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News18
19-05-2025
- Politics
- News18
What Are Extremely Backward Classes? Why Are They Crucial In Bihar Politics? Explained
Last Updated: The creation of Extremely Backward Classes in Bihar goes back to more than 50 years ago when Kapoori Thakur was the chief minister, who was from an extremely backward community The Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) have been an important part of Bihar politics, with many political parties and leaders wooing them as they constitute 36% of the state's population. With state elections in October-November, Congress, BJP and RJD are cultivating the EBCs as votebank. Let us understand how EBCs have influenced Bihar politics, how they are classified and why parties give special attention to them during elections. What Are EBCs? Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) refer to socially and educationally disadvantaged castes that are more marginalised than the general Other Backward Classes (OBCs). The EBCs often lack access to education, political representation, economic opportunity, and basic social services. EBCs are not a separate constitutional category like SC or ST. They are typically a sub-group within the OBC (Other Backward Classes) category, created to identify the most deprived castes among OBCs. In India, the 10% reservation under the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) quota (introduced via the 103rd Constitutional Amendment in 2019) is meant for economically backward people who do not fall under SC/ST/OBC categories. EBCs may also be eligible for scholarships, housing schemes, fee waivers, and financial aid from both central and state governments. How EBC Was Introduced In Bihar The Mungeri Lal Commission identified 128 castes as 'backward" in economic, social, occupational and educational terms. These castes were then divided into two categories — 34 castes were placed under the Backward Class category, and 94 castes were listed under the Extremely Backward Class (EBC) category. When Kapoori Thakur became the CM for the second time in 1977, he announced plans to implement the Mungeri Lal Commission's recommendations in 1978. The recommendations included 8% reservation for Backward Classes, 12% for Extremely Backward Classes, 3% for women of all castes, and 3% for economically backward castes. However, the reservation based on economic criteria was later declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. In 1990s, the implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations, which provided 27% reservation for OBCs nationally, shifted focus to caste-based affirmative action. In Bihar, under Chief Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav (1990–1997), reservations for OBCs were increased from 12% to 14%, but there was no specific mention of a purely economic EBC category at this time. The EBCs as a pure economic category gained traction in Bihar and nationally in 2000s. The Bihar government began recognising economic deprivation for non-SC/ST/OBC groups, especially after the 2006 reservation policies for economically weaker sections in educational institutions. However, specific schemes targeting EBCs (as an economic group) in Bihar were limited until later. In 2019, under the 103rd Constitutional Amendment, 10% reservation for Economically Weaker Sections was introduced across India for those not covered by SC/ST/OBC quotas. In 2023, the Bihar assembly passed a bill to increase reservation for Backward Classes, Extremely Backward Classes, SCs and STs from the existing 50% to 65%. As per the Bihar Reservation Amendment Bill, quota for Extremely Backward Class (EBC) has been increased from 18% to 25%; for Backward Class (BC) from 12% to 18%; for SC from 16% to 20%; and for ST, the quota will be doubled, from 1% to 2%. The existing 3% reservation for BC women has been scrapped. What Are The Castes Classified As EBC In Bihar? The Bihar government released the results of a caste-based survey of the state on October 2, 2023, which revealed that 36% of the state's total population belongs to the EBC category, comprising a total of 112 castes. In fact, it was RJD chief Lalu Prasad who first realised the importance of EBCs because of their cumulative numbers, much more than any individual dominant group like the Yadavs (14.27% of the population as per the caste census) and Muslims (about 17%). Among the EBCs, only four castes — Teli, Mallah, Kanu, and Dhanuk — have a population of more than 2%. Among Muslim castes, Julaha is the only one with a significant presence, constituting 3.5% of the population. Seven other castes — Nonia, Chandravanshi, Nai, Barhai, Dhuniya (Muslim), Kumhar, and Kunjra (Muslim) — each have a population of less than 2%, as per an Indian Express report. Beyond these 12, none of the remaining 100 EBC castes has even a 1% share in the total population, the added. How BJP And Congress Trying To Woo EBCs Rahul Gandhi on May 15 visited Darbhanga to attend the 'Shiksha aur Nyay Samvad' (Education and Justice Dialogue), where he addressed the backward, extremely backward, Dalit-Mahadalit, and minority communities, advocating for reservations in private institutions. Gandhi raised the caste survey issue and demanded reservations for students from the SC and ST communities in private institutions. He accused the Nitish Kumar-led government of denying funds to them under the SC-ST plan, meant to ensure the communities receive a proportionate share of development benefits. 