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Ukraine war latest: Zelensky sends delegation to Turkey, as peace talks with Russia are expected on May 16
Ukraine war latest: Zelensky sends delegation to Turkey, as peace talks with Russia are expected on May 16

Yahoo

time15-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Ukraine war latest: Zelensky sends delegation to Turkey, as peace talks with Russia are expected on May 16

Key developments on May 15: Zelensky sends Ukrainian delegation to Istanbul, as peace talks with Russia are expected on May 16 Trump expects no progress in Russia-Ukraine peace talks until he meets Putin Pro-Ukraine partisans sabotage railway track near Russia's Smolensk Ukraine shows its latest 'ship-killer' Magura drone series to the public for the first time US proposes reviving NATO-Russia Council, Bloomberg reports President Volodymyr Zelensky announced during a press conference on May 15 that he will not personally participate in the upcoming negotiations with Russia in Istanbul, instead sending a Ukrainian delegation led by Defense Minister Rustem Umerov. Speaking in Ankara, Zelensky clarified that Ukraine's delegation would not include the head of the General Staff, and the head of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), as it was previously suggested. Among other members of Ukraine's delegation are First Deputy Foreign Minister Serhiy Kyslytsya, Deputy SBU Chief Oleksandr Poklad, Military Intelligence Deputy Head Vadym Skibitskyi, as well as other national security and intelligence officials. The delegation will engage with representatives from Turkey, the United States, and Russia. Agreeing on a ceasefire, according to Zelensky, remains a key priority. "Out of respect for President Trump, the high level of the Turkish delegation, and President Erdogan, and since we want to try to achieve at least the first steps toward de-escalation, an end to the war – namely a ceasefire – I have decided to send our delegation to Istanbul," Zelensky said. After Moscow proposed to hold peace talks in Turkey this week, Zelensky agreed and invited Russian President Vladimir Putin for a face-to-face meeting. The Russian leader declined to attend and appointed his aide, Vladimir Medinsky, to lead the talks. "We see that they, unfortunately, are very unserious about real negotiations. So far, we do not see any real decision-makers among those present," Zelensky said at the press conference. Zelensky said that, under the current circumstances, he sees no reason for his or certain other top officials' presence in Istanbul, given that Putin declined to attend. Read also: 'It's a mess' — after all the hype, Ukraine-Russia peace talks in Istanbul descend into name-calling shambles U.S. President Donald Trump said on May 15 that peace negotiations between Russia and Ukraine will not move forward until he meets Russian President Vladimir Putin, Reuters reported. "Nothing's going to happen until Putin and I get together," the U.S. president told journalists aboard Air Force One before landing in Dubai as part of his Middle Eastern tour. Trump has previously suggested he might join the talks on May 16 if progress is made, but downplayed Putin's absence on the first day of the negotiations, saying, "Why would he go if I'm not going?" Later on May 15, U.S. State Secretary Marco Rubio said peace talks between Russia and Ukraine in Turkey are unlikely to yield meaningful progress, calling the low-level Russian delegation "not indicative of one that's going to lead to a major breakthrough." "I hope I'm wrong. I hope I'm 100% wrong. I hope tomorrow the news says they've agreed to a ceasefire, they've agreed to enter serious negotiations," Rubio told reporters during a briefing in Ankara. "But I'm just giving you my assessment." Rubio said that meaningful progress would likely only come through a meeting between Trump and Putin. "The next thing that has to happen for there to be a breakthrough is going to involve President Trump's direct involvement," Rubio said. "And I believe the president shares my assessment." Rubio also said he would meet with Ukraine's senior delegation and Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan, while other lower-level members of the U.S. team will attend the talks involving Russian