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New York Times
26-04-2025
- Politics
- New York Times
19 States Sue the Trump Administration Over Its D.E.I. Demand in Schools
A coalition of 19 states sued the Trump administration on Friday over its threat to withhold federal funding from states and districts with certain diversity programs in their public schools. The lawsuit was filed in federal court by the attorneys general in California, New York, Illinois, Minnesota and other Democratic-leaning states, who argue that the Trump administration's demand is illegal. The lawsuit centers on an April 3 memo the Trump administration sent to states, requiring them to certify that they do not use certain diversity, equity and inclusion programs that the administration has said are illegal. States that did not certify risked losing federal funding for low-income students. Rob Bonta, the California attorney general, said at a news conference on Friday that the Trump administration had distorted federal civil rights law to force states to abandon legal diversity programs. 'California hasn't and won't capitulate. Our sister states won't capitulate,' Mr. Bonta said, adding that the Trump administration's D.E.I. order was vague and impractical to enforce, and that D.E.I. programs are 'entirely legal' under civil rights law. The Trump administration did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Friday evening. The administration has argued that certain diversity programs in schools violate federal civil rights law, which prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color and national origin in programs that receive federal funding. It has based its argument on the Supreme Court's 2023 ruling ending the use of race in college admissions, arguing that the decision applies to the use of race in education more broadly. The administration has not offered a specific list of D.E.I. initiatives it deems illegal. But it has suggested that efforts to provide targeted academic support or counseling to specific groups of students amount to illegal segregation. And it has argued that lessons on concepts such as white privilege or structural racism, which posits that racism is embedded in social institutions, are discriminatory. The lawsuit came a day after the Trump administration was ordered to pause any enforcement of its April 3 memo, in separate federal lawsuits brought by teachers' unions and the N.A.A.C.P., among others. Mr. Bonta said that the lawsuit by the 19 states brought forward separate claims and represented the 'strong and unique interest' of states to ensure that billions of federal dollars appropriated by Congress reach students. 'We have different claims that we think are very strong claims,' he said. Loss of federal funding would be catastrophic for students, said Letitia James, the attorney general of New York, an adversary of President Trump who previously won a civil fraud case against him. She noted that school districts in Buffalo and Rochester rely on federal funds for nearly 20 percent of their revenue and said she was suing to 'uphold our nation's civil rights laws and protect our schools and the students who rely on them.'
New York Times
17-04-2025
- Politics
- New York Times
Trump Targets K-12
Harvard might be the most famous educational institution opposing President Trump's threats of funding cuts and a federal takeover, but it's not the only one. Another legal battle is brewing that affects a far different, and far larger, group of students. The Trump administration is threatening to withhold billions of federal dollars from public schools that serve low-income children, unless they sign documents attesting that they do not use 'illegal D.E.I. practices.' Those funds pay for, among other things, teachers' aides, counselors and free meals. The threats may not have much of an effect in Republican-led states, many of which already have anti-D.E.I. laws on the books. But many schools in Democratic-led states have programs and policies regarding race and gender that Trump considers illegal. Last week, the administration announced that it was moving to cancel federal funding to all schools in Maine because of its rules regarding transgender athletes. It has threatened to do the same in California because of the state's policies around parental notification and transgender students. Education officials in about a dozen states, mostly liberal, have refused to adopt Trump's directives. And advocacy groups like the A.C.L.U. and the N.A.A.C.P. have filed lawsuits challenging the threatened cuts. One of those is set to go before a federal judge in New Hampshire today. In today's newsletter, I'll explain why the president is taking on K-12 education, and how officials are responding. What Trump believes The Trump administration has set out its case in a series of executive orders and memos. It believes that when schools allow transgender students to play on the sports teams or use the bathrooms of their choice, they are violating the rights of girls under Title IX. And it believes that D.E.I. programs violate the Civil Rights Act, which prevents discrimination based on race, color or national origin. The administration has not offered a detailed definition of D.E.I. But it has argued that programs that separate students by race in order to provide targeted support are a form of illegal segregation. That could include mentoring programs intended to raise graduation rates for Black boys, or tutoring to increase Black and Hispanic students' enrollment in advanced courses. The Trump administration has also argued that teaching about concepts like white privilege is discriminatory toward white students. Those concepts, however, are central to ethnic studies courses, which are increasingly common in K-12 schools in liberal states. In some states, including California, agreeing to Trump's demands would put school districts in violation of state laws that lay out the curriculum and prescribe the ways schools must handle issues of race and gender. The local control paradox And here lies a major paradox: For decades, many