'We want to raise three demands — conducting a caste census in the country, reservation for OBCs (Other Backward Classes), EBCs (Economically Backward Classes), SCs and STs in private institutions and ensuring funds for SCs and STs under the government's SC-ST sub plan," he said, as quoted by India Today. Meanwhile, BJP's national officer-bearers and the party's national leadership have toured the state and held meetings with its allies to complete the caste mapping, as per a report by The Economic Times. Sources said the BJP, along with its allies, reached an understanding that castes finalised from each seat allocation and candidates would be finalised later. The BJP's Bihar unit is eyeing a larger pie of seats this time. It has suggested to its central leadership that sometimes smaller allies prefer individuals over caste while selecting candidates driven by funding concerns, and therefore were demanding a caste mapping exercise. Watch India Pakistan Breaking News on CNN-News18. Get Latest Updates on Movies, Breaking News On India, World, Live Cricket Scores, And Stock Market Updates. Also Download the News18 App to stay updated! tags : 2025 Bihar elections Bhiar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar Bihar Politics News18 Explains Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: May 19, 2025, 11:05 IST News explainers What Are Extremely Backward Classes? Why Are They Crucial In Bihar Politics? Explained
Indian Express
18-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Rahul Gandhi in Darbhanga: Who are the EBCs, and why they matter in Bihar politics
Congress leader Rahul Gandhi earlier this week addressed an event in Bihar's Darbhanga, where he claimed Prime Minister Narendra Modi was 'against the 90%' of India's population, referring to OBCs, EBCs, Dalits and minorities. This was part of Congress's bid to reach out to the backward communities, specially EBCs, in Bihar, ahead of the Assembly polls due in October-November. The Extremely Backward Castes (EBCs) have long been politically crucial in Bihar. While RJD's towering leader Lalu Prasad Yadav first realised their electoral importance, it is Chief Minister Nitish Kumar who has more assiduously — and more successfully — cultivated them as a votebank. The creation of EBCs in Bihar goes back more than 50 years to Karpoori Thakur, the first Chief Minister of the state to come from an extremely backward community. In 1971, Thakur as CM constituted the Mungeri Lal Commission to study the economic, social, educational, occupational, and government sector participation of backward castes in Bihar. The Commission submitted its report in February 1976. By that time, the Congress's Jagannath Mishra was in the Chief Minister's chair, and he did not take any action on the report. The Mungeri Lal Commission, based on its study, identified 128 castes as backward in economic, social, occupational, and educational terms. These 128 castes were then divided into two categories — 34 castes were placed under the Backward Class category, and 94 castes were listed under the Extremely Backward Class (EBC) category. When Karpoori Thakur became the Chief Minister of Bihar for the second time in 1977, he announced the implementation of the Mungeri Lal Commission's recommendations in October 1978. The recommendations included 8% reservation for Backward Classes, 12% for Extremely Backward Classes, 3% for women of all castes, and 3% for economically backward castes. However, the reservation based on economic criteria was later declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. The report of the Mungeri Lal Commission created political awareness among the extremely backward castes in Bihar and enabled them to access the benefits of reservation. It also laid the foundation for a new political direction centered on their representation. On October 2, 2023, the Bihar government released the results of a caste-based survey of the state, which revealed that 36% of the state's total population belongs to the EBC category, comprising a total of 112 castes. Among these, only four castes—Teli, Mallah, Kanu, and Dhanuk—have a population of more than 2%. Among Muslim castes, Julaha is the only one with a significant presence, constituting 3.5% of the population. Seven other castes—Nonia, Chandravanshi, Nai, Barhai, Dhuniya (Muslim), Kumhar, and Kunjra (Muslim)—each have a population of less than 2%. Beyond these 12, none of the remaining 100 EBC castes has even a 1% share in the total population. These are the communities that are economically and socially extremely backward. Bihar's Chief Minister Nitish Kumar belongs to the Kurmi