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India must persist with Indus Treaty decision and other pressure tactics
India must persist with Indus Treaty decision and other pressure tactics

Hans India

time3 days ago

  • Politics
  • Hans India

India must persist with Indus Treaty decision and other pressure tactics

One upshot of the Pahalgam terror attack was the weaponisation of water, specifically of the Indus Waters Treaty, which India put in abeyance. In his multiple statements after India's precise strikes on Pakistan terror camps and then on their air bases, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has made it clear that India is in no mood to go soft on weaponisation. The effects are already visible. As he said on Tuesday, 'All we've done is keep it under abeyance, and still, Pakistan is sweating. We've opened a few dam gates and started cleaning. We are removing the waste and debris. And even this has left them in panic.' But it was not a kneejerk reaction on India's part. At a recent standing committee meeting for external affairs, Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri told MPs that this is a plan that has been in the works. Several government organs, including the Ministries of Jal Shakti and External Affairs, worked together to weaponise water. A top source in the government told a news channel that the decision on IWT 'is a surgical strike in perpetuity because it hits Pakistan where it hurts the most.' The strike is the result of a whole-of-government approach. The IWT, brokered in 1960 with the support of the World Bank, allocated the waters of six rivers between India and Pakistan. The idea was signed, in the words of its preamble, 'in a spirit of goodwill and friendship.' India retained control over the three eastern rivers—Ravi, Beas, and Sutlej—while Pakistan was granted rights over the western rivers—Indus, Jhelum, and Chenab. India's choice to honour the treaty for over six decades, even during wars and terror attacks, was driven by its commitment to peace and international obligations. However, Pakistan's consistent disregard for the spirit of the treaty and its continued use of terror as a state policy eroded the foundation of goodwill on which the IWT was built; the erosion has been happening for at least 45 years. Islamabad first aided, armed, and abetted Khalistani terrorists in Punjab. Since the 1980s, it has been supporting, training, and arming jihadists to attack Kashmir and other parts of India. Pakistan's reaction to India's recent actions on IWT underscores how reliant it is on these waters. The mere suggestion of India reasserting its rights under the treaty has caused visible distress. For years, Pakistan has taken India's generosity for granted. The shift in New Delhi's stance represents a broader recalibration of policy—one that recognises the strategic importance of water not just as a natural resource, but a potent geopolitical tool. Moving forward, India must maintain and escalate pressure through all channels available—diplomatic, economic, and political. Suspension of the IWT is not just about water; it is a signal to Pakistan and the global community that India will not hesitate to defend its sovereignty and citizens. This multifaceted approach reflects a government that is willing to use every lever at its disposal in a coordinated and calculated manner. The Pahalgam attack may have been the trigger, but the Indian response is much more than a retaliation—it looks like a long-term strategy aimed at reshaping regional dynamics in favour of peace through strength. The Modi government, and the following regimes, must ensure that there is no let up in this strategy.

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