liberals have argued that the federal government should play a bigger role in K-12 education. They have called for national curriculum standards and greater financial support. Conservatives, including Trump, have often said that the federal government should allow states to chart their own educational paths. Now, however, the American tradition of local control of schools is what allows liberal states and districts to push back against a more muscular federal approach. In the case that will be heard today in New Hampshire, the nation's largest teachers' union and the A.C.L.U. will argue that Trump's threat to withhold funding violates congressional regulations that prohibit the federal government from exercising control over local curriculum and instruction. The plaintiffs will also argue that the administration's ban on D.E.I. in education is unconstitutionally vague and presents a threat to students' and teachers' free speech rights. The government will respond that the 2023 ban on affirmative action in college admissions set a precedent for ending all school programs that favor one racial group over another, even in K-12 education. This dispute may ultimately reach the Supreme Court. Have questions about Trump's funding cuts? Ask us here. We will respond to some questions in an upcoming newsletter. For more: The I.R.S. is considering whether to revoke Harvard's tax-exempt status. Deportations Health U.S.-Iran Talks More on the Trump Administration More on Politics International Opinions The location data of three billion Facebook users provide an extraordinary view of human migration. Explore an interactive globe, which uses estimates from Meta. Universities must resist Trump's intimidation tactics just as Harvard did. No college should lose its First Amendment freedoms without a fight, the Editorial Board writes. Here are columns by Nicholas Kristof on Trump's autocratic style and Jamelle Bouie on the wrongly deported Maryland man. 2,143 species: For mushroom hunters, New York City is a land of abundance. Ask Well: If cancer runs in your family, there are steps you can take to lower your risk. Social Q's: 'How do I tell my old friend that his new partner is a dud?' Relic: Van Gogh painted his final work, 'Tree Roots,' in the French village of Auvers-sur-Oise. The roots still exist, igniting a fight over their preservation. Most clicked yesterday: Late night hosts joked about Harvard's Trump rejection letter. Trending online yesterday: Gayle King responded to critics who said she shouldn't go to space: 'Have you been?' she asked. Read more in Vulture. Lives Lived: Tim Mohr was an American who worked as a D.J. and freelance writer in Berlin in the 1990s. He used his experiences to produce sensitive English translations of up-and-coming German writers. He died at 55. N.B.A.: The Dallas Mavericks and Miami Heat kept their playoff hopes intact with wins in the NBA Play-In Tournament. Read takeaways. College football: The former Tennessee quarterback Nico Iamaleava is expected to transfer to U.C.L.A. after a contract dispute. Softball: Kim Ng, a former M.L.B. executive, will serve as commissioner of the upstart Athletes Unlimited Softball League, which opens its regular season in June. Thousands of visitors set out for Antarctica each year from Ushuaia, a port city in Argentina that proudly calls itself the 'end of the world.' The explosion of tourism has brought prosperity to Ushuaia's 83,000 residents but has also taxed its resources and raised the cost of living. The remoteness of the city makes the strain worse. Read more about Ushuaia here. More on culture Cover scalloped potatoes with a creamy sauce, then broil in the oven. Watch a new Agatha Christie adaptation. Visit London on the cheap. Stop killing your houseplants. Here is today's Spelling Bee. Yesterday's pangram was elegantly. And here are today's Mini Crossword, Wordle, Connections, Sports Connections and Strands. Thanks for spending part of your morning with The Times. See you tomorrow. Sign up here to get this newsletter in your inbox. Reach our team at themorning@
New York Times
17-04-2025
- Politics
- New York Times
A Legal Battle Over Trump's Threats to Public School Funding Has Begun
The Trump administration is facing lawsuits and growing pushback over its demand that all 50 states end the use of what it says are illegal diversity programs in public schools or risk losing federal funding for low-income students. About a dozen mostly Democratic-leaning states including California, New York and Michigan, have refused to sign on to the administration's directive. The nation's two largest teachers' unions, along with the N.A.A.C.P., are challenging the demand in federal court. Arguments in one of those cases will be heard in New Hampshire on Thursday, escalating an increasingly tense standoff over the federal government's role in local education. The Trump administration is relying on a novel interpretation of civil rights law, arguing that the Supreme Court's decision in 2023 overturning affirmative action in college admissions also applies to K-12 public schools. Federal officials say the ruling 'sets forth a framework' for the use of race in education generally. And they say it requires banning curriculum and programs that are targeted toward specific racial groups, or that center on concepts such as structural racism, the idea that racial discrimination is pervasive in the economy, law and other institutions. But that interpretation of federal law is contested by many education officials and legal scholars. 