Latest news with #NewDems
Yahoo
17 hours ago
- Business
- Yahoo
Opinion - Democrats are looking for answers — outside Washington
On the campaign trail, President Trump made a lot of promises. He promised to strengthen our economy. He promised to make our government more efficient. He promised to bring down costs. But after more than 100 days in, our economy is not strengthened, our government is certainly not more efficient, and costs are not down. The president has entangled us in trade wars with some of our closest trading partners — wars that erased $10 trillion from the stock market this spring and threaten to decimate family farms in my district and across the country. And with the help of the Department of Government Efficiency, he has waged an all-out assault on the federal government in an effort to weed out 'waste, fraud, and abuse.' I believe the American people elected Trump because they wanted solutions to pocketbook issues and a government that took action to get things done. But the president's agenda isn't working, and Democrats need to deliver. That's where the New Dem Coalition comes in. Before I explain why, I want to acknowledge that Democrats haven't always gotten everything right. During the election, we saw many working class voters drift away from the party. At times, our emphasis on identity politics or concepts like 'saving democracy' — while undeniably important — overshadowed the core economic issues that affect people's everyday lives. Instead of meeting voters where they are, we sometimes come across as telling them where they should be. That approach can feel out of touch and give the impression that the party is elitist, disconnected from the realities of everyday people. Working class voters are focused on how they'll afford their mortgage, put food on the table, or save for their kids' college — not necessarily on abstract debates about the soul of the nation. Don't get me wrong: the threat to democracy is real and urgent, especially with a president who shows little respect for courts or the Constitution. But if we're truly going to save democracy, we must build a broader coalition and bring more voters along. That means meeting people where they are, rather than telling them what should matter most. We need to address the tangible, kitchen-table issues that keep folks up at night. The New Dem Coalition has always done this. We have prioritized the needs of hard working Americans over the politics of D.C. We understand that we should be finding ways to make our government more efficient. We understand that we have to work across the aisle when we can — without compromising our values. That's why New Dems are crafting a proactive agenda — not only to win the House majority in 2026, but to maintain it for the long term. So, we're getting out of the D.C. bubble for a new series known as 'New Dems On the Road.' We'll be engaging with communities across the country, and gathering the critical feedback we need to guide our work. We're tackling every issue — from improving education outcomes to bolstering our national security — and working to find practical, lasting solutions that reflect the values and priorities of the American people. For our first stop, we zeroed in on immigration. Immigration isn't a problem we're going to solve overnight, but it's one that is consistently top of mind for the American people. We've come close to bipartisan solutions, only for selfish interests to squash our efforts in the 11th hour. That's why New Dem Immigration and Border Security Working Group members Greg Stanton (D-Ariz.) and Lou Correa (D-Calif.) sat down with Arizona leaders to talk about immigration. They met with industry and union representatives, members of the Arizona business community, and DACA recipients to discuss the importance of immigrants to Arizona's economy. The panel addressed the need to secure our border and pass a long-lasting immigration reform policy. It was instructive. And it showed the folks in these communities that we are listening to them. We know we don't have it all figured out — that's why we need real, local voices to help guide our work. Voices on the ground who are living and breathing these problems every single day. Then, it was my turn. I joined my friends Reps. Scott Peters (D-Calif.) and Wesley Bell (D-Mo.) for a conversation around clean energy and potential opportunities for bipartisan cooperation. We discussed the actions the Trump administration has taken to gut clean energy tax credits. There is no way around it — this is going to have a negative impact on people's utility bills. They will feel this. We also discussed what's ahead — like permitting reform, carbon capture and ultimately ways we can lower costs for people trying to keep the lights on, not raise them. Last month, Reps. Sarah McBride (D-Del.), Chrissy Houlahan (D-Pa.) and Katherine Clark (D-Mass.) got together to talk one-on-one with Delawareans about paid family and medical leave for working families. This is just the beginning. In total, we'll be conducting at least nine New Dems On the Road events — across the country. We need to come together, share ideas and forge a new path forward. A path that can address the issues that demand our attention: whether it's a single mom struggling to afford child care, a farmer looking to break into new markets, or a family who wants a good, public school education for their kids. We should all be committed to finding effective ways to achieve our shared goals and ensure that the government serves the people better. This isn't a partisan objective; it's a matter of common sense. However, real progress requires thoughtful strategy and careful action, not reckless cuts. Simply slashing budgets without consideration doesn't eliminate waste — it erodes the very foundation of what our government is meant to do: serve its citizens. New Democrats understand this deeply. We recognize that this moment calls for a meaningful response and an agenda that inspires — not the status quo. Our communities have elected us to take action, to solve problems and to improve lives. Now, more than ever, Democrats need to prove we can deliver Nikki Budzinski represents the 13th District of Illinois and is vice chair for policy for the New Dem Coalition. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