caste, which makes up 2.87% of the state's population—a relatively small number in the caste-dominated electoral politics of Bihar. Despite participating in the 1995 Kurmi Chetna Rally, Nitish Kumar did not attempt to establish himself solely as the leader of one caste group. To counter the dominance of a strong leader like Lalu Prasad Yadav, he needed to build a broader caste coalition. He expanded the Luv-Kush alliance (the Kurmi-Koiri alliance: Kurmis are believed to have descended from Lord Ram's son Luv, and Koiris from Luv's twin Kush) of the OBCs by including the Dhanuk caste, which falls under the EBC category. During his tenure as CM, Nitish has made a deliberate effort to attract the support of the EBCs by ensuring the benefits of education, reservation, and welfare schemes reach them. His approach has been largely successful. He added more castes to the EBC category beyond those listed by the Mungeri Lal Commission, increasing the number from 94 to 112. He also ensured their participation in government systems. Nitish has launched many welfare schemes for the EBCs, such as the Pre-Matric Scholarship Scheme, Post-Matric Scholarship Scheme, the Chief Minister EBC Merit Scholarship Scheme, the Jannayak Karpoori Thakur Extremely Backward Classes Welfare Hostel Scheme, the Chief Minister Backward and EBC Skill Development Scheme, the Chief Minister EBC Civil Services Incentive Scheme, and the Chief Minister Backward and EBC Hostel Grant Scheme. He has also introduced loan provisions for economic development. To ensure the delivery of these benefits to the EBC community, officers have been appointed at the block and district levels. Rahul Gandhi on Thursday (May 15) visited Darbhanga to attend the 'Shiksha aur Nyay Samvad' (Education and Justice Dialogue). There, he addressed the backward, extremely backward, Dalit-Mahadalit, and minority communities, advocating for reservations in private institutions. Over the past few years, socialist politics across the country has weakened significantly. The political groups that once vocally raised the issue of the poor representation of backward communities in education, jobs, politics, and business have lost momentum. The dominance of caste-based politics has diluted the ideological underpinnings of class-based political agendas. The political groups that traditionally spoke for the backward and extremely backward communities—and were long considered socialist—have lost their voice. In Bihar, even a towering figure like Lalu Prasad Yadav has seen his vote base shrink to mainly Yadavs and Muslims. Apart from the simple logic of electoral arithmetic, the Congress under Rahul Gandhi also appears to be attempting to revive socialist politics in a new form, with a focus on the backward and extremely backward communities. Whether this strategy succeeds will be revealed in the test of upcoming elections.
The Wire
04-05-2025
- Politics
- The Wire
Modi's U-turn on Caste Census: The Battle for Comprehensive Social Justice Needs to be Intensified
Just when the country was expecting some decisive response from the Modi government in the wake of the Pahalgam terror attack, the regime took everybody by surprise by announcing its readiness to conduct a caste enumeration as part of the already over delayed census. There is of course no announcement yet about the timeline of the census. The 2025-26 budget made no provision for this massive exercise. With no signs of the census happening anytime soon, the announcement at this moment must be seen more as a calculated political move ahead of the crucial Bihar elections than an immediate agenda of action. Be that as it may, this is a major announcement for a caste-ridden society where the last caste census was conducted in 1931. For the Sangh-BJP establishment, this latest Modi 'masterstroke' is perhaps the biggest Sanghi U-turn in decades. In the run-up to the 2024 elections when the INDIA bloc and the Congress led by Rahul Gandhi made a forceful demand for caste census, the entire Sangh-BJP establishment called it a divisive and 'urban Naxal' agenda. We cannot but remember how when the VP Singh government had taken the historic step to announce partial implementation of the Mandal Commission recommendations in 1990, the BJP engineered the government's defeat in a no-confidence motion, much the same way as the Jan Sangh had ousted Karpoori Thakur from power after the implementation of reservation for OBCs in Bihar in the late 1970s on the basis of the Mungeri Lal Commission report. It is well known that the Sangh brigade opposed the Mandal Commission measures of OBC empowerment as fiercely as it had opposed the Constitution of India at the time of its adoption. It is another thing that now in power, it swears allegiance to the Constitution even as it wages a relentless war of subversion of all constitutional values, principles and objectives; and with the rise of Modi it has been busy projecting the BJP as the biggest champion of OBC assertion. Sangh-BJP's desperation to hijack the popular call for comprehensive social justice Now, the latest