'The Trump administration is trying to use a relatively narrow decision and turn it into a broad holding that brings about whatever it wishes,' said Justin Driver, a professor at Yale Law School and an expert on the Constitution and education. Now, several court cases are teed up to determine if Washington can withhold billions of federal dollars for schools to educate low-income students, a program known as Title I. Many of the nation's poorest school districts rely heavily on the funds, but even affluent districts receive some Title I money if they serve low-income students. The pressure on K-12 public education has intensified as Mr. Trump has made clear that he intends to follow through on his threats. Last week, the administration moved to withhold federal education aid and school-meal funding from the entire state of Maine, in response to its policies on transgender athletes. It has threatened to do the same to California, because of its policies around parental notification for transgender students. In Democratic-leaning states that oppose the move, state officials have argued they are already in compliance with federal civil rights laws. Michael F. Rice, the superintendent of public education in Michigan, said that elite college admissions was 'by definition zero sum. If you get in, I have a lesser chance of getting in.' By contrast, he said, many D.E.I. initiatives in Michigan are 'positive sum.' By expanding literature to include diverse viewpoints or creating new pipelines for teachers that also diversify the work force, he said, 'you have not disadvantaged anyone.' Chris Reykdal, the superintendent in Washington State, vowed to go to court if needed to defend state and local control over education. In a letter responding to the Trump administration, he wrote that diversity, equity and inclusion were 'core values' in Washington State's education system and that 'we will not suppress or cede that to the federal government.' 'I'm not hiding this in order to keep federal money,' he said in an interview. 'I'm saying, it's what makes us successful and we should all celebrate and be more vocal.' Hot-button issues around race and gender are core to this dispute, but the legal challenges may be decided on more routine procedural questions. The New Hampshire case, brought by the National Education Association and the American Civil Liberties Union, argues that the Trump administration is violating congressional regulations that say federal agencies cannot dictate matters of local curriculum or instruction. 'This case is really about some fundamental failures of process at the Department of Education,' said Sarah Hinger, a lawyer with the A.C.L.U. A similar challenge, brought by the American Federation of Teachers and other groups, is pending in Maryland. The Trump administration is expected to appeal any ruling against it, and these questions could eventually reach the Supreme Court. The administration has argued that diversity programs violate federal civil rights law, which prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color and national origin. It has not offered a detailed definition of D.E.I., but has given hints of some programs that it might prohibit. For example, the administration has said programs that separate students by race, in order to provide targeted academic or social support, are a form of illegal segregation. It has also argued that lessons on concepts like white privilege are discriminatory toward white students, and that efforts to recruit more nonwhite teachers constitute illegal affirmative action. In a statement, Madi Biedermann, a spokeswoman for the Education Department, said, 'The Trump administration will no longer allow taxpayer dollars to sponsor discrimination against students.' Title I dollars were withheld at least once before, in the 1960s, as a tool to compel school districts to desegregate. At that time, legal experts say, the federal government was enforcing the Supreme Court's landmark decision in Brown v. Board of Education from a decade earlier. In 1966, shortly after Title I dollars were first allocated and when enforcement of the policy was at its most vigorous, researchers estimate that about 20 percent of districts in formerly Confederate states had their Title I dollars withheld or deferred. 'There is no question they can impose fiscal penalties on state and local governments that violate the law,' said David A. Super, a professor at Georgetown Law who has studied administrative law and the federal budget. But the government must cite a clear violation of existing law, something he says the Trump administration has not yet done. The administration may also face another legal hurdle, because federal dollars for K-12 schools are allotted by Congress. The Impoundment Control Act of 1974 limits the president's authority to freeze funds appropriated by Congress. Mr. Trump has said that he wants the Supreme Court to strike down that law, giving him greater power over federal spending in a variety of arenas. Many Republican-led states already have laws banning or limiting D.E.I. in schools, and some officials in those states have agreed to the Trump administration's demands as a matter of course. Texas, for example, is asking districts to sign onto the federal government's new diversity directives by the April 23 deadline, noting that it 'reinforces' existing policies in the state. In Florida, where Gov. Ron DeSantis set an early model for Mr. Trump's education policies, school districts said they expected few changes. 'Here in Florida, there's no anticipated impact,' said Keyla Concepción, a spokeswoman for Broward County Public Schools. Nationwide, public schools receive only about 10 percent of their funding from the federal government — much less than many colleges, which rely on federal research grants and tuition aid. But for many districts, like Los Angeles, the loss of those funds would still be a significant blow. Alberto Carvalho, the superintendent of Los Angeles's public schools, said his district received more than $1 billion in federal funds annually, which support teachers' aides, free meals and mental health counselors. He noted that his district was not opposed to making changes in response to federal scrutiny. But in this case, he said, Mr. Trump's directives contradict California state regulations on how schools should handle race and gender issues. Mr. Carvalho added that he had not been surprised to see K-12 leaders across the country rise up to resist the president, given the vulnerability of many of the children enrolled in public education. 'We are morally compelled and legally required,' he said, 'to protect their rights.'
