who lost and who more or less broke even. In many cases, the answer to our question was another question: Did anyone really win this year? Matt Losak, executive director for the Montgomery County Renters Alliance, said he found it hard to pick winners, given the tight budget and unanticipated moves from the Trump administration. 'It's less like a session of winners, and more like a session of survivors,' he said earlier this week. Even so, we managed to produce the list for 2025. We understand that these lists can be viewed in the same way as a list of 'top 100 rock songs.' Some will say it's just perception. But this is politics, where perception is every bit as important and real as reality. Sen. Guy Guzzone and Dels. Ben Barnes and Vanessa Atterbeary: The fiscal commitee chairs in the House and Senate have thrown some sharp elbows in recent years. But faced with the toughest budget challenge in years, they regularly worked together to craft a budget compromise without the public drama. And education advocates credit Barnes and Atterbeary for protecting funding for English-language learners, low-income and special education students, speaking out early against cuts and meeting with advocates, parents and students. Senate President Bill Ferguson: The guiding hand on the budget crisis and energy reform, described by some as an almost governor-like figure who maintained discipline in the Senate. Developmental disabilities advocates: They quickly mobilized, lobbied and brought hundreds to Annapolis to rally against some $457 million in cuts to the agency that oversees their services. Their efforts paid off, and helped claw back $292.48 million of those cuts. Advocates say the remaining $164 million cut will be painful but survivable. That they still were dealt cuts could argue for them to be bumped down to a 'push,' but most who watched the effort put the DDA community squarely in the 'win' column, Transportation advocates: They got a projected $500 million annual infusion to the beleaguered Transportation Trust Fund. Larry Hogan: Maybe he's going to run for a third term. Maybe not. Who knows? But the Republican former governor got some help from a stilted economy, slash-and-burn budgeting in D.C., and a new cadre of tax and fee increases. So much so that Hogan might be thinking this looks a lot like 2014. And it hasn't gone unnoticed by Democrats. This 'shadowy' anti-Moore website and social media campaign has managed to move in on the second floor of the State House and live rent-free in the heads of some of the governor's staff, despite having less reach than Hogan's former 'Change Maryland' effort. Running battles on social media and proxy investigation requests gave oxygen to a political effort many had yet to notice. Dels. C.T. Wilson and Brian Crosby: The duo passionately defended the energy package on the House floor, and they got several of their bills woven into the package, including regulations on solar siting, a separate electricity rate for data centers and a new long-term energy planning office. Several of those we talked to also gave a tip of the cap to Del. Lorig Charkoudian — the Montgomery Democrat has been steeped in energy policy for years, and played a prominent role this year, getting several provisions of her affordable clean energy bill into the leadership package. Legislative Black Caucus: The 66-member caucus didn't get everything it wanted, but it did rack up the major pieces: The Second Look Act that provides some incarcerated individuals a second chance at life; expansion of the Prescription Drug Affordability Board; reforms to the medical and geriatric parole process; and the creation of a Reparations Commission, making Maryland one of the few states to have one. The caucus also successfully pushed back against the governor's plan to freeze funding for community schools as part of the reforms to the Blueprint for Maryland's Future. Sen. Charles Sydnor and Del. Cheryl Pasteur: The two Baltimore County Democrats offered emotional — and unexpected — testimony in suppor of the Second Look Act. They didn't get all that they wanted in the legislation, but they received praise from colleagues and advocates for having the courage to 'stand up for what's right.' The Maryland Licensed Beverage Association and the alcohol industry and lobby: An effort to expand beer and wine sales to grocery stores and other retailers ran into the buzz saw that is the 'three-tier system' of wholesalers, distributors and retailers in Maryland. The governor's support was a nonfactor. The issue is assured to come back, which means continued fundraising opportunities for some. A boy and his mineral: Who doesn't love a good underdog story? David Shore started as a 9-year-old Montgomery County boy with a dream of making chromite the official state mineral. He parlayed that into a sponsor in the House and Senate, and a pro-bono (and well known) Annapolis lobbyist. Eight short years later, we can raise a glass to Shore and to chromite (both of whom will be featured in a PBS documentary about the State