19 hours ago
- Business
- The Hill
Democrats are looking for answers — outside Washington
On the campaign trail, President Trump made a lot of promises. He promised to strengthen our economy. He promised to make our government more efficient. He promised to bring down costs. But after more than 100 days in, our economy is not strengthened, our government is certainly not more efficient, and costs are not down. The president has entangled us in trade wars with some of our closest trading partners — wars that erased $10 trillion from the stock market this spring and threaten to decimate family farms in my district and across the country. And with the help of the Department of Government Efficiency, he has waged an all-out assault on the federal government in an effort to weed out 'waste, fraud, and abuse.' I believe the American people elected Trump because they wanted solutions to pocketbook issues and a government that took action to get things done. But the president's agenda isn't working, and Democrats need to deliver. That's where the New Dem Coalition comes in. Before I explain why, I want to acknowledge that Democrats haven't always gotten everything right. During the election, we saw many working class voters drift away from the party. At times, our emphasis on identity politics or concepts like 'saving democracy' — while undeniably important — overshadowed the core economic issues that affect people's everyday lives. Instead of meeting voters where they are, we sometimes come across as telling them where they should be. That approach can feel out of touch and give the impression that the party is elitist, disconnected from the realities of everyday people. Working class voters are focused on how they'll afford their mortgage, put food on the table, or save for their kids' college — not necessarily on abstract debates about the soul of the nation. Don't get me wrong: the threat to democracy is real and urgent, especially with a president who shows little respect for courts or the Constitution. But if we're truly going to save democracy, we must build a broader coalition and bring more voters along. That means meeting people where they are, rather than telling them what should matter most. We need to address the tangible, kitchen-table issues that keep folks up at night. The New Dem Coalition has always done this. We have prioritized the needs of hard working Americans over the politics of D.C. We understand that we should be finding ways to make our government more efficient. We understand that we have to work across the aisle when we can — without compromising our values. That's why New Dems are crafting a proactive agenda — not only to win the House majority in 2026, but to maintain it for the long term. So, we're getting out of the D.C. bubble for a new series known as 'New Dems On the Road.' We'll be engaging with communities across the country, and gathering the critical feedback we need to guide our work. We're tackling every issue — from improving education outcomes to bolstering our national security — and working to find practical, lasting solutions that reflect the values and priorities of the American people. For our first stop, we zeroed in on immigration. Immigration isn't a problem we're going to solve overnight, but it's one that is consistently top of mind for the American people. We've come close to bipartisan solutions, only for selfish interests to squash our efforts in the 11th hour. That's why New Dem Immigration and Border Security Working Group members Greg Stanton (D-Ariz.) and Lou Correa (D-Calif.) sat down with Arizona leaders to talk about immigration. They met with industry and union representatives, members of the Arizona business community, and DACA recipients to discuss the importance of immigrants to Arizona's economy. The panel addressed the need to secure our border and pass a long-lasting immigration reform policy. It was instructive. And it showed the folks in these communities that we are listening to them. We know we don't have it all figured out — that's why we need real, local voices to help guide our work. Voices on the ground who are living and breathing these problems every single day. Then, it was my turn. I joined my friends Reps. Scott Peters (D-Calif.) and Wesley Bell (D-Mo.) for a conversation around clean energy and potential opportunities for bipartisan cooperation. We discussed the actions the Trump administration has taken to gut clean energy tax credits. There is no way around it — this is going to have a negative impact on people's utility bills. They will feel this. We also discussed what's ahead — like permitting reform, carbon capture and ultimately ways we can lower costs for people trying to keep the lights on, not raise them. Last month, Reps. Sarah McBride (D-Del.), Chrissy Houlahan (D-Pa.) and Katherine Clark (D-Mass.) got together to talk one-on-one with Delawareans about paid family and medical leave for working families. This is just the beginning. In total, we'll be conducting at least nine New Dems On the Road events — across the country. We need to come together, share ideas and forge a new path forward. A path that can address the issues that demand our attention: whether it's a single mom struggling to afford child care, a farmer looking to break into new markets, or a family who wants a good, public school education for their kids. We should all be committed to finding effective ways to achieve our shared goals and ensure that the government serves the people better. This isn't a partisan objective; it's a matter of common sense. However, real progress requires thoughtful strategy and careful action, not reckless cuts. Simply slashing budgets without consideration doesn't eliminate waste — it erodes the very foundation of what our government is meant to do: serve its citizens. New Democrats understand this deeply. We recognize that this moment calls for a meaningful response and an agenda that inspires — not the status quo. Our communities have elected us to take action, to solve problems and to improve lives. Now, more than ever, Democrats need to prove we can deliver Nikki Budzinski represents the 13th District of Illinois and is vice chair for policy for the New Dem Coalition.