New York Times
20-02-2025
- General
- New York Times
Why Did It Take a Fire for the World to Learn of Altadena's Black Arts Legacy?
Before the Eaton fire raced across Altadena, destroying more than 9,000 of its buildings, many, even in nearby Los Angeles, barely knew of the place's existence. This sleepy 42,000-person hamlet hugging the glowing foothills of the San Gabriel Mountains is not part of that city but an unincorporated community of Los Angeles County, and just far enough off the beaten track to blissfully avoid notice. Once typified by its bucolic quirkiness, tight-knit neighborhoods and generations-old churches and businesses, Altadena now consists of row after row of twisted, charred building remains, scorched car chassis, blinking or broken stoplights and the occasional khaki National Guard Humvee. The future, for now, is filled with toxic cleanup, insurance adjustments and conflicting visions for rebuilding. Yet the past has gained newfound prominence. With so much gone, Altadena's histories are being unearthed, by residents, scholars and preservationists who say they may hold a key to making this a special place once again, and provide anchors for those weighing whether to stay. One of the most profound of Altadena's legacies — its spectacular story of Black creative culture — had been buried not only under its seclusion, but also under layers of racial and institutional apathy, the loose accounting of informal memory, and the absence of formal plaques and other preservation markers. The fire has spurred calls for a more rigorous approach to remembrance. 'Sometimes it takes a tragedy for people to mark history,' said Brandon Lamar, president of the N.A.A.C.P.'s Pasadena branch, whose own home was destroyed, as was his school, his grandparents' home and their church. But that destruction, he noted, 'does not mean that we can't create public memories in spaces now, so that people can remember this information for generations to come.' Starting in the 1950s and '60s, the west side of Altadena (and parts of neighboring northwest Pasadena not bulldozed for the 210 and 134 Freeways) drew middle-class Black families eager to buy homes. Many came because the redlining — discriminatory lending by banks — was less severe here, and some of the schools had been integrated comparatively early. The area became a magnet not just for Black teachers and social workers but also for Black artists from around the country, drawn to its affordability, inventive vibe, gorgeous mountain backdrop and general spirit of permissiveness. 'It had this energy of bohemian California,' said Solomon Salim Moore, assistant curator of collections at the Benton Museum of Art at Pomona College. 'You could have a little less scrutiny and a little more room to do your projects.' On Feb. 22, as part the Frieze Los Angeles art fair, a discussion called 'Land Memories' will feature artists' recollections of this unique legacy. The talk will be co-hosted by the Black Trustee Alliance for Art Museums, which will also share oral histories recorded from Altadena artists and residents, and collect new histories. Moore, who is also an artist, grew up in Altadena and said that its nonconformist spirit has endured to the present, even as prices have climbed and the Black population has fallen, according to the U.C.L.A. Bunche Center for African American Studies, to about 18 percent from 43 percent in 1980. Artists here, he said, loved that they could set up informal studios or even family compounds, or that they could enjoy little freedoms like hosting parties without friends worrying about permit parking. 'Sometimes creative people need to step away because you need to get out of the light to see,' said Ian White, an artist, teacher and the son of Charles White, the renowned painter and printmaker whose haunting depictions of African Americans, their struggles and dignity, inspired generations of artists. He spent the last 20 years of his life in Altadena and is buried at the community's Mountain View Cemetery. Ian lives in a house next to his father's modest home (which he also owns) in the Meadows, a district along Altadena's west edge that in the 1950s and '60s became one of the first here to integrate. Virtually all of the Meadows survived the fire. Also living west of Lake Avenue (then the unofficial dividing line between white Altadena and Black Altadena) was John Outterbridge, the noted assemblage artist and longtime director of the Watts Towers Arts Center. His home on Fair Oaks Avenue was destroyed, along with much of his archive and family memorabilia, according to his daughter, Tami. The famed enamel artist Curtis Tann lived within walking distance, while the prolific sculptor Nathaniel Bustion, known as Sonny, lived near White in the Meadows. Betye Saar, 98, known for repurposing everyday objects into mystical collages, grew up in a home on northwest Pasadena's Pepper Street, just blocks from Altadena's west side. Sidney Poitier, a good friend of White's from New York (White designed the poster art for Poitier's film 'The Defiant Ones') and the first Black actor to win an Academy Award, rented a home in west Altadena before moving to Beverly Hills. Ivan Dixon, the actor and trailblazing director (White once played his stunt double), lived on Marengo Avenue, and the science fiction writer Octavia Butler on Morada Place. Later generations of Black artists continued to thrive here, including Mark Steven Greenfield, Yvonne Cole Meo, Senga Nengudi and Michael Chukes, and dozens of others holding down day jobs and creating whenever they could in this secret Eden. Charles White, already an established figure when he moved from New York in 1959 for health reasons — he had respiratory problems and was advised to live in a milder climate — would become the glue holding this arts community together. His home and studio, still standing, was a gathering place, with many artists competing for the honor of driving White to or from one place or another. (He didn't drive.) Ian still refers to Saar, Outterbridge, Dixon, Poitier and Charles's good friend Harry Belafonte as his 'fictive aunts and uncles.' He recalled how his father set up the sculptor Richmond Barthé, a cornerstone of the Harlem Renaissance, with an apartment, and how his mother, a social worker named Frances Barrett, was his caregiver until the end (she was white and their marriage was further evidence of west Altadena's status as a relative racial haven). 'For White, it was about creating community and connections,' said Lauren Cross, the associate curator of American decorative arts at the Huntington art museum in Pasadena, where the exhibition 'Betye Saar: Drifting Toward Twilight' is on view through most of 2027. 'He operated on a paradigm that 'I've been given this opportunity, so I'm going to plug in artists I know who need it.'' White's circle worked as a kind of family, lifting its members up. And White nurtured an equally significant cohort while teaching at Otis College of Art, helping spawn some of the art world's greatest young talents, like Kerry James Marshall, David Hammons and Judithe Hernández. Many applied to Otis just to work with 'Charlie,' as he was affectionately known. Saar, whom White would eventually recruit to teach at Otis, grew up in Altadena in the 1930s and '40s. Her neighborhood's paperboy, she told me, was Jackie Robinson, who lived down the street. Her local landmarks included the five-and-dime store, where she bought trinkets and art supplies. Though she would eventually settle in Laurel Canyon after studying art at Pasadena Junior College and she has maintained tight family and professional relationships to both Altadena and northwest Pasadena throughout her life. In the 1950s Saar (whose maiden name was Brown) started a jewelry business, cleverly named Brown and Tann, with Curtis Tann. Saar's sister, the teacher and civic leader Jeffalyn Johnson, settled in a home on Lincoln Avenue, where she and her husband, Alvin, hosted art shows in their backyard. Visitors would dress in their Sunday best. Other venues for art display, Saar said, were churches, afternoon tea parties and artist-run studios. Often there would be musical performances or book readings. 'It was very Altadena — laid-back, informal and filled with makers supporting each other,' said Moore, adding that artists here often stayed under the radar, without recognition by distant galleries, museums and critics. When Saar and others broke through , they were often identified as part of the larger Los Angeles scene. And then came the fires. Hundreds of artists have lost their homes and studios, and it's unclear how many will be able, or willing, to return. 'I just don't want to go through this again,' said La Monte Westmoreland, 83, a longtime Altadena collage artist who lost one home in the 1993 Kinneloa fire. He rebuilt, only to lose his patio, koi pond and metal and ceramic sculptures in this one. 'I don't want to think about the next fire.' The artist Kenturah Davis lost her home on Wistaria Place, as did her parents, both artists, less than a mile away. Davis worries about those without the means, or time, to rebuild, or the pressure to sell, from predatory forces already circling. But she is resolute. 'I am going to build,' she said. 'My parents feel the same way. It's just a matter of how.' A substantial Black arts legacy has been badly damaged by the fires. The residences of many important artists have been lost, including those of the jazz saxophonist Benny Maupin, 84, and the jazz trumpeter Bobby Bradford, 90, whose collections of musical instruments were also destroyed. Critical public places where many of the city's artists gathered, like the Altadena Baptist Church, the Little Red Hen — a Black-owned restaurant since 1972 — and Altadena Hardware, are gone. Ian White also pointed out that hundreds of Black artworks that used to grace the walls of lost houses were destroyed, too. 'You walked into homes and they were cultural identifiers that spoke,' he said. Kellie Jones, a professor at Columbia University and the author of 'South of Pico: African American Artists in Los Angeles in the 1960s and 1970s,' said that art was often a kind of currency in the close community. 'People would trade their art for a trip to the doctor's office,' she said. Then there were the everyday works of creativity lost: mosaic steps, artworks hanging from trees, colorful gardens — 'all these quirky things happening,' White said. This staggering loss of heritage has served as a grim reminder to the community to protect and cherish what's left. 'We're grappling with what this place has been, what it is now, and what it wants to be,' Kenturah Davis said. Few of Altadena's surviving Black heritage sites have been recognized officially, though that may change. Some people are lobbying to formally mark them in the public's mind to protect them from future development. Charles White Park, a grassy expanse at Lincoln and Fair Oaks, is the rare public park in the United States named for a Black artist. The park survived, but it's now surrounded by a sea of ruined houses. Ian White has been commissioned by the county to create new art pieces for the park, with details still being finalized, he said. Other local landmarks include Barthé Drive, a tiny street in northwest Pasadena that memorializes Richmond Barthé; and the gravesite of the abolitionist Owen Brown, son of John Brown, which Ian White rediscovered in 2012 up a winding trail in the Angeles National Forest, not far from his own house. In 2020 Los Angeles County conducted the Altadena African American Historic Resources Survey, which suggested that a handful of Black sites be designated as county landmarks. But none of the surviving sites — not the Meadows or a Black section of southwest Altadena that practiced self-policing in the 1970s to minimize local crime and abuse from local law enforcement — have been designated. 'It's literally because of resource constraints,' said Amy Bodek, director of Los Angeles County Planning. 'We have been trying to landmark as many things as we can. But we have a very small preservation staff.' Bodek said she hopes the county will move to designate these areas, and revisit the survey to find more landmarks, which could include artists' homes or informal markers like Victor Ving and Lisa Beggs's 2022 'Welcome to Altadena' mural, which contains images of Charles White and Octavia Butler, and survived the fire. Steven Lewis is one of the leaders of the Altadena Rebuild Coalition, part of a group discussing rebuilding. 'If these places weren't iconic,' he noted, 'they can be now, as places where people gather. To remember with each other everything that used to be around them.' The coalition is collecting oral histories from Altadenans. Some artists are finding creative release in commemorating the tragedy. Davis's father, a painter known as Keni Arts, has created 'Beauty From Ashes,' a series of plein-air watercolors documenting the ruins of neighborhood mainstays like Rhythms of the Village gift shop and Jim's Burgers. He hopes they'll be displayed at a local site, to recapture historical memory. The architect Matthew Milton lost his home and his parents' home. They were examples of Jane's Cottages, among a few hundred storybook residences with swooping rooflines and concave ceilings created by the builder Elisha P. Jane in the early 20th century. They became popular with the Black community; a party to celebrate the homes' 100th birthday was set for Jan. 8, the day the Eaton fire did most of its damage. Milton is already drafting plans for a new compound that he said will draw on local history and create something modern and durable. Saar moved away from Altadena and eventually ended up in Laurel Canyon, after a devastating 1959 fire that destroyed much of the block where she chose to live. She takes a long view, remembering exploring the foundations of burned houses, finding bottles, pieces of metal and other elements for her art. 'That's how history is made,' she said. 'Something destroys something the way it is, and a new thing is built up.' ,
New York Times
13-02-2025
- New York Times
Police Officer Is Guilty of Manslaughter in Shooting of Man Holding Taser
A white police officer in Las Cruces, N.M., was convicted on Wednesday of manslaughter in the fatal shooting of a Black man at point-blank range during a scuffle at a gas station in 2022, prosecutors said. The officer, Brad Lunsford, shot Presley Eze, 36, in the head on Aug. 2, 2022, after Mr. Eze grabbed another officer's Taser during the struggle. The shooting drew the attention of the N.A.A.C.P., which said it had pushed investigators to bring charges. Jose Coronado, Mr. Lunsford's lawyer, said he had argued during an eight-day jury trial that the shooting was justified because Mr. Eze was holding the Taser about 12 inches from the other officer's face and had his finger on the trigger. Experts hired by the defense concluded that, under those circumstances, Mr. Lunsford's 'use of force was necessary to stop the threat,' Mr. Coronado said in an interview on Thursday, adding: 'You can't react. You have to act.' The New Mexico Attorney's General Office, which prosecuted Mr. Lunsford, said in a statement that the Taser was never activated or deployed and that experts it had hired concluded that the use of deadly force was 'not reasonable under the circumstances and that other, less lethal options could have been used to subdue Eze.' The jury deliberated for about two and a half hours before finding Mr. Lunsford guilty. He was taken into custody immediately after the verdict and faces up to nine years in prison, the attorney general's office said. A sentencing date has not been set. 'Officer Lunsford's actions were not just a tragic lapse in judgment; they were an egregious abuse of power that cost Presley Eze his life,' New Mexico's attorney general, Raúl Torrez, said in a statement. 'The jury's swift decision underscores the gravity of this case and sends a clear message that excessive force will not be tolerated in New Mexico.' Mr. Coronado said he planned to file a motion to have the jury's verdict overturned. He said that Mr. Lunsford, 39, was an Army veteran who completed two tours in Iraq and had been a member of the Las Cruces Police Department for about 10 years. 'I'm really disappointed because I don't think the state put on a strong case,' he said. Shannon Kennedy, a lawyer for Mr. Eze's family, said that Mr. Eze's father and brother were in the courtroom when the jury returned the verdict and that his mother, wife and 4-year-old son were in a side room, watching the proceedings on a television. After the verdict, the family wept and Mr. Eze's father said that his son had 'not died in vain,' Ms. Kennedy said in an interview. She said she was grateful to the prosecution, to the jurors and to a clerk at the gas station who had recorded cellphone video of the shooting. Mr. Eze was part of a Nigerian-American family from Connecticut, Ms. Kennedy said. He had worked as a nurse and for a solar panel company, she said. Mr. Lunsford's conviction, Ms. Kennedy said, showed 'you can't execute an American for stealing a beer.' The deadly encounter began when an employee at a Chevron gas station reported that a man had tried to buy cigarettes without identification and then walked out with a beer he had not paid for, prosecutors said. Mr. Lunsford responded, and found Mr. Eze in the front-passenger seat of a car. Mr. Eze told the officer that he had gone into the gas station with the beer and did not have any identification on him, but he gave the officer his name and date of birth. When a second officer arrived, Mr. Lunsford told Mr. Eze that he was going to detain him because he had searched a computer system for his name and birth date and could not find any matches, prosecutors said. The officers opened the car door to remove Mr. Eze, who told them he did not want to get out, prosecutors said. Mr. Lunsford told Mr. Eze that he did not have a choice and the officers grabbed him. He began to struggle with them. The second officer pushed Mr. Eze to the ground and Mr. Eze ended up on top of the officer, with Mr. Lunsford on top of Mr. Eze, prosecutors said. As the men fought, Mr. Eze managed to grab the second officer's Taser. In response, Mr. Lunsford immediately drew his gun and shot Mr. Eze in the back-left side of his head, at point-blank range, the attorney general's office said. He died at the scene. The Las Cruces Police Department did not immediately respond to messages seeking comment on Thursday, and it was not immediately clear if Mr. Lunsford was still on the force. Mr. Coronado said that Mr. Lunsford had been a paid officer throughout the trial, although he had been placed on desk duty. Bobbie Green, the president of the N.A.A.C.P. chapter in Doña Ana County, which includes Las Cruces, said that the shooting was part of a pattern of police officers using unjustified deadly force against Black men. She said that the N.A.A.C.P. had urged investigators to examine the case closely and to bring charges. 'It is very unfortunate but it's not unusual,' she said of the shooting, adding, 'I'm hoping this will be a catalyst for change.'