caste census U-turn signals the Sangh-BJP's desperation to hijack the popular call for comprehensive social justice even as the Sangh brigade is busy trying to stop the biopic on Savitribai and Jyotirao Phule, the legendary pioneers of women's education and bahujan empowerment in 19th century India and its members continue to perpetrate caste atrocities across the country. Post-Pahalgam, the Sangh brigade worked overtime to weaponise the terror attack for its agenda of hate and division. When terrorists kill on the basis of religion, other identities like caste, language and region should no more matter – this was the aggressive Sanghi line of post-Pahalgam propaganda. But now, just a week after the attack, the government itself has decided to ask everybody's caste identity, making it clear that the government needs an urgent tool to deflect public attention away from the questions that Pahalgam has generated. Ten years ago, the BJP had cut a sorry figure in Bihar when it did not have the support of Nitish Kumar and Bihar reacted strongly against Mohan Bhagwat's call for 'review' of reservations, a thinly veiled expression of the Sangh-BJP clamour for ending reservation. Ahead of the 2024 elections, the same Bhagwat acknowledged two thousand years of caste oppression, a departure from the oft-repeated Sangh formulation of caste as a defence mechanism adopted by Hindus in the face of 'Muslim aggression' or caste as a colonial era legacy, and asked the Sangh to tolerate reservations for two hundred years. And now ahead of the forthcoming Assembly elections in Bihar, the Modi government is trying to camouflage the Sangh's campaign of subversion of the Constitution in general, and reservations in particular by this sudden announcement of caste census. Also Read: RSS and the Global Far-Right: Expanding Links, Growing Ambition The same Sangh-BJP ideologues, IT cell and godi media amplifiers who were mocking at the call for caste census till the other day have overnight turned into caste census exponents. The government which told the Supreme Court that conducting a caste census was a logistical nightmare and impossibility is now busy blaming the Congress for not having held a caste census all these years. The Modi-Yogi slogans 'batenge toh katenge' (divided you'll be slaughtered) and 'ek hai to safe hai' (stay united to stay safe) that were coined and repeated endlessly during the 2024 BJP Lok Sabha campaign in order to counter the caste census demand and advocate Hindu unity on the basis of anti-Muslim fear and hate, have now been put on the back burner. Bihar had already done its caste count in 2023 and on the basis of the 2023 caste data, the state Assembly had unanimously adopted a resolution to enhance the level of reservation to 65 percent. The onus for getting it implemented by incorporating it in the 9th Schedule of the Constitution and thus taking it out of the ambit of judicial review lay with the Modi government. With this caste census announcement, the Modi government now seeks to nullify the caste surveys that have already taken place in states and defer the whole agenda to an indefinite future. The social justice movement of India must therefore become more alert and mount decisive pressure on the government to implement the caste census at the earliest and take it to its logical conclusion. Reservation as a measure of affirmative action has lost much of its earlier efficacy In the absence of up-to-date caste data and given the Supreme Court directed cap of 50 percent on caste-based reservation, the OBC quota has been pegged at 27 percent, way lower than the estimated proportion of OBC population in Indian society. Even this 27 percent reservation has been achieved only in phases, first in government employment in 1990 and then in central educational institutions in 2006. But with relentless downsizing of government jobs, institutionalisation of lateral entry in higher echelons of bureaucracy to bypass reservations and most recently with the introduction of reservation on economic basis for otherwise privileged caste groups, reservation as a measure of affirmative action has lost much of its earlier efficacy. The social justice movement must therefore fight for not just removal of the artificial 50 percent quota cap and for extension of reservation to the private sector, but also for completion of effective land reforms and reversal of the neoliberal policies that have undermined the state's role in the spheres of education and employment. A properly conducted caste census should reveal a comprehensive picture of social inequality in India. Now that the social justice movement has succeeded in forcing the Modi government to agree to this first step, the battle has to be intensified not only for an honest timebound implementation of the census but also for necessary follow-up action to destroy caste-based privileges and ensure fair representation and rightful participation of the historically excluded and underrepresented sections of Indians in all spheres. The writer is General Secretary of CPI (ML-Liberation).
