Latest news with #NAMI
Yahoo
a day ago
- Health
- Yahoo
NAMI Erie rocks the bayfront at new fundraiser event
A local non-profit kicked off a brand new event Wednesday night, taking mental health awareness to Erie's bayfront. The National Alliance on Mental Illness hosted its very first NAMI Rocks event Wednesday night at Oliver's Beer Garden. Erie Insurance awards $900,000 in grants to education nonprofits across NWPA The event started after a NAMI board member's band was performing at the venue, and decided to bring some awareness for NAMI during his show. The nonprofit raised money through raffles and 50-50 tickets, all of which will benefit their Guns and Hoses event in August. City council has debate before approving spending on Miller Brothers building roof 'Even though it's summer and we're feeling better, for some, it actually makes it worse. So, it doesn't mean that we have to not continue to raise awareness for mental health awareness, reduced stigma, so that folks will continue to seek help when they need it,' said Wendy Jacobs, executive director of NAMI Erie County. Nami's Guns and Hoses event will take place on August 3, featuring a softball game between local police officers and firefighters. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Business Wire
4 days ago
- Business
- Business Wire
Medica Launches in St. Louis, Bringing First Nonprofit Health Coverage and Local Partnerships to the Region
ST. LOUIS--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Medica, a nonprofit health insurance plan with a strong track record across the Midwest, is officially launching in the St. Louis region. As the only nonprofit health insurer in the market, Medica offers a new kind of health coverage—one that prioritizes affordability, trusted local care, and personalized service for businesses of all sizes. 'We're here in St. Louis to make health insurance feel different, more personal and more affordable,' said Brian Kuchnicki, Medica's St. Louis market President. Through partnerships with respected, high-quality healthcare systems like SSM Health and Mercy, Medica will deliver coordinated care that helps members stay healthy, supported, and connected to providers they already know and trust. 'We're here in St. Louis to make health insurance feel different, more personal and more affordable,' said Brian Kuchnicki, Medica's St. Louis market President. 'As a nonprofit, our focus isn't on shareholders—it's on people and the communities we serve. That means offering health plans that are affordable, accessible, and built around the needs of local employers and their employees.' The launch marks a major milestone in Medica's growth strategy, building on successful partnerships in nearby states like Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Nebraska. In those markets, Medica has earned a reputation for responsive service, community investment, and purpose-built health plans. 'We're proud to bring our mission—to better your life with care in the moments that matter—to the St. Louis community,' said Lisa Erickson, CEO and President of Medica. 'We'll do this by building strong relationships with local providers and offering health plans that help employers keep their teams healthy, productive, and supported.' With commercial plans that span ACA-funded small group, level-funded, fully insured and self-insured large group options, Medica offers the flexibility today's employers need—especially in price-sensitive industries like education, health care, retail, construction, and technology. In addition to expanding access to care, Medica remains committed to reinvesting in local communities. In 2024 alone, the organization invested $6.8 million into initiatives supporting mental health, food security, and healthy families. Our employees logged over 9,000 volunteer hours across the Midwest—participating in events like this March of Dimes and NAMI walks. 'Medica is celebrating 50 years of nonprofit service, and we are bringing that long-term commitment to the St. Louis region. Our commitment is prioritizing patient care and community health while ensuring that decisions are made with the best interests of members in mind,' adds Kuchnicki. For more about Medica's plans in St. Louis, visit About Medica Medica ( is a mission-driven, member-focused non-profit health plan headquartered in Minnesota. The company serves communities in the heart of America by providing health care coverage and related services in the employer, individual, Medicaid and Medicare markets. It operates in Minnesota, Iowa, Kansas, Missouri, Nebraska, North Dakota, Oklahoma, South Dakota, and Wisconsin. Medica's mission to better your life with care in the moments that matter is a testament to member-focused commitment to high quality, affordable health care.
