Latest news with #MoussaFakiMahamat
Zawya
05-03-2025
- Health
- Zawya
African Union Adopts the Statute for the Establishment of a Continental Food Safety Agency to Address Critical Health and Trade Challenges
The African Union has taken a historic step towards enhancing food safety across the continent with the adoption of the statute for the establishment of the Africa Food Safety Agency during the 38th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia on 16 February 2025. This landmark decision marks a significant advancement in the continent's commitment to protecting consumer health, strengthening Africa's food safety governance and facilitating trade in safe food products under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The soon to be established Africa Food Safety Agency will serve as a Specialized Technical Institution of the Africa Union, dedicated to coordinating and harmonizing food safety policies, regulations, and risk assessment frameworks across Member States. This move is in response to Africa's disproportionate burden of foodborne illnesses, which affects 91 million people and results in 137,000 deaths annually—one-third of the global mortality due to foodborne diseases, according to the World Health Organization (WHO). The economic toll of unsafe food is equally staggering, with the World Bank estimating losses of $110 billion annually in sub-Saharan Africa and Southeast Asia due to lost productivity and medical costs. H.E. Moussa Faki Mahamat, Chairperson of the African Union Commission, welcome the adoption of the Statute, emphasizing the transformative impact of the establishment of the Africa Food Safety Agency as a crucial milestone in Africa's journey towards a more integrated and prosperous continent. This institution will play a pivotal role in harmonizing food safety standards across the continent, directly supporting AfCFTA objectives and advancing the goals of Agenda 2063. "With the Africa Food Safety Agency, we are taking a decisive step towards transforming our agri-food systems. It will not only help protect public health but will also boost intra-African trade by facilitating the harmonization of food safety standards and supporting our Member States in building robust food control systems." noted H.E. Amb. Josefa Sacko, the outgoing Commissioner for Agriculture, Rural Development, Blue Economy and Sustainable Environment. The Agency will establish a continental food safety data hub and rapid alert system, providing critical support to Member States in managing food safety risks and emergencies. It will also coordinate food safety initiatives at the continental level while complementing and strengthening the food safety coordination function of Regional Economic Communities. Its establishment is expected to boost the competitiveness of Africa's food and agricultural products by ensuring compliance with international food safety standards. This will be instrumental in unlocking new market opportunities, reducing trade barriers, and enhancing consumer confidence in African food products. The Africa Food Safety Agency will also work closely with AU Member States, Regional Economic Communities (RECs), the private sector, research institutions, the ACFTA Secretariat and international partners to raise food safety levels to safeguard public health, reduce foodborne disease outbreaks, and ensure sustainable food production systems. The African Union Commission has been tasked with fast-tracking the operationalization of the Africa Food Safety Agency, including putting in place structures and establishing frameworks working together with Member States and partners. As Africa embarks on this transformative journey, the AU calls on all stakeholders—including governments, development partners, and the private sector—to support the operationalization of the Africa Food Safety Agency which would ensure that safe food becomes a priority for all African citizens. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of African Union (AU).
