24-05-2025
From Strategic Rift to Shared Roots: Rethinking India–Türkiye Relations Amid Rising Tensions
Published : May 24, 2025 16:46 IST - 8 MINS READ
The recent stand-off between India and Pakistan has taken an unusual turn—with Türkiye unexpectedly finding itself in the crosshairs of Indian ire. Reports of the use of Turkish-made drones by Pakistan and Ankara's silence on the incident triggered a wave of backlash in India.
Although the Turkish Foreign Ministry strongly condemned the attacks on tourists in Pahalgam on April 22, there were calls for a boycott of Turkish products. Turkish coffee, Turkish companies, and even tourism became the unexpected victims of this diplomatic row. But behind the jingoism and diplomatic tit-for-tat lies a much older relationship based not on animosity but on solidarity.
To reduce relations between India and Türkiye to a mere by-product of ties between Islamabad and Ankara would be to ignore centuries of cultural exchange, civilisational kinship, and anti-colonial camaraderie.
Following the Pahalgam attack, India's retaliatory response, Operation Sindoor, targeted terrorist infrastructure across Pakistan and Pakistan-administered Kashmir. News emerged from New Delhi that 300-400 drones used by Pakistan were allegedly supplied by Türkiye, sparking outrage.
However, military officials who have seen debris of these drones deny that the military drones were of Turkish origin. They were clearly of Chinese origin. Although Türkiye has a lethal arsenal of Bayraktar TB2 or TB3 military drones, which have proved effective in blocking the advance of Russian troops in Ukraine and in wars in Syria, Libya, Azerbaijan, Ethiopia, and elsewhere, Pakistan has, apparently, not used them. It has relied on Chinese drones for offensive purposes and smaller Turkish Songar drones for self-defence, which are made in Pakistan.
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But images of Turkish warships docking in Karachi and a Turkish military aircraft landing in Islamabad have sparked anger in India. Sources in Ankara told Frontline that on May 7, as tensions threatened to escalate into a full-blown war between India and Pakistan, Türkiye's President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan convened a meeting of close advisers and members of his ruling AK Party to deal with South Asian affairs.
'The meeting lasted only 10 minutes and contained a clear message from the President to urge restraint and ensure peace in the region,' the source said. Sources in Ankara and Istanbul say that while peaceful relations between India and Pakistan are in line with Türkiye's strategic interests, in the event of a full-blown war, the country would have no option but to support Pakistan, given its military ties. In the past, Pakistan's air force, in particular, has come to Türkiye's aid—be it in the 1973 Cyprus conflict with Greece or recent conflicts in Syria.
India has urged both China and Türkiye to respect its sensitivities. 'We expect Türkiye to urge Pakistan to end its support to cross-border terrorism,' said External Affairs Ministry spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal.
Former ambassador Sanjay Bhattacharyya was more explicit: 'Erdoğan's 'brotherly' support to Pakistan after the heinous terror attack in Pahalgam was not only unfriendly to India but also extremely provocative.' However, he added that India should also avoid similar missteps, noting that Türkiye prioritises national interests and its role in global affairs. The reactions were not just official. Social media campaigns, tourist cancellations, and trade fears spread.
According to trade data, India imports technical goods, electronics, and chemicals from Türkiye. However, experts such as Misafir Kalem warn against emotional reactions: 'Türkiye accounts for 0.2 per cent of India's total imports.' The flow of tourists from India accounts for 0.6 per cent of Türkiye's total. If Türkiye retaliates, it could hurt the Indian economy more, as about 200 blue-chip Indian companies have offices in Istanbul, Izmir, and Antalya to conduct business in Europe.
As a member of the European Customs Union, Türkiye provides affordability that helps Indian firms save costs.
A legacy of solidarity
The emotional resonance of recent tensions has overshadowed the deep civilisational bond between the two regions, which have remained isolated for the past 100 years. From 15th-century Ottoman-Mughal correspondence to shared Sufi traditions and linguistic roots, the Indo-Turkish connection is deeply rooted. In 1912, during the Balkan Wars, the Indian nationalist Dr M.A. Ansari, who later became President of the Indian National Congress, led a medical mission to treat wounded Turkish soldiers.
His team included Abdur Rahman Samdani alias Peshawari, a student of Aligarh University, who sold his belongings to reach Türkiye. He stayed, fought in Gallipoli, became the first reporter for the Anadolu Agency, and later served as Türkiye's ambassador to Afghanistan.
Coming from a family that had emigrated to Peshawar from Baramulla in Jammu and Kashmir, his younger brother Mohammad Yunus Khan was a Gandhi family loyalist and held top positions in India, including ambassador to various countries and head of the India Trade Promotion Organisation.
Gandhi's affinity
Mahatma Gandhi was also deeply moved by the Turkish War of Independence. The Treaty of Sèvres and the planned dismemberment of Türkiye prompted him to launch a movement of non-cooperation against the British. The funds raised in India for Türkiye helped establish IşBankası, one of the country's largest banks.
In the June 21, 1920, issue of Young India, Gandhi appealed to Hindus to join Muslims in the fight against the dismemberment of Türkiye.
Few realise that Turkic was used as a trade route until the early 20th century. Ladakh, an important junction of the Silk Road, connected South Asia with Turkestan and China. The Argon Muslims in Leh—descendants of Turkic traders—still preserve names, customs, and artefacts from Central Asia.
A museum near the 17th-century Tsa Soma Mosque in Leh commemorates this heritage, with relics such as Yarkandi carpets and Ottoman manuscripts.
According to Salim Beg, former Director General of the Jammu and Kashmir Tourism Authority, Leh was an important trading centre for Turkic nations in Central Asia. 'Hadud-e-Alam, a Persian manuscript from the 9th century, mentions Ladakh's trade relations with neighbouring countries and reveals that people from East Turkistan travelled to Makkah for Hajj via Leh,' he said.
Beg, who is also a historian and Chairperson of the Art and Cultural Heritage Trust, said the Turkic language had established itself as a lingua franca and gained popularity in Leh and Nubra, a village on the Leh-Yarkand road. Turkish-Aragonese explorer Ghulam Rasul Galwan, whose name adorns the Galwan Valley, and Sultan Said Khan, after whom Daulat Beg Oldi is named, symbolise this historical amalgamation.
To re-establish relations, Ankara hosted a two-day international conference titled India and Türkiye: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives a few months ago.
Ambassador Muktesh Pardeshi referred to shared Sufi traditions, 9,000 common words in Hindi and Turkish, and a shared desire for peace. 'Let's not look at each other through the lens of conflicts between third parties,' he said.
Türkiye's Deputy Foreign Minister Beris Ekinci echoed this optimism. 'From the Silk Road to the struggles for independence, Türkiye and India have a long history together,' she said. 'But our relations today must be based on future potential, not just historical affinity.'
She emphasised the need for cooperation in forums such as the United Nations and the G20, citing infrastructure, space exploration, e-commerce, and renewable energy as priority sectors.
C. Raja Mohan, a strategic affairs expert, added a note of realism and urgency: 'We must not allow historical baggage to affect future potential. India and Türkiye are both influential regional powers; it is time we talked to each other directly.'
While Türkiye's repeated references to Kashmir at the United Nations and the OIC have angered India, New Delhi has in return backed Armenia's claims, sided with Cyprus and Greece on issues contested by Türkiye, and even stepped up military engagement with Ankara's Mediterranean rivals.
These diplomatically understandable moves have often taken precedence over long-term considerations. Türkiye is perhaps the only country with a dedicated channel, Kanal TV, that broadcasts Indian programmes round the clock—a powerful symbol of solidarity.
But the recent boycotts are threatening these bridges.
Veteran diplomat M.K. Bhadrakumar, who remembers his years in Ankara, warned against reactive diplomacy: 'Meet them with maturity and they will respond with warmth. We have to remember: it's about the economy, stupid.'
'The military relationship between Türkiye and Pakistan is real, but not nearly as threatening as China's growing strategic embrace of Pakistan. India must not allow its emotional impulses to cloud strategic judgement,' he said.
Diplomats in Ankara told Frontline that given Türkiye's rising global profile, it is almost impossible to ignore the country.
For example, Türkiye has positioned itself as a mediator between Russia and Ukraine and is simultaneously seen as a friend of both countries. Syria is one of Türkiye's major foreign policy successes. Observers say those who ignore its presence and influence in Libya, Azerbaijan, Africa, and more recently the Gulf, do so at their own peril.
Despite the setback related to the $2.3 billion naval deal with TAIS and Türkiye's silence after the Pahalgam conflict, both nations have much to gain.
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Türkiye is emerging as a Eurasian hub, mediating in Ukraine, investing in Syria and Libya, and engaging in Africa and Central Asia. For India to gain a foothold globally and expand its economy, a reorientation of foreign policy away from reactive diplomacy is required.
With the ghosts of the Great Game lingering in Ladakh and the memory of Gandhi's moral compass guiding Indian diplomacy, the real test is yet to come.
Türkiye is not just a friend of Pakistan; India is not just an ally of Greece and Armenia—it is time to change the script. Instead of 'boycott Türkiye', the call must be to engage, rebuild, and renew. Both India and Türkiye are now key regional powers in search of a new role in the global order.
The emotional bonds forged a century ago—between Gandhi and Atatürk, Ansari and Peshawari—provide a moral compass, but not a roadmap. As Prof. Aftab Kamal Pasha put it: 'Ancient civilisations cannot afford to be defined by transient conflicts. They must forge their destiny through a renewed exchange, not a reclusive memory.'
Iftikhar Gilani is an Indian journalist based in Ankara.