Yahoo
6 days ago
- General
- Yahoo
Serving the Ozarks: NAMI of Southwest Missouri
SPRINGFIELD, Mo. – The NAMI Hope Center in downtown Springfield is providing a vital network of support for individuals seeking a safe and welcoming environment to address mental health challenges. The center offers free daily group therapy and serves as a community safe haven for anyone in need. This week, as part of our 'Serving the Ozarks' series, we highlight the impactful work of the local NAMI chapter and the story of one man who rebuilt his life with their help. 'We are about everybody just knowing that we're all in this together,' said Jess Pratt, Director of the NAMI Hope Center. The NAMI Hope Center is a crucial resource, particularly for the one in five adults who experience a mental health condition. Serving the Ozarks: On Angels' Wings 'People can drop in and receive services. Everything that we have here is free,' Pratt explained. 'We have our daily support groups, and each support group is led by someone that lives with that mental health condition.' The center operates with the help of dedicated volunteers who create a supportive foundation, enabling individuals to take steps toward stability in their lives. Pratt emphasized the importance of peer support, stating, 'Just knowing that you have people that get it and have been through the struggle, and they just know that they can come here and be free and be at peace. And this is their safe haven.' Randy Wayne Rossell first learned about NAMI while he was unsheltered. 'We ended up getting off the street and into our own place,' Rossell said. 'And so every now and then, we come up here, do a little volunteering, come to classes.' NAMI's free services were instrumental in helping Rossell and his girlfriend rebuild their lives. 'They've done everything from helping us filling out paperwork to helping us with argument stuff,' Rossell said. 'They'll help you with anything to help you charge your stuff, help you get bus passes to get to jobs. I mean, they're a godsend.' Serving the Ozarks: Dogwood Ranch This non-profit organization is serving the Ozarks by offering peer support and tackling various issues without the burden of stigma. 'The trials, the trauma, but yet still the happy side of it too,' Pratt reflected. 'I've seen families reunited that haven't been able to talk to each other in a very long time. We've been able to make that happen. I've seen so much, and it's just so amazing and so powerful.' Rossell added, 'It's amazing what they can do for people if you just let them.' You do not need a diagnosed mental health condition to access NAMI's services, and relatives and caregivers are also welcome to receive free support. For more information on how to get involved or access services, visit Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
Asia Times
28-05-2025
- Business
- Asia Times
Russia sanctions probably backfired, as in apartheid South Africa
Even as the war in Ukraine grinds on, some multinational companies are quietly positioning themselves for a thaw in relations with Russia. Many of those who rushed to divest from the country, selling off assets after the full-scale invasion in 2022, may now be reassessing their options. It's also becoming clear that some of these companies never completely left to begin with. What is apparent is that divestment was, in many cases, provisional rather than permanent – with firms embedding 'buy-back' clauses in their sales contracts, or structuring their exits in ways that would make future re-entry simple. This should not come as a surprise. Our research into foreign divestment from apartheid-era South Africa shows this is a well-trodden business path. In South Africa, sanctions inadvertently strengthened local white business elites aligned with the ruling regime. Multinationals sold their assets under pressure – often at discounts, often to the local companies of politically connected elites – and later bought them back at a premium. Today, the same dynamic could be playing out in Russia. When Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, more than 1,600 multinational enterprises announced they were pulling out of the country. However, reports last year suggested that 2,175 foreign companies, including some who had announced they were pulling out, remained in Russia – and were becoming increasingly open about their operations. One CEO stated that investors did not 'morally care' about doing business in Russia, and that if they pulled out, rivals would simply take their place. Even for those companies that did leave, many of these exits were more symbolic than substantial. Research has shown that even companies that claimed to have fully divested left behind options to return. Carmaker Nissan, for example, appears to have sold its Russian subsidiary to state-owned NAMI in 2022 with a six-year buy-back clause. In a statement at the time, the company said the terms allowed it 'the option to buy back the entity and its operations within the next six years'. And fast-food giant McDonald's reportedly can reacquire its Russian business within 15 years. A statement from McDonald's in 2022 said that, for the first time in its history, it was 'de-Arching' a major market – but suggested it hoped to return eventually. Such arrangements, often quietly written into exit contracts, allow multinationals to comply with sanctions in the short term – while keeping the door open for a future comeback. In many cases, the operations have continued seamlessly under new ownership. While the brand names may have changed in Russia, the staff and product designs remain almost identical. And sometimes, the foreign supply chains and intellectual property are still in play too. The South African precedent is instructive. During the 1980s, foreign companies divested under pressure from shareholders, activists and governments over apartheid. But very few truly left. Most sold their operations to local elites – powerful business groups aligned with the ruling regime. They then continued to supply products, license trademarks and support operations through quiet back channels. The intention of sanctions is to weaken the sanctioned state. However, our study shows that the economic value created by foreign multinationals in South Africa did not disappear. In Russia, foreign companies have sold assets at big discounts to Russian oligarchs and state-linked entities since 2022. In some cases, the buyers were longstanding local partners or franchisees. In others, they were entities unknown to consumers but which were thought to have close ties to the Kremlin. The consequences are predictable. Rather than weakening the regime's economic base, sanctions may have consolidated it. As in South Africa, the departure of foreign firms appears to have strengthened domestic elites and allowed them to accumulate new assets and market power. Some companies that left Russia are reported to be reconsidering their decisions. Negotiations are taking place behind the scenes about how to ree-stablish operations should conditions shift. Their re-entry may be smoothed by structures – buy-back clauses, licensing deals or local partnerships – that firms put in place on their way out. This strategy mirrors what we found in South Africa. In the 1990s, once apartheid ended, foreign multinationals returned in large numbers. But they didn't start from scratch. They repurchased their former assets, often at a much higher price, from the local elites. In short, in the case of South Africa at least, the period of supposed withdrawal was often one of careful preparation for re-entry. Meanwhile, our study also found that South African conglomerates used their windfalls to fund international expansion and entrench their power in the new economy. Sanctions remain a key tool of international diplomacy. But our research shows their effectiveness depends heavily on how firms implement them – and who ends up with the assets that are divested. If those assets are consistently transferred to politically connected insiders, the long-term outcome may be to reinforce the very regimes the sanctions were intended to pressure. Sanctions policy should not just consider whether firms have divested, but how and to whom. Without that, even the most well-intentioned measures may end up producing unintended results. This means that governments should go beyond imposing sanctions and develop mechanisms to ensure transparency, monitoring and accountability in how corporate exits are structured. South African sanctions are generally seen as having played a useful role in ending apartheid. But as unemployment and inequality continue to plague the country along old institutional lines, the South African experience offers a clear historical warning. If sanctions are meant to promote accountability and change, it's vital to pay close attention to what happens after the headlines fade. John Luiz is a professor of International Management and Strategy, University of Sussex, and Helena Barnard is director of the doctoral program of Gordon Institute of Business Science, University of Pretoria. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Yahoo
28-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Have sanctions against Russia backfired? What apartheid-era South Africa tells us about who may be profiting
Even as the war in Ukraine grinds on, some multinational companies are quietly positioning themselves for a thaw in relations with Russia. Many of those who rushed to divest from the country, selling off assets after the full-scale invasion in 2022, may now be reassessing their options. It's also becoming clear that some of these companies never completely left to begin with. What is apparent is that divestment was, in many cases, provisional rather than permanent – with firms embedding 'buy-back' clauses in their sales contracts, or structuring their exits in ways that would make future re-entry simple. This should not come as a surprise. Our research into foreign divestment from apartheid-era South Africa shows this is a well-trodden business path. In South Africa, sanctions inadvertently strengthened local white business elites aligned with the ruling regime. Multinationals sold their assets under pressure – often at discounts, often to the local companies of politically connected elites – and later bought them back at a premium. Today, the same dynamic could be playing out in Russia. When Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, more than 1,600 multinational enterprises announced they were pulling out of the country. However, reports last year suggested that 2,175 foreign companies, including some who had announced they were pulling out, remained in Russia – and were becoming increasingly open about their operations. One CEO stated that investors did not 'morally care' about doing business in Russia, and that if they pulled out, rivals would simply take their place. Even for those companies that did leave, many of these exits were more symbolic than substantial. Research has shown that even companies that claimed to have fully divested left behind options to return. Carmaker Nissan, for example, appears to have sold its Russian subsidiary to state-owned NAMI in 2022 with a six-year buy-back clause. In a statement at the time, the company said the terms allowed it 'the option to buy back the entity and its operations within the next six years'. And fast-food giant McDonald's can reportedly reacquire its Russian business within 15 years. A statement from McDonald's in 2022 said that, for the first time in its history, it was 'de-Arching' a major market – but suggested it hoped to return eventually. Such arrangements, often quietly written into exit contracts, allow multinationals to comply with sanctions in the short term – while keeping the door open for a future comeback. In many cases, the operations have continued seamlessly under new ownership. While the brand names may have changed in Russia, the staff and product designs remain almost identical. And sometimes, the foreign supply chains and intellectual property are still in play too. The South African precedent is instructive. During the 1980s, foreign companies divested under pressure from shareholders, activists and governments over apartheid. But very few truly left. Most sold their operations to local elites – powerful business groups aligned with the ruling regime. They then continued to supply products, license trademarks and support operations through quiet back channels. The intention of sanctions is to weaken the sanctioned state. However, our study shows that the economic value created by foreign multinationals in South Africa did not disappear. In Russia, foreign companies have sold assets at big discounts to Russian oligarchs and state-linked entities since 2022. In some cases, the buyers were longstanding local partners or franchisees. In others, they were entities unknown to consumers but which were thought to have close ties to the Kremlin. The consequences are predictable. Rather than weakening the regime's economic base, sanctions may have consolidated it. As in South Africa, the departure of foreign firms appears to have strengthened domestic elites and allowed them to accumulate new assets and market power. Some companies that left Russia are reported to be reconsidering their decisions. Negotiations are taking place behind the scenes about how to ree-stablish operations should conditions shift. Their re-entry may be smoothed by structures – buy-back clauses, licensing deals or local partnerships – that firms put in place on their way out. This strategy mirrors what we found in South Africa. In the 1990s, once apartheid ended, foreign multinationals returned in large numbers. But they didn't start from scratch. They repurchased their former assets, often at a much higher price, from the local elites. In short, in the case of South Africa at least, the period of supposed withdrawal was often one of careful preparation for re-entry. Meanwhile, our study also found that South African conglomerates used their windfalls to fund international expansion and entrench their power in the new economy. Sanctions remain a key tool of international diplomacy. But our research shows their effectiveness depends heavily on how firms implement them – and who ends up with the assets that are divested. If those assets are consistently transferred to politically connected insiders, the long-term outcome may be to reinforce the very regimes the sanctions were intended to pressure. Sanctions policy should not just consider whether firms have divested, but how and to whom. Without that, even the most well-intentioned measures may end up producing unintended results. This means that governments should go beyond imposing sanctions and develop mechanisms to ensure transparency, monitoring and accountability in how corporate exits are structured. South African sanctions are generally seen as having played a useful role in ending apartheid. But as unemployment and inequality continue to plague the country along old institutional lines, the South African experience offers a clear historical warning. If sanctions are meant to promote accountability and change, it's vital to pay close attention to what happens after the headlines fade. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article. The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment. Sign in to access your portfolio