Al Jazeera
21-02-2025
- Politics
- Al Jazeera
African Union is in desperate need of a new beginning
On February 15, during the 38th summit of the African Union (AU) held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, African leaders elected Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, the foreign minister of Djibouti, as the new chairperson of the African Union Commission (AUC), the executive branch of the continental body. He prevailed over Raila Odinga, the former prime minister of Kenya, and Richard Randriamandrato, Madagascar's former minister of foreign affairs. Youssouf has been Djibouti's foreign minister since 2005 and takes over from Moussa Faki Mahamat, the former prime minister of Chad, who has served two consecutive four-year terms as the leader of the AUC. In his official manifesto, he has committed to advancing governance and democracy, strengthening institutional capacity, and fostering peace and security, among other goals. Youssouf assumes office at a precarious time in Africa and is expected to leverage his diplomatic expertise especially to address the conflicts raging in Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Youssouf appears poised to champion peace and work for substantial positive changes in countries across the continent in the coming years. But his success is less than guaranteed, as African leaders are generally hesitant to relinquish significant power to the AU and its affiliated organisations. The African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) released a report in March 2022, which revealed that as of July 2021, just 7 percent of its judgements had been fully complied with, 18 percent had been partially complied with, and a substantial 75 percent had not been complied with at all. Additionally, the report mentioned that several African countries have made it clear to the Executive Council that they will not adhere to the Court's decisions. Perhaps this explains why last year's ACHPR report omitted these statistics. Most African leaders resist the imposition of rigorous external oversight measures – critical interventions that their countries sorely need to prevent war and instability. Hence, it is less than certain what Youssouf might accomplish in the next four years. The successes and failures of his predecessor, Moussa Faki Mahamat, may offer some clues as to what the new AUC chair could expect to achieve in the coming period. At a ceremony to mark the official start of his term on March 14, 2017, Mahamat was oozing with confidence. He had pledged to 'make the Commission a tool capable of translating into reality the vision of our leaders and the aspirations of our peoples', and 'to silence the guns and realise an Africa free of conflicts by 2020'. Eight years later, his administration's performance has been marked by a combination of limited accomplishments and many unresolved challenges. Mahamat was instrumental in the mediation of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA), a landmark peace treaty signed between the Ethiopian government and the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) on November 2, 2022, in Pretoria, South Africa. This accord brought an end to the devastating 2020-2022 Tigray war. Despite this crucial achievement, however, he was unable to 'silence the guns' in the conflicts in Chad, Mali, Burkina Faso, Somalia and Mozambique – although it was not for lack of effort. In his address to the 37th Ordinary Session of the Assembly of the African Union on February 17, 2024, Mahamat voiced his profound frustration with the illiberal actions of African leaders, who he chose not to name, seemingly in a spirited attempt to rationalise his various failures. He pointed to the ongoing conflicts on the continent, the resurgence of military coups in Central and West Africa, and the overwhelming unwillingness of certain AU member states to conduct elections that are regarded as credible. On the latter, he rightly said, 'Instead of being joyful modes of peaceful transfer or maintenance of power, elections have become, through the extent of their irregularities, factors for deepening crises.' At the same time, he emphasised that many African leaders have largely ignored the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), the AU's blueprint for conflict prevention, management, and resolution, and its counterpart, the African Governance Architecture (AGA). The purpose of the AGA is to foster and defend human and people's rights, enhance democratic institutions and culture, and guarantee good governance and the rule of law. Mahamat also bemoaned the fact that institutional reforms within the continental union have not effectively tackled the issues related to the powers of the AUC and its chairperson. 'Although the Chairperson of the Commission is recognised in the texts as the Legal Representative and 'Chief Accounting Officer' of the organisation, he is paradoxically deprived of sufficient margin of manoeuvre to act urgently on strategic questions.' Then, he offered a sharp critique of African leaders, alleging they possess 'the frantic tendency to make decisions without real political will to implement them'. This has resulted in the woeful and unworkable scenario where, according to Mahamat, 93 percent of decisions made in 2021, 2022, and 2023 were not acted on. Such systematic defiance, he added, is noticeable at both the level of member states and regional communities, with member states often disregarding and carelessly violating the resolutions established by continental bodies. Alarmingly, he warned that without transformative changes, the organisation would be unable to effectively respond to the sociopolitical challenges present on the continent. African leaders