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Hans India
23-05-2025
- Politics
- Hans India
The new Imam? Turkey's bid to lead Muslim world
New Delhi: Turkey's vocal support for Pakistan following India's retaliatory strikes against terror networks after the brutal killing of civilians in Pahalgam, reflects a deeper strategic ambition under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. More than a reaction to a regional conflict, it signals Turkey's growing aspiration to replace Saudi Arabia as the leading voice in the Islamic world and to expand its influence across South and Southeast Asia, challenging traditional alignments. The rivalry came into sharper focus in 2019, when Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad hosted a summit to discuss challenges facing the Muslim world. Saudi Arabia refused to attend and pressured others, including Pakistan, to follow suit. Turkish President Erdogan, by contrast, fully backed Mahathir. Riyadh viewed the summit as a threat to its religious authority and dominance over the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC). Analysts suggested that Saudi leaders feared diplomatic isolation, especially as regional competitors like Turkey, Iran, and Qatar took part. Pakistan's then Prime Minister Imran Khan initially planned to attend but ultimately withdrew, reportedly under Saudi pressure. Saudi Arabia has long claimed leadership of the Islamic world, as guardian of Mecca and Medina and head of the OIC. Its global promotion of Wahhabi Islam gave it unmatched soft power. That position, however, has witnessed a change under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman's reforms. These include curbing religious police, expanding entertainment, and allowing women to drive—moves signalling a shift from strict orthodoxy. His Vision 2030 plan, focused on economic diversification and modernization, marks a broader retreat from exporting religious ideology. This evolving posture has opened space for other Muslim-majority countries to step forward. Turkey, under Erdogan, has moved to fill that vacuum. Drawing on history, strategic alliances, and ideological ambition, Ankara is positioning itself for a larger leadership role in the Islamic world. Turkey's effort to forge a distinct Islamic identity is rooted in Cold War politics and nationalist reinterpretations of Islam. During that period, American-backed initiatives like Operation Gladio promoted a Turkish form of Islamic Nationalism to counter rising leftist influence. A key figure in this movement, Alparslan Turkes — founder of the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) and the Grey Wolves — famously declared, "Turkishness is our body, Islam is our soul." He advocated for Turkish, rather than Arabic, in religious texts and rituals, reinforcing a nationalized form of Islam distinct from Pan-Islamism. Although Turkes rejected international Islamic unity, his views shaped a tradition in which Islam served to bolster Turkish nationalism. This synthesis laid the ideological foundation for later efforts to revive elements of the Ottoman past. Under President Erdogan and the Justice and Development Party (AKP), that legacy has evolved into what many call "neo-Ottomanism". Erdogan avoids framing his agenda as pan-Islamic but presents Turkey as the natural heir to Ottoman leadership in the Muslim world. His emphasis on Muslim solidarity — particularly with marginalized communities — blends humanitarian rhetoric with strategic ambition. This dual posture is evident in Turkey's involvement in Syria, Libya, the Caucasus, and more recently, South Asia. Erdogan is one of the few world leaders to have addressed Pakistan's parliament, a gesture underscoring the depth of bilateral ties. His speech, invoking prayers for enduring solidarity, was more than symbolic. Turkey and Pakistan share a long history of strategic and ideological alignment. Their partnership dates back to the early Cold War. In 1954, they signed a Treaty of Friendship and joined Western-led alliances like CENTO and SEATO. While India pursued non-alignment, Pakistan aligned with the US bloc. As a NATO member, Turkey found common ground with Pakistan in their opposition to communism and in their strategic locations. Cultural and ideological affinities followed. Turkish Islamists continue to admire Pakistani thinkers such as Abul A'la Maududi and Muhammad Iqbal. During the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Turkish and Pakistani intelligence quietly coordinated support for the Mujahideen, backed by the US and Gulf states. What began as Cold War cooperation has since evolved into lasting Islamic solidarity. Turkey is currently the second-largest supplier of arms to Pakistan. Its contributions include advanced drones, naval systems, and broader modernization of Pakistan's armed forces. Turkish-made drones such as the Bayraktar TB2 have reportedly been used by Pakistan in sensitive operations along its