Chicago Tribune
28-04-2025
- Politics
- Chicago Tribune
U.S. Rep. Brad Schneider embraces higher House profile; ‘The future of our country depends on our success'
Since being elected chair of the 115-member New Democrat Coalition on Nov. 20, putting him in a leadership position in the Democratic Party, U.S. Rep Brad Schneider, D-Highland Park, has watched his role evolve in after the whirlwind executive orders and other actions of President Donald Trump began on Jan. 20. Though the group's purpose remains the same since it was formed in 1997 — 'passing legislation and getting stuff done' — Schneider said leading the group through unprecedented times is a challenge he considers crucial for his colleagues and the country. 'There has never been a time like this,' he said. 'Trump is making an all-out attack on the Constitution, the rule of law and our democratic institutions. This is what I tell people at rallies, town halls, senior centers and schools. We have to fight for what America can be.' Schneider plans to accelerate his efforts to build coalitions to pass legislation in Washington and communicate with constituents in northeast Illinois to counteract Trump's actions now and in building toward the 2026 midterm elections. Joining the 'New Dems' when he was first elected to Congress in 2012, Schneider said there were 42 members at that time. It grew to 115 with the start of the current 119th Congress in January. He said they are new Democratic members who replaced retired nonmembers, or others who see it as a way to 'get things done.' 'We work across our caucus and reach across the aisle,' he said. 'Using Republicans is part of our mission. It is necessary to pass legislation and get stuff done.' U.S Rep Suzan DelBene, D-Washington, came into Congress with Schneider in 2012. She was the previous chair of the New Dems. She entered Congress with Schneider and has watched him grow into his leadership role. They both serve on the Committee on Ways and Means. 'He shows results for our committee, the New Dems, the people he represents and our country,' DelBene said. 'He works very well with people in a group situation. He had had some of the best ideas for us.' DelBene said Schneider is now in a position to help stop, 'the damage Elon Musk and Donald Trump are doing to the nation.' Some New Dems members, like U.S. Rep. Nikki Budzinski, D-Springfield, joined before they became members. First elected in 2022, she said she contacted Schneider when she first became a candidate. He became a mentor. 'I reached out to Brad because his district is diverse like mine,' Budzinski said. 'He invited me as a special guest at his Women for Brad event. He has been a valuable counsel on a variety of issues.' During a town hall Schneider held in March at the College of Lake County in Grayslake, Ashby Beasley of Highland Park asked Schneider to 'take the gloves off' when criticizing Trump and Musk, who heads the cost-cutting Department of Government Efficiency. 'Say something to give us hope,' Beasley said. 'Don't back down. We'll be right there with you.' Beasley said last week she would like to see more young people like U.S. Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-New York, and U.S. Rep. Maxwell Frost, R-Florida, in leadership roles. Though she said she is a supporter of Schneider, Dana Gordon, also a Highland Park resident, said she wants to see a very strong response from Democratic leadership about Trump's attempts to, 'dissolve our democracy.' 'Congress has to respond, and they have to do it strongly,' Gordon said. 'They have the power of the purse, and they have to use it. They are in charge of that.' Getting more vocal, Schneider is critical of Trump's attacks on free speech at universities, deportations without due process — be they migrants or students — and how the president is impacting the country's reputation around the world. 'He has surrendered to Vladimir Putin on Ukraine,' Schneider said. 'He has damaged America's leadership in the world. We have to persevere and be strong. The future of our country depends on our success.' Looking to the 2026 election, Schneider said the New Dems, through its political arm the NewDem Action Fund, are looking for candidates to help the Democrats regain the majority in the House of Representatives and supporting incumbents in competitive districts. 'We're working to flip enough seats so the Democrats will have a majority,' Schneider said, 'We're working with our incumbents so they can hold their seats.' With the Republicans now holding a slim majority in the House, Schneider said legislation can be passed by getting a few — four will do it — to vote for legislation supported by the Democratic caucus. 'We don't need them to leave the Republican Party,' he said. 'They just need to join us to preserve America's democracy.' Though as his seniority grows, Schneider may have other leadership positions, such as chairing a committee — he sits on the House Foreign Affairs Committee as well as Ways and Means — he said he does not plan to run for the U.S. Senate. Sen. Dick Durbin said Wednesday he is not seeking reelection in 2026. 'I know every nook and cranny of the 10th District,' Schneider said. 'I really like representing the people here.'