are, without a doubt, a significant barrier to the sociopolitical and economic advancement of the continent. They take pleasure in witnessing the AU develop into a consciously weakened entity that primarily caters to their self-centred, unscrupulous aims. It is therefore imperative that Youssouf, in his role as Mahamat's successor, be granted ample independent authority and resources to enforce strict compliance with the organisation's conventions, particularly with respect to APSA and AGA. Without that, he may sadly be as powerless to resolve the continent's most pressing problems as his predecessor. In 2002, the AU introduced the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) to allow member states to voluntarily evaluate their governance practices. However, its effect has been minimal. Given the ongoing conflicts and inadequate governance that persist across the continent each year, Africa clearly requires a comprehensive regulatory framework for yearly and impromptu national assessments. Consider the situation in Sudan. For three decades, the AU turned a blind eye to the unlawful, autocratic and deeply inhumane actions of President Omar al-Bashir's regime – actions that slowly paved the way for the coup of April 11, 2019. The removal of al-Bashir in the coup subsequently set the stage for another military takeover on October 25, 2021, and the present civil war. AU inaction and inability to impose good governance set the scene for similar failings in Mozambique. The ruling Frelimo party's profound inability to establish an inclusive democracy, ensure economic stability, and deliver fundamental services has made the gas-rich province of Cabo Delgado fertile ground for insurrection. Beginning in October 2017, an armed rebellion in the province has led to the displacement of more than 1.3 million people, compromised the healthcare infrastructure, and resulted in a critical humanitarian crisis. The AU and its various bodies did little more than watch these tragedies unfold. Indeed, in both scenarios, the AU had the opportunity to implement decisive and timely governance interventions to advance peace, stability, and socioeconomic well-being. It didn't, or, more accurately, it couldn't. Unfortunately, Addis Ababa has historically been stripped of the requisite authority to analyse and respond to bad leadership. Mozambique and Sudan are just two examples among many. The AU has also been unable to deal with the plight of political prisoners in Eritrea, democratic backsliding in Tunisia, and the years-long brutal repression of opposition leaders in Uganda, to name but a few. Given the persistent disdain for essential AU protocols that prompts unrest across the continent, it is crucial that the new chair of the AUC does not take on a passive stance in the coming four years. His office must be endowed with the unequivocal power to hold African leaders accountable for their political excesses and failings. Youssouf can forge a legacy of peace and socioeconomic transformation in his new role, but first he must get the AU to start working in the best interests of its primary stakeholders: Africa's 1.5 billion people.
South China Morning Post
15-02-2025
- Politics
- South China Morning Post
African Union summit opens, overshadowed by DR Congo conflict
The escalating conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo will dominate an African Union summit opening on Saturday, with the DR Congo president absent after Rwandan-backed forces seized a second major city on his territory. The 55-nation body meets in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa as Africa faces devastating conflicts in the DR Congo and Sudan – as well as US President Donald Trump's cuts to US development aid, which have hit the continent hard. The African leaders represent about 1.5 billion people in a body long criticised for sluggishness, inefficiency and toothless statements. With the spectre of a regional conflagration rising in eastern DR Congo, and international bodies increasingly sounding the alarm, the African Union has been criticised for its timid approach and observers have demanded more decisive action. East and southern African leaders on February 8 called for an 'immediate and unconditional' ceasefire within five days, but fresh fighting erupted on Tuesday. Outgoing African Union chair Moussa Faki Mahamat said on Friday that 'the ceasefire must be observed', adding there was a 'general mobilisation' among African nations to stop the clashes.
Yahoo
14-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
DR Congo rebels capture airport as they advance in east
M23 rebels in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo have captured the airport serving the key city of Bukavu as they continue their advance. The militants' progress comes despite international calls for a ceasefire and a resumption of peace talks. Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced in recent weeks as a result of the rebel advance. Last month, the M23, which is backed by neighbouring Rwanda, seized Goma the main city in the mineral-rich east. In the fighting for the airport, which is in the town of Kavumu, the Congolese army and its allied militia withdrew without putting up much of a fight. The DR Congo rebel leader whose fighters have created turmoil What's the fighting in DR Congo all about? The rebels are now some 30km (19 miles) from Bukavu, which is the capital of South Kivu province. Its deputy governor, Jean Elekano, has told the BBC that there was heavy fighting between the army and the M23 on the outskirts of the city. He said the army was still in control and fighting back. Bukavu residents contacted by the BBC said there was growing panic and fear. The authorities have advised