representatives. He added that Trump is "impatient to end this war," saying, 'Our goal here is to achieve peace — whether that begins with a 30-day ceasefire, a one-day ceasefire, or a final deal that's all negotiated in a single day. To us, the process is less important than the outcome.' Join our community Support independent journalism in Ukraine. Join us in this fight. Support Us Members of Ukraine's Atesh partisan group have set fire to a relay cabinet at a Russian railway track used by the Russian military, the group said on May 15. The operation was allegedly carried out in Russia's Smolensk Oblast, a western region bordering Belarus, to disrupt arms and equipment shipments to Russian forces stationed at Ukraine's northeastern border. The Ukrainian leadership has warned that Moscow is amassing forces near Ukraine's Sumy and Kharkiv oblasts in the northeast for a potential new offensive. "Thanks for the courageous steps by our partisans, Russia faced serious disruption in timely deliveries of front-line supplies," Atesh said on Telegram. A video shared by the partisans shows an unknown person behind the camera setting fire to the relay cabinet at night. According to the partisans, the targeted equipment was located close to the city of Smolensk, some 270 kilometers (170 miles) north of the Russia-Ukraine border. The Kyiv Independent could not verify the claims. Read also: Putin appoints Russian Ground Forces Commander Saliukov to Security Council role Ukraine's military intelligence (HUR) on May 14 for the first time presented its latest versatile Magura naval drones to the public. The Magura drones, as well as the Sea Baby drones of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU), have been pivotal in turning the tide of the war in the Black Sea, destroying or damaging multiple Russian ships and other assets. HUR's Group 13 has deployed Magura drones to successfully hit 17 naval and aerial Russian targets. Fifteen of them, including two Mi-8 helicopters, two Su-30 fighter jets, and theSergey Kotov, Ivanovets, and Ceasar Kunikov warships of Russia's Black Sea Fleet, have been destroyed, the agency said. Several variants of the Magura drones exist, including the "ship-killer" V5, the V7 capable of carrying machine guns or anti-air missiles, and the multi-platform V6P. As of 2024, Ukraine was reportedly able to destroy or disable one-third of the Russian Black Sea Fleet in a drone and missile campaign, despite Moscow's significant advantage in sheer naval power. Black Sea hostilities have since then quieted down as Russia moved most of its naval assets from occupied Crimea further east and Ukraine managed to resume its maritime shipping. Read also: Norway to complete F-16 deliveries to Ukraine by end of 2025, minister says The United States is proposing to revive the NATO-Russia Council as part of a broader American plan to end the war in Ukraine, Bloomberg reported on May 15, citing unnamed sources. In April, Axios reported that U.S. President Donald Trump's peace plan also included Washington's de jure recognition of Russia's control over occupied Crimea, along with de facto recognition of its occupation of other Ukrainian territories, offering sanctions relief, and freezing the war along current front lines. The proposal to revive the NATO-Russia Council, a forum for military and political dialogue frozen since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, is a new part added to the American proposal, according to Bloomberg. The NATO-Russia Council (NRC) was created in 2002 to promote cooperation and dialogue between NATO and Russia. Originally designed as a forum where NATO members and Russia could work as equal partners on shared security issues, the NRC has not convened since January 2022. While formal cooperation was suspended after Russia's 2014 illegal annexation of Crimea, the council remained a key channel for communication, primarily on Ukraine, until ties were effectively severed following the 2022 invasion. Ukraine War Latest is put together by the Kyiv Independent news desk team, who keep you informed 24 hours a day, seven days a week. If you value our work and want to ensure we have the resources to continue, join the Kyiv Independent community. We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.

US proposes reviving NATO-Russia Council, Bloomberg reports
US proposes reviving NATO-Russia Council, Bloomberg reports

Yahoo

time15-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

US proposes reviving NATO-Russia Council, Bloomberg reports

The United States is proposing to revive the NATO-Russia Council as part of a broader American plan to end the war in Ukraine, Bloomberg reported on May 15, citing unnamed sources. In April, Axios reported that U.S. President Donald Trump's peace plan also included Washington's de jure recognition of Russia's control over occupied Crimea, along with de facto recognition of its occupation of other Ukrainian territories, offering sanctions relief, and freezing the war along current front lines. The proposal to revive the NATO-Russia Council, a forum for military and political dialogue frozen since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, is a new part added to the American proposal, according to Bloomberg. The NATO-Russia Council (NRC) was created in 2002 to promote cooperation and dialogue between NATO and Russia. Originally designed as a forum where NATO members and Russia could work as equal partners on shared security issues, the NRC has not convened since January 2022. While formal cooperation was suspended after Russia's 2014 illegal annexation of Crimea, the council remained a key channel for communication, primarily on Ukraine, until ties were effectively severed following the 2022 invasion. Previously, Ukraine and its European allies have ruled out discussing concessions before the halt of hostilities. Their peace plan demands a full and unconditional ceasefire on land, at sea, and in the air before any talks about territorial issues can begin. It also calls for strong U.S.-backed security guarantees. The proposal rejects any immediate territorial concessions and insists that sanctions on Russia should only be lifted after a lasting peace is achieved. Russia continues pushing its maximalist demands, insisting that any peace deal must include a permanent ban on Ukraine's NATO membership, territorial losses, demilitarization of the country, and constitutional changes reinstating the role of the Russian language, culture, and religious organizations. On May 15, Ukraine and Russia are expected to renew their peace talks. Zelensky agreed to join negotiations in Istanbul and invited Russian President Vladimir Putin for a face-to-face meeting. The Russian leader declined to attend and appointed his aide, Vladimir Medinsky, to lead the talks. During a press conference in Ankara, after meeting with his Turkish counterpart Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Zelensky confirmed that the Ukrainian delegation led by Defense Minister Rustem Umerov will meet the Russian delegation in Istanbul either on May 15 or 16. Read also: Russia threatens to 'neutralize' all NATO efforts against Moscow amid alliance drills in Lithuania We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.

US proposes resuming NATO-Russia Council as part of settling Ukraine war, says Bloomberg
US proposes resuming NATO-Russia Council as part of settling Ukraine war, says Bloomberg

Yahoo

time15-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

US proposes resuming NATO-Russia Council as part of settling Ukraine war, says Bloomberg

The United States has proposed resuming the work of the NATO-Russia Council as part of efforts to resolve the war in Ukraine. Source: Bloomberg, as reported by European Pravda Details: Bloomberg notes that Moscow continues to reject a US ceasefire proposal, which envisages freezing the war, US recognition of Crimea as Russian territory and the lifting of US sanctions. However, the United States is said to have introduced a new idea to engage Russia. "The US has since added new details to the proposal, including an offer to revive security talks under the NATO-Russia Council, according to a person familiar with the matter who spoke on condition of anonymity," Bloomberg reported. The NATO-Russia Council, established post-Cold War to foster bilateral security cooperation, effectively ceased operations after Moscow's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Background: The Council's last meeting was held on 12 January 2022 in Brussels, where Russian demands for "security guarantees" were discussed and rejected by NATO member states. Media reports previously indicated that NATO has paused discussions on re-evaluating its relationship with Russia while the US negotiates a settlement for the war in Ukraine. Meanwhile, the United States is reportedly opposed to inviting Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy to a NATO summit, which will be held in The Hague on 24-25 June. Support Ukrainska Pravda on Patreon!

Opinion - Integrating Russia into the Western security framework is key to long-term stability
Opinion - Integrating Russia into the Western security framework is key to long-term stability

Yahoo

time20-02-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Opinion - Integrating Russia into the Western security framework is key to long-term stability

Integrating Russia into a Western security framework may sound almost treacherous as the war in Ukraine rages on. After three years of brutal conflict, the notion of engaging with Moscow, let alone incorporating it into a broader European security structure, is anathema to many in the West. But security is built on pragmatism, not emotions. If the goal is to prevent future wars and ensure long-term stability, then difficult, even unpalatable, discussions must take place. The best time to negotiate with Russia was three years ago. The next best time is today. The planned U.S.-Russia negotiations in Saudi Arabia, initiated by President Trump, are likely to deliver an outcome that could have been reached before February 2022: a neutral Ukraine and an implicit understanding that it will not join NATO. Any deal now will likely involve Ukraine conceding territories that Russia has seized. When it comes to Russia's role in the broader Western security order, the longer the West delays a dialogue with Russia, the higher the chances of another conflict. Of course, Russia's actions — especially its full-scale invasion of Ukraine — have severely undermined trust. The annexation of Crimea in 2014 and Moscow's open contempt for Ukraine's sovereignty mean that any reintegration into a Western security framework must come with strict conditions. However, an exclusively adversarial approach — endless sanctions, military deterrence and strategic containment — increases the likelihood of future conflicts. The challenge is finding a middle ground between deterrence and engagement. Rather than leaving Russia indefinitely outside the Western security order, a new framework should be designed that prevents future conflicts while upholding international norms. For instance, a structured NATO-Russia Council could serve as a forum for military transparency, crisis prevention and conflict resolution. Under strict conditions, Russia and NATO could resume dialogue on military doctrines and risk reduction. Additional measures could include military hotlines, force reductions near borders and transparency agreements on troop movements. None of this would grant Russia veto power over NATO's decisions, but it would help manage tensions and avoid unnecessary escalation. Additionally, discussions can explore neutral security zones, including the possibility of Ukraine adopting a permanently neutral status. This would need to be accompanied by demilitarized zones with strict international monitoring and verification mechanisms to prevent violations. Similar agreements could be considered for other flashpoints, including Georgia, where Russia has historically exerted influence. A gradual economic reopening could also be on the table — under strict conditions. If Russia ends its aggressive policies and abides by international norms, limited reintegration into European energy markets could help stabilize global energy supplies. Conditional agreements on oil and gas exports could ensure that energy remains a tool for economic cooperation rather than a weapon of coercion. A post-war Western security architecture should involve Russia under a new paradigm. This framework must ensure that the Kremlin cannot dictate terms. Instead, a structured approach — reminiscent of Cold War-era security agreements — should be pursued, balancing deterrence with engagement. Skepticism toward such an approach is understandable, especially from Eastern European states, which bear the brunt of Russian hostility. Ukraine, in particular, will vehemently oppose any Western-led security arrangement that gives Russia even the slightest perception of influence over European security matters. Yet, the failure to engage Russia diplomatically before 2022 contributed to the Ukraine war. It was avoidable. Now, the war will likely end within the next year, but unless a broader dialogue takes place about Russia's role in European security, future conflicts may erupt elsewhere. Even if full-scale war is avoided, hybrid warfare, including cyberattacks and economic coercion, will continue. Another reason to explore this integration is its potential to weaken Russia-China ties. The growing strategic alignment between Moscow and Beijing has increasingly posed challenges for the West. By isolating Russia entirely, the West inadvertently pushes it deeper into China's orbit, strengthening a bloc that is harder to confront. Engaging Russia within a Western security framework, even under stringent conditions, could drive a wedge between Moscow and Beijing. Dealing with Russia and China separately is far more manageable than facing them as a united front. The Cold War offers a valuable precedent. Even at the height of U.S.-Soviet tensions, diplomatic channels remained open, and arms control agreements — such as the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty, the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty and the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty — helped manage competition. A similar approach can be explored today. The goal is not to embrace Russia as an ally but to ensure that its place in the security order prevents further destabilization. A comprehensive security architecture — built on deterrence, conditional engagement and strict compliance with international norms — offers a pathway toward stability. The alternative is endless confrontation, with future crises waiting to erupt. The West must make a difficult but necessary choice: to work towards a security order that includes, rather than isolates, Russia. Alexander Clackson is the founder of the Global Political Research Center think tank in London, and a researcher on Russia, which he has covered for the past decade. He is currently conducting research on the political views of ethnic minorities in Russia. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

Integrating Russia into the Western security framework is key to long-term stability
Integrating Russia into the Western security framework is key to long-term stability

The Hill

time20-02-2025

  • Politics
  • The Hill

Integrating Russia into the Western security framework is key to long-term stability

Integrating Russia into a Western security framework may sound almost treacherous as the war in Ukraine rages on. After three years of brutal conflict, the notion of engaging with Moscow, let alone incorporating it into a broader European security structure, is anathema to many in the West. But security is built on pragmatism, not emotions. If the goal is to prevent future wars and ensure long-term stability, then difficult, even unpalatable, discussions must take place. The best time to negotiate with Russia was three years ago. The next best time is today. The planned U.S.-Russia negotiations in Saudi Arabia, initiated by President Trump, are likely to deliver an outcome that could have been reached before February 2022: a neutral Ukraine and an implicit understanding that it will not join NATO. Any deal now will likely involve Ukraine conceding territories that Russia has seized. When it comes to Russia's role in the broader Western security order, the longer the West delays a dialogue with Russia, the higher the chances of another conflict. Of course, Russia's actions — especially its full-scale invasion of Ukraine — have severely undermined trust. The annexation of Crimea in 2014 and Moscow's open contempt for Ukraine's sovereignty mean that any reintegration into a Western security framework must come with strict conditions. However, an exclusively adversarial approach — endless sanctions, military deterrence and strategic containment — increases the likelihood of future conflicts. The challenge is finding a middle ground between deterrence and engagement. Rather than leaving Russia indefinitely outside the Western security order, a new framework should be designed that prevents future conflicts while upholding international norms. For instance, a structured NATO-Russia Council could serve as a forum for military transparency, crisis prevention and conflict resolution. Under strict conditions, Russia and NATO could resume dialogue on military doctrines and risk reduction. Additional measures could include military hotlines, force reductions near borders and transparency agreements on troop movements. None of this would grant Russia veto power over NATO's decisions, but it would help manage tensions and avoid unnecessary escalation. Additionally, discussions can explore neutral security zones, including the possibility of Ukraine adopting a permanently neutral status. This would need to be accompanied by demilitarized zones with strict international monitoring and verification mechanisms to prevent violations. Similar agreements could be considered for other flashpoints, including Georgia, where Russia has historically exerted influence. A gradual economic reopening could also be on the table — under strict conditions. If Russia ends its aggressive policies and abides by international norms, limited reintegration into European energy markets could help stabilize global energy supplies. Conditional agreements on oil and gas exports could ensure that energy remains a tool for economic cooperation rather than a weapon of coercion. A post-war Western security architecture should involve Russia under a new paradigm. This framework must ensure that the Kremlin cannot dictate terms. Instead, a structured approach — reminiscent of Cold War-era security agreements — should be pursued, balancing deterrence with engagement. Skepticism toward such an approach is understandable, especially from Eastern European states, which bear the brunt of Russian hostility. Ukraine, in particular, will vehemently oppose any Western-led security arrangement that gives Russia even the slightest perception of influence over European security matters. Yet, the failure to engage Russia diplomatically before 2022 contributed to the Ukraine war. It was avoidable. Now, the war will likely end within the next year, but unless a broader dialogue takes place about Russia's role in European security, future conflicts may erupt elsewhere. Even if full-scale war is avoided, hybrid warfare, including cyberattacks and economic coercion, will continue. Another reason to explore this integration is its potential to weaken Russia-China ties. The growing strategic alignment between Moscow and Beijing has increasingly posed challenges for the West. By isolating Russia entirely, the West inadvertently pushes it deeper into China's orbit, strengthening a bloc that is harder to confront. Engaging Russia within a Western security framework, even under stringent conditions, could drive a wedge between Moscow and Beijing. Dealing with Russia and China separately is far more manageable than facing them as a united front. The Cold War offers a valuable precedent. Even at the height of U.S.-Soviet tensions, diplomatic channels remained open, and arms control agreements — such as the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty, the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty and the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty — helped manage competition. A similar approach can be explored today. The goal is not to embrace Russia as an ally but to ensure that its place in the security order prevents further destabilization. A comprehensive security architecture — built on deterrence, conditional engagement and strict compliance with international norms — offers a pathway toward stability. The alternative is endless confrontation, with future crises waiting to erupt. The West must make a difficult but necessary choice: to work towards a security order that includes, rather than isolates, Russia.

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