House next year). May we suggest an Orange Crush, which was going to die as the official state cocktail until it was added to the chromite bill and passed with seconds to spare on Sine Die. House and Senate Republicans: They are still heavily outnumbered, but the minority party in both chambers was praised — by non-Republicans — for its ability to get its message out, with House Republicans getting special mention for their use of social media. The GOP also got some Democrats to vote with them on some key budget and other votes. Most notably, five Senate Democrats — Dawn Gile, Shaneka Henson, Katie Fry Hester, Carl Jackson and Mary-Dulany James — sided with Senate Republicans on a budget measure. Sen. Jack Bailey of Southern Maryland got an amendment approved that's now included in the Second Look Act, one of the major criminal justice reform bills presented this year. Although Bailey voted against the entire measure, his amendment still made it through. Maryland residents: A consistent theme in our reporting on this was the comment (or some variation): 'Did anyone really win?' The same angst lawmakers have about federal actions weighs on the average resident and small-business owner. Worried about the economy, keeping a job, a recession? Yup, that too. Electricity costs are up and will go up again this summer. Taxpayers lucky enough to get a cut will likely not swoon over the average $60 tax refund. Same for the credit on utility bills, which is advertised as roughly $80 (broken in two payouts). Some will see more, but some will see less, as actual credits will be based on average usage. Buying a new car got more expensive, so did titling it and putting tires on it. The data and IT tax will hit everyone, not just businesses, and there's a tax on vending machine sales. Sports gaming and cannabis taxes also went up. Wes Moore: For the first two years, Moore capitalized on the goodwill from his historic election and a return to Democratic control of state government for the first time in eight years. He's smart, telegenic and a charismatic speaker. The shine, however, may be wearing thin. That includes a couple of sagging (but still above 50%) job performance polls and a middling record on 2025 legislative priorities, with some bills watered down and others stripped for parts. His tax modernization proposal was recast. The governor demanded that a bill to sell beer and wine in grocery stores and other retailers land on his desk by the end of session; lawmakers deep-sixed those bills into committee drawers. Moore's dismount was to send an email six minutes after the close of the session in which he cited the wins, but chided the legislature for missing opportunities to make the state more business-friendly and to add nuclear to the clean energy effort. He also issued a veiled threat to not sign (veto?) bills that did not rise to his three legislative benchmarks. A number of lawmakers — Democrats — were not happy with the email. Moore is still considered a top-tier potential presidential candidate with a donor call list and connections rivaled by few. That race is in 2028. Moore faces a re-election contest for a 2026 campaign that will begin in earnest this year. And it remains to be seen how the public will react to what was done this session. Renter protections: Renter protections ran up against the state's desire to create a more developer-friendly market to address the state's housing shortage. Efforts to pass renter protections known as 'good cause' evictions fell short once again, after housing developers claimed the measure would drive new projects out of the state. Renter advocates disagree, but Senate President Bill Ferguson worries passing good cause eviction bills would affect future housing projects — making the road to passage more challenging. Other renter protection bills that did pass were watered down as well. House decorum: Lawmakers are no longer called on by their districts when they rise to speak. The tone and tenor of debates is more bitter and rancorous than in recent memory (see 'Freedom Caucus' in Push section below). It does not bode well for 2026 and the coming election. Parole process reform: Dels. Elizabeth Embry and N. Scott Phillips sought to reform the parole process in a state that ranks among the worst in the nation when it comes to the Black prison population. The House agreed, passing two of their parole reform parole bills. Both bill received hearings before the Senate Judicial Proceedings Committee, they never made it to the full Senate. Child Victims Act: It took a decade to pass landmark legislation that opened the courthouse doors for people who were abused as children in public and private institutions but time-barred from seeking civil remedies. Approval of the act forced the Archdiocese of Baltimore to seek bankruptcy protections. This year, it was the state's turn to feel the heat as thousands of cases began to surface, a potential liability under the act of billions, if not tens of billions, of dollars — a potential budge-breaker. So lawmakers changed the