residents to remain indoors. The news of the latest advance comes as the continent's heads of state are due to meet at an African Union (AU) summit in Ethiopia. The head of the AU commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat is quoted by the AFP news agency as saying that a ceasefire "must be observed" adding that "military campaigns are not going to solve these problems. There is a general mobilisation of Africa today on this issue and I hope that we will be able to impose this ceasefire". As well as being accused of backing the rebels, which Rwanda has denied, the country is also said to have its own troops in eastern DR Congo. Rwandan President Paul Kagame has said his country's priority is security. He has said Rwanda is in danger from Hutu rebels in DR Congo and has dismissed any threat of sanctions. The Congolese government has accused Rwanda of illegally annexing a large slice of the mineral-rich territory. Additional reporting by Alfred Lasteck. Who's pulling the strings in the DR Congo crisis? The evidence that shows Rwanda is backing rebels in DR Congo DR Congo's failed gamble on Romanian mercenaries Go to for more news from the African continent. Follow us on Twitter @BBCAfrica, on Facebook at BBC Africa or on Instagram at bbcafrica Africa Daily Focus on Africa
Yahoo
14-02-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Fears in Bukavu as M23 seize key airport in eastern DR Congo
M23 fighters on Friday seized the airport serving Bukavu in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, just as African leaders gathered for crisis talks on the escalating crisis. Violence in the restive region has sparked fears of a wider conflict, as a number of neighbouring countries already have a military presence on the ground. The capture of the airport, some 30 kilometres (17 miles) from Bukavu, was the last military obstacle in the way of the M23 group, and prompted fears of an imminent push on the city. Congolese troops, who according to security sources put up little resistance, were seen heading back to Bukavu in military trucks and on motorbikes laden with mattresses and other belongings. As other soldiers unloaded their personal effects in the city, which is home to about one million people, local authorities sent staff home and shops shut, an AFP journalist on the scene said. Bukavu previously fell to soldiers who deserted the Congolese army in 2004 and the capture of the city would effectively give the M23 total control of the vast Lake Kivu area. - Ceasefire - Heads of state were due to meet for talks on the crisis in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa on Friday before this weekend's annual African Union summit. A temporary lull in the fighting failed to hold earlier this week but outgoing AU chair Moussa Faki Mahamat told AFP it should stop completely. "The ceasefire must be observed," he said. "Military campaigns are not going to solve these problems. There is a general mobilisation of Africa today on this issue." One notable absentee from the talks is Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi, scuppering any potential face-to-face meeting with his Rwandan counterpart Paul Kagame. Tshisekedi was instead in Germany for the Munich Security Conference, his office said late on Thursday. Prime Minister Judith Suminwa Tuluka was taking his place on Friday, a statement read. The latest fighting in eastern DRC has raged for the last three years but the recent upsurge in violence has prompted multiple international calls for de-escalation. Fears that the conflict could descend into a regional war are increasing with the M23 backed by Rwandan troops, while Uganda, Burundi, and South Africa all have boots on the ground. The government in Kinshasa has repeatedly called for international sanctions against Kigali but so far to no avail. Nearly 3,000 people have been killed in the latest violence, according to the United Nations. In Goma, which the M23 seized in late January and where it began installing its own administration and establishing its own police force, concerns mounted about the worsening humanitarian situation. Access to water is still cut off in some of the city, with locals forced to collect supplies from Lake Kivu, where bodies from fighting in the city have been recovered. The UN humanitarian agency OCHA this week warned of a cholera outbreak, while the UNHCR refugee agency has said lack of access to the displaced was hampering relief efforts. "We urge all parties to stop attacks on civilian infrastructure and guarantee unhindered humanitarian access," UNHCR spokeswoman Eujin Byun said. - Tensions - Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced, fleeing their villages as the fighting advanced towards Goma, forcing them into overcrowded and unsanitary camps on the edge of the city. The M23 have since ordered them all to leave, angering aid agencies. Burundi briefly shut its borders to fleeing Congolese on Thursday afternoon, sources said. Dozens of mpox patients being treated in hospital isolation units in Goma have also fled for their lives, the World Health Organization in Geneva said on Friday. Eastern DRC has been riven by conflict for the last three decades. Kinshasa accuses Kigali of wanting to steal the region's abundant natural resources, including rare earth minerals used in electronic batteries and other devices such as mobile telephones, as well as gold. Rwanda denies the claim and maintains its national security is under threat from armed groups, in particular the FDLR, which was created by former Hutu leaders in the 1994 genocide against Tutsis. Both countries have recalled their ambassadors from each other's capitals while the DRC has shut its airspace to Rwandan aircraft. str-clt-cld/phz/cw