Yahoo
06-04-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Opinion - There should be more tough talk under the Democrats' big tent
Most Democratic operatives will tell you today that the Democratic Party thrives as a 'big tent.' And truth be told, ours remains a remarkably diverse institution, with constituent elements from every part of the country that span a broad swath of ideological viewpoints. In many cases, that diversity is the key to Democrats winning in conservative-leaning districts. For example, this past cycle, we saw 13 Democratic congressional candidates, nearly all of whom were backed by New Dems or Blue Dogs, elected in districts that supported Trump at the presidential level. Without being able to field candidates who differ ideologically from their more progressive peers, those seats would almost certainly have been lost. But you wouldn't necessarily know this listening to Democrats talk at the national level, including those enamored of the large crowds drawn by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.). That's because, in Washington, Democrats often cede too much political ground to the loudest and most organized fringes of our large coalition. In the name of keeping the peace internally, we have allowed politicians and activist groups from our left-most flank to seize an outsized role in defining the party's national brand. This, in turn, has opened the doors for our political opponents on the right to paint the left's most politically toxic policies and messaging as core beliefs of all Democrats. Some Democrats might be tempted to ignore this problem for the time being, or even dismiss it as a real issue altogether. As Trump 'floods the zone' with attacks on our democratic norms and continues to tank the stock market with his tariffs, too many Democrats are more than content to sit back and focus solely on opposition tactics. However, this approach is a little different from what got us here in the first place. The first step to stopping Trump and stemming the rising tide of authoritarianism is to engage, at long last, the debates we've largely muffled within the party. This starts by recognizing that the historic strength of the Democratic Party is directly tied to the support it draws from the nation's working-class voters, and subsequently acknowledging that the agenda that now defines our brand has clearly failed on that front, as polling has shown in the aftermath of November. When examining this problem, we tend to endlessly debate whether the working-class rejection of our party is more on economic or cultural grounds. Set aside the fact that so many more minority voters within the working class voted for Trump this time around, despite his continued race-baiting and xenophobia. What we need to accept is that the far left has driven Democrats to embrace a series of issues that are both economically and culturally at odds with what most working-class voters say they want. Take some examples from when the Democratic Party was popular among working-class voters. In 2008, then-Senator Barack Obama campaigned on a pledge to punish employers who hired illegal immigrants, and complained that Republicans were cynically welcoming undocumented laborers into the country to drive down labor costs. He argued that undocumented immigrants should pay a large fine, learn English, and go to the back of the line if they wanted to earn legal status. But today, these positions are considered controversial within the Democratic coalition because the far left rejects anything that casts illegal immigrants as anything but hapless victims. As a result of Democrats' perceived shift to the left, working-class voters who are citizens view Democrats as both culturally unaligned with their concerns and as responsible for driving down working-class wages. Is it any mystery why they were tempted to support MAGA? The great irony here is that, when elected, former President Joe Biden embraced an agenda pretty much in line with Obama's rhetoric. The fact is Biden's administration deported illegal aliens at a faster pace than Trump had in his first term. This illustrates another key weakness for our party: Even when we do pursue policies with widespread appeal, we fail to tell the story for fear of offending activist groups. As a result, even in this circumstance where Democratic policy is aligned with working-class sensibilities, the influence of pro-immigration, progressive groups on our message-making overshadows our actual record and undermines our political appeal. A similar story defines the fight for energy independence. The Biden administration green-lit record amounts of oil and gas production inside the U.S., but the White House almost never made mention of this fact for fear of drawing the ire of climate activists. Contrast this to the celebratory announcements made when the Biden White House paused American liquefied natural gas export projects. Voters in Pennsylvania heard about that and they resented it. To be clear, most working-class voters are sympathetic to the cause of addressing climate change. But the majority of Americans prefer an 'all of the above approach' which considers impacts on jobs, energy bills, and national security all at once. They are also open to pragmatic ideas that don't jive with progressive dogma, like using natural gas as a cheaper, cleaner alternative to dirtier fossil fuels as more renewables come online. The days must end of refusing to rock the boat in the name of party unity. As Democrats, we must do two things at once: be a united front against Trump's unconstitutional power grabs and address the messaging and policy issues within our own ranks that have sidelined us to the minority. If we only focus on the former, and fail to redefine the politically toxic parts of our brand, we stand little chance of winning back working Americans and building the large, durable majority needed to defeat the MAGA movement. Stuart Malec is the national political director at Progressive Policy Institute. Copyright 2025 Nexstar Media, Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