law to impose lower caps on lawsuits filed after May 31, 2025. Many Democrats in committee lamented the choice they had to make. Some cried. Others stormed out. But the bill passed and heads to the governor's desk for his signature. And the political policy arm of the Catholic Church? They publicly chided the state for being 'the largest employer of child sex abusers in the state.' A purgatory for those who had some wins and some losses but not enough of either to put them in either of the above categories. Local governments: The legislature pushed costs of teacher pensions and property tax assessments down onto the counties to solve its own budget issues. Then they got a helping hand in the form of the ability to increase the piggyback income tax from 3.2% to 3.3%. Only about one-third of the state's 24 major political subdivisions are maxed out on the current cap. In the current climate, such increases could be a political mixed bag. The business community: The Democratic supermajority touts its support for small businesses while vilifying owners as bad actors and foisting fees and regulations and taxes on them, even as lawmakers and Moore look for ways to end the state's company town dependence on the federal government. Business leaders and advocates did manage to beat a very large business-to-business sales tax proposal into a much smaller one. That effort landed on a services sales tax on IT and data that will cost everyone, not just business owners. Del. Nino Mangione: The Baltimore County Republican somehow managed to fly under the radar enough to avoid having to answer any questions about his cousin Luigi, who faces a potential death penalty from federal prosecutors related to the killing of a United Healthcare executive. Environmentalists: For environmental advocates, this year was mostly about mitigating the bad. They fought to water down incentives for new gas power plants, and found some success, but the bill could still expedite gas generation. This year also saw rollbacks of the building energy program and electric vehicle sales targets (via an 11th-hour executive order). But advocates notched some wins in the larger energy legislation: Nixing a clean-energy subsidy for trash incinerators and reforming gas pipeline spending by utilities had both been on their wishlists for years. They walk away with bruised knuckles, and a new feeling that the ground beneath them is shaky. But they have victories to point to — and it could have been much worse. Immigrant protections: President Donald Trump repeated his determination to increase deportations of undocumented immigrants, stoking fear in Maryland's migrant communities and presenting advocates with a big challenge. They had limited success. Advocates with CASA felt their safety and protection were not prioritized, as lawmakers rushed through a handful of watered-down protections in some public spaces and for data protection in the final minutes of session. But they rejected the measure advocates said would have given undocumented residents the greatest protection from increased immigration enforcement: A ban on 287(g) agreements, in which local police can essentially act as federal immigration agents. SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE The House Freedom Caucus. These are not the Republicans others cite for erffective messaging (see Winners section above). The seven-member splinter group of House Republicans some some notice from the press for their disruptive rhetoric, and they got an infusion of institutional firepower from Rep. Andy Harris (R-1st) — chair of the congressional Freedom Caucus — and Republican former Gov. Robert Ehrlich Jr. But their act made no friends with Democrats in the supermajority. Looming in the interim is the prospect of committee reassignments in order to spread members out among the six standing committees in the House where three members are on Health and Government Operation and two others serve on Judiciary. It remains to be seen if the group can expand its ranks in the House, or knock off some GOP senators whom they have described as RINOs (though they have not named names). Also unknown is whether the group can add more to legislative debates than strenuous objections to things the larger Republican Caucus is already pushing back on. Beer and wine sales expansion. Yeah, we know we said above that the Maryland Licensed Beverage Association was a winner, but we still think the concept of expanded sales was a push this year. (We haven't been drinking, we promise.) It's popular and has the support of a governor who demanded it land on his desk, even though his promise to do more than 'whip votes' did not materialize. A line in the sand angered legislative leaders rather than build a coalition. Some of the most important lawmakers did not know the governor's thoughts until they heard it from a reporter. That said, even though you cannot buy beer and wine in a grocery (or convenience) store, chances are there are lots of options nearby if not in the same shopping centers or even delivery.
Yahoo
19-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Renters hope ‘good cause eviction' bill will overcome Senate committee hurdle
Renter advocates gather Tuesday in the cold in Annapolis to call on lawmakers to pass "good cause" eviction legislation. (Photo by Danielle J. Brown/Maryland Matters) Renter advocates are hopeful that this will b the year 'good cause' evictions finally become law in Maryland — but first it has to get past the Senate Judicial Proceedings Committee, where it died last year after passing the House. 'We're seeing progress … Now, all eyes are on the Senate to do the right thing for the state of Maryland,' said Matt Losak at a midday rally of more than two dozen advocacy groups Tuesday outside the State House. 'We've been fighting for just cause or good cause eviction for more than a decade. 'Good cause eviction' refers to legislation that would let counties and the city of Baltimore adopt policies that require a landlord to cite a specific reason before ending a lease agreement with a tenant. 'In our view, this is the most important piece of legislation facing the Maryland General Assembly this year, short of the budget,' said Losak, the co-founder of Montgomery County Renters Alliance. 'We are seeing countless tenants losing their homes for no other reason other than forming tenants' associations, seeking promised or required services or trying to negotiate a fairer rent.' The House and Senate both held hearings on the proposal Tuesday. The House Environment and Transportation Committee took up Del. Jheanelle K. Wilkins' (D-Montgomery) House Bill 709 and the Senate Judicial Proceedings Committee heard Senate Bill 651, co-sponsored by Sen. C. Anthony Muse (D-Prince George's) and Sen. Clarence Lam (D-Anne Arundel and Howard). 'If your landlord can't give a good reason for the eviction, then your family shouldn't be evicted,' Muse said at the rally. 'When families can stay in their homes, they can stay near their jobs, near their schools, near their family and their friends.' SUPPORT: YOU MAKE OUR WORK POSSIBLE But with Maryland facing a 96,000-unit housing shortage, officials are trying to encourage new development to increase housing supply. They worry that developers may veer away from the state if there are too many regulatory hoops to consider. For that and other reasons, good cause legislation may still face a difficult path this session. The bills outline 10 broad circumstances that a landlord could cite when not renewing a lease, including substantial breach of lease or damage to the premises, a series of minor lease violations that negatively affect the property, or routine disorderly conduct that disturbs other tenants. Other 'good causes' include situations when residents habitually pay rent late, engage in illegal activities on the premises, or refuse to let the landlord access the property. A landlord would also be able to take back property for their own use or a family member's, take it back for significant renovations, or just because they want to take it off the rental market. All of those are 'good cause' for lease non-renewal under the bill. But Robert Enten, representing the Maryland Multi-Housing Association, told the Senate committee the bill has too many undefined terms that need clarification. 'Tenant engaging in 'routine disorderly conduct' – what does that mean?,' Enten asked. 'A tenant 'repeatedly' committing 'minor violations' — what does 'repeatedly' mean? Once? Twice? Three times? … If you want to pass a bill to deal with this, this bill needs a ton of work.' A final out would be if the tenant refuses an offer of a new lease. Sen. Mike McKay (R-Western Maryland) asked if that could 'create a new loophole that will just automatically increase rent?' 'If I just don't want to rent to somebody for whatever reason, to get around it all, I just say, 'It'll be another $500,'' McKay said. His question hung in the air for a moment, as bill supporters reached for an answer before Committee Chair Will Smith (D-Montgomery) jumped in. 'I think this question is very important, because it speaks to the interconnectivity of all these regulations across the state,' Smith said. 'He is absolutely right to ask this question, which shows you that nothing happens in isolation.' Smith said that if counties do not have protections such as rent stabilization, then McKay's hypothetical could be real. 'But if you have rent stabilization in your jurisdiction, then you would not be able to raise the rent,' he said, referencing Montgomery County, which has created some rent stabilization policy. 'These are things that you have to kick around in your head when you're thinking about this,' Smith said. 'I like the notion of good cause, but we have a responsibility as a committee to be intellectually honest in how those things fit into the issues of other jurisdictions.' Sen. Chris West (R-Baltimore and Carroll counties) asked would the bill 'advance the state's goals of creating more rental housing?' Bill Castelli, representing Maryland Realtors, said the bill could be a deterrent for developers and landlords. 'I think the more control property owners lose in terms of that property – the less control they have of tenants in the property, the less control they have on the property itself in terms of what they charge – that provides less incentive for people to invest in,' Castelli said. Despite the committee's questions, Losak said he is still 'a bit optimistic' about the bill's chances this year. He said that passing the bill 'changes the dynamic' between tenants and landlords by providing tenants with tools to fight back against unfair landlords. 'The bill itself is fair, just, sensible,' Losak said, 'and it's common sense.' Later Tuesday, the House Environment and Transportation committee brought up HB 709 as one of last bills of the day. Last year, the good cause legislation passed the House on a 96-37 vote, but without the Senate counterpart, the bill died. The bill is widely expected to pass the House again this session. 'I'll be happy when the Senate passes it,' said Del. Marc Korman (D-Montgomery), chair of the Environment and Transportation Committee, 'because that's what has to happen for us to get something to the governor.'