border with India. Beyond military cooperation, the two countries have formalized their relationship through the High-Level Strategic Cooperation Council, which oversees joint initiatives in defines, trade, culture, and education. Trade agreements and investment partnerships are expanding, with a shared goal of reaching $5 billion in bilateral trade. Both nations also coordinate on international platforms, advocating for the Muslim world on issues like Islamophobia and Kashmir. Turkey has consistently supported Pakistan's position on Kashmir at the United Nations and in other diplomatic settings. The personal rapport between Erdogan and successive Pakistani leaders adds symbolic weight to this partnership. Frequent visits, public expressions of solidarity, and mutual praise continue to reinforce the image of a close and enduring alliance. The unofficial but potent link between Turkish and Pakistani Islamist movements adds another layer to the relationship. Turkish Islamists see themselves as part of a broader Islamic awakening, drawing intellectual inspiration from Pakistan's religious thinkers. Even during Turkey's secular era, conservative networks maintained quiet relationships with Pakistani counterparts. These relationships were strengthened through shared participation in causes such as the Afghan jihad. Post-9/11, as the global political climate changed, Turkey repositioned itself as a bridge between Islamic values and modern governance. Erdogan capitalized on this image, presenting Turkey as a model Islamic democracy, while also reactivating conservative Islamic networks domestically and abroad. This ideological proximity is not confined to rhetoric. Turkish NGOs and education institutions have found fertile ground in Pakistan, particularly through religious schools and social service initiatives. These efforts create long-term cultural and ideological alignment. The emerging Turkey–Pakistan axis is now extending to Bangladesh, marking a broader realignment in South Asia. In January 2025, a Turkish delegation visited Dhaka, shortly after Pakistan and Bangladesh agreed to hold joint naval exercises — their first major military cooperation since the 1971 war. For the first time since independence, Pakistani troops are operating on Bangladeshi soil, raising concerns in New Delhi. Further fuelling anxiety is the rising presence of Turkish-backed NGOs in Bangladesh. One such group, Saltanat-e-Bangla, reportedly tied to Ankara's religious soft power network, promotes a revisionist vision of a "Greater Bangladesh" that includes parts of India and Myanmar. While still fringe, such narratives can gain traction in unstable political climates. For India, already on edge over Chinese influence, Turkey's expanding footprint presents a new strategic challenge. Turkey's growing ties with Pakistan and Bangladesh go beyond cultural or religious affinity. They reflect a calculated strategy to position Ankara as a leading force in the Muslim world, challenging the traditional dominance of Gulf powers like Saudi Arabia and the UAE. By drawing on historical links, ideological alignment, and strategic cooperation, Turkey aims to reassert itself as both a regional and religious power. The realignment remains fluid, and its trajectory will hinge on how other key players — India, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and China — respond. But the trend is clear: Turkey is no longer on the margins of South Asia's Muslim politics. It is now actively shaping the region's alliances and geopolitical narrative. (The writer is a New Delhi-based academic and specialist on Southeast Asia and Islam. He has taught in the past in Japan, USA, Russia and Malaysia. Views expressed are personal)
Shafaq News
21-03-2025
- Politics
- Shafaq News
Erdogan to attend Nowruz celebrations in Istanbul
Shafaq News/ Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is set to take part in Nowruz celebrations in Istanbul, a move seen by observers as politically significant amid ongoing debates over the Kurdish issue. Speaking at a press conference on Monday, ruling AK Party spokesman Omer Celik announced that the event would begin at 3:00 p.m. (12:00 p.m GMT). on March 21, with Erdogan in attendance. " Nowruz is a festival that conveys a message of brotherhood from the Turkic world to the East, Mesopotamia, and the Balkans," he said, inviting the public to join the celebrations. Erdogan's unexpected decision to participate has fueled speculation about potential political messages he may deliver. Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) leader Devlet Bahceli described the president's presence as "an important and valuable step" in a statement posted on his party's official account on Thursday evening. Nowruz is a significant cultural event in Turkey, particularly among the Kurdish population. The Equality and Democracy Party (DEM) is known for organizing large-scale Nowruz celebrations annually across various cities and towns.
Rudaw Net
01-03-2025
- Politics
- Rudaw Net
Turkey's nationalist leader welcomes Ocalan's call for disarmament
Also in Turkey Erdogan ready for dialogue, but threatens 'iron fist' if PKK disarmament fails DEM Party hopes Ramadan brings peace to Turkey PKK declares ceasefire, says committed to Ocalan's call to disarm PKK umbrella group says Ocalan's message has their 'full support' A+ A- ERBIL, Kurdistan Region - Devlet Bahceli, the leader of Turkey's Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) who initiated peace talks between Ankara and the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), on Saturday welcomed Abdullah Ocalan's call for the PKK to disarm and disband. 'The statement read to the public by the DEM delegation on February 27, 2025 and written in Imrali is valuable and important from beginning to end,' Bahceli said in a post on X. A delegation from the pro-Kurdish Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) on Thursday shared with the public a letter from Ocalan, the leader of the PKK who is imprisoned on Imrali island. In the letter, he urged the group to disarm and disband. His message has sparked hope for an end to four decades of a conflict that has taken 40,000 lives. The PKK announced a unilateral ceasefire on Saturday. Ocalan's message was the culmination of weeks of talks between him and Turkish political parties mediated by the DEM Party and initiated by Bahceli who last year proposed that Ocalan should address the Turkish parliament and announce the dissolution of the PKK. 'The PKK terrorist organization, which held its first congress in Fis Village of Lice District of Diyarbakır on November 27, 1978 and aimed to establish a Great Kurdistan within the Marxist-Leninist framework, was called to dissolve its organizational structure by its founding leader after 47 years,' Bahceli said. 'It is now impossible to tolerate the arson and tampering with the Turkish-Kurdish brotherhood, and it is futile to pursue such a mistake,' he added. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Saturday said Ankara is open to compromise and dialogue, but threatened to continue military operations 'if the promises given are not kept.'
Gulf Today
01-03-2025
- Politics
- Gulf Today
Kurdish leader calls for laying down of arms
It was something that was in the making for some months now. First came the appeal by Nationalist Movement Party leader Devlet Bahceli in October last for a terror-free Turkey, and his invitation to the Kurdish rebel leader of the banned Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) Abdullah Ocalan, serving a life-term in the Imrali prison, to come to parliament and renounce terrorism. The overture was supported by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan as a historic window of opportunity. This was followed by meetings with Ocalan by members of the People's Equality and Democracy Party (DEM) in December last and again in January. It was at their third meeting on Thursday that Ocalan issued the statement asking the PKK to lay down arms and dissolve itself. He has given his own reasoning why this needs to be done. He said that it is time to return to democratic norms. The question remains whether the PKK rebels would heed his call. The armed rebellion has been on since 1984. The Turkish Kurds have not been able to achieve their goal of an independent Kurdistan in south-east Turkey. Ocalan said in his statement, which was read out in Turkish, Kurdish, Arabic and English, 'As in the case with any modern community or party whose existence has not been abolished by force, would voluntarily do, convene your congress and make a decision: all groups must lay their arms and the PKK must dissolve itself.' Ocalan is justifying the call by implying that the Kurds have not lost the war, and therefore they can join the democratic process in a politically dignified way. And he had argued in detail the background of the emergence of the armed rebellion of PKK in the last century, and why it has to end now. He said that PKK rose in the context of 'intense violence, two world wars, the rise and fall of real socialism, the Cold War and the denial of Kurdish identity', but now it has to end because 'the collapse of real socialism in the 1990s due to internal reasons, the erosion of identity denial in the country, and advancements in freedom of expression, have led to the PKK's loss of meaning and excessive repetition. Therefore, like its counterparts, it has reached the end of its lifespan, making its dissolution necessary.' It is a well-reasoned argument. Even if the hotheads in the PKK refuse to accept Ocalan's call, this will send out a message of reconciliation to the Kurds in general in Turkey. This also means that Turkey's hard stance over the Kurds has softened, and that it is possible for the Kurds to express their demands and be heard as well. Ocalan has clearly expressed the demand of the Kurds for democratic freedom. He urged Turkey to respect ethnic minorities, the freedom of self-expression and the right of democratic self-organisation. He said, 'The language of the epoch of peace and democratic society needs to be developed in accordance with this reality.' Ocalan is making reasonable demands even as he gives up the path of violence as no more relevant. The peace will not happen overnight, and the negotiations will be long drawn. The PKK can seize the opportunity and end its war which is harming the ordinary Kurds in Turkey more than helping them get their rights. This will bring to a close a long-fought war of terrorism, where neither the PKK nor Turkey can declare victory. So, Ocalan has rightly seen the peace offer as a solution which retains the dignity of the Kurd rebels intact. It is not an ignominious capitulation. It is not defeat. Ocalan has given them enough reasons to make them feel that their fight has not been futile, but that circumstances have changed.