The Hill
06-04-2025
- Politics
- The Hill
There should be more tough talk under the Democrats' big tent
Most Democratic operatives will tell you today that the Democratic Party thrives as a 'big tent.' And truth be told, ours remains a remarkably diverse institution, with constituent elements from every part of the country that span a broad swath of ideological viewpoints. In many cases, that diversity is the key to Democrats winning in conservative-leaning districts. For example, this past cycle, we saw 13 Democratic congressional candidates, nearly all of whom were backed by New Dems or Blue Dogs, elected in districts that supported Trump at the presidential level. Without being able to field candidates who differ ideologically from their more progressive peers, those seats would almost certainly have been lost. But you wouldn't necessarily know this listening to Democrats talk at the national level, including those enamored of the large crowds drawn by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) and Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.). That's because, in Washington, Democrats often cede too much political ground to the loudest and most organized fringes of our large coalition. In the name of keeping the peace internally, we have allowed politicians and activist groups from our left-most flank to seize an outsized role in defining the party's national brand. This, in turn, has opened the doors for our political opponents on the right to paint the left's most politically toxic policies and messaging as core beliefs of all Democrats. Some Democrats might be tempted to ignore this problem for the time being, or even dismiss it as a real issue altogether. As Trump 'floods the zone' with attacks on our democratic norms and continues to tank the stock market with his tariffs, too many Democrats are more than content to sit back and focus solely on opposition tactics. However, this approach is a little different from what got us here in the first place. The first step to stopping Trump and stemming the rising tide of authoritarianism is to engage, at long last, the debates we've largely muffled within the party. This starts by recognizing that the historic strength of the Democratic Party is directly tied to the support it draws from the nation's working-class voters, and subsequently acknowledging that the agenda that now defines our brand has clearly failed on that front, as polling has shown in the aftermath of November. When examining this problem, we tend to endlessly debate whether the working-class rejection of our party is more on economic or cultural grounds. Set aside the fact that so many more minority voters within the working class voted for Trump this time around, despite his continued race-baiting and xenophobia. What we need to accept is that the far left has driven Democrats to embrace a series of issues that are both economically and culturally at odds with what most working-class voters say they want. Take some examples from when the Democratic Party was popular among working-class voters. In 2008, then-Senator Barack Obama campaigned on a pledge to punish employers who hired illegal immigrants, and complained that Republicans were cynically welcoming undocumented laborers into the country to drive down labor costs. He argued that undocumented immigrants should pay a large fine, learn English, and go to the back of the line if they wanted to earn legal status. But today, these positions are considered controversial within the Democratic coalition because the far left rejects anything that casts illegal immigrants as anything but hapless victims. As a result of Democrats' perceived shift to the left, working-class voters who are citizens view Democrats as both culturally unaligned with their concerns and as responsible for driving down working-class wages. Is it any mystery why they were tempted to support MAGA? The great irony here is that, when elected, former President Joe Biden embraced an agenda pretty much in line with Obama's rhetoric. The fact is Biden's administration deported illegal aliens at a faster pace than Trump had in his first term. This illustrates another key weakness for our party: Even when we do pursue policies with widespread appeal, we fail to tell the story for fear of offending activist groups. As a result, even in this circumstance where Democratic policy is aligned with working-class sensibilities, the influence of pro-immigration, progressive groups on our message-making overshadows our actual record and undermines our political appeal. A similar story defines the fight for energy independence. The Biden administration green-lit record amounts of oil and gas production inside the U.S., but the White House almost never made mention of this fact for fear of drawing the ire of climate activists. Contrast this to the celebratory announcements made when the Biden White House paused American liquefied natural gas export projects. Voters in Pennsylvania heard about that and they resented it. To be clear, most working-class voters are sympathetic to the cause of addressing climate change. But the majority of Americans prefer an 'all of the above approach' which considers impacts on jobs, energy bills, and national security all at once. They are also open to pragmatic ideas that don't jive with progressive dogma, like using natural gas as a cheaper, cleaner alternative to dirtier fossil fuels as more renewables come online. The days must end of refusing to rock the boat in the name of party unity. As Democrats, we must do two things at once: be a united front against Trump's unconstitutional power grabs and address the messaging and policy issues within our own ranks that have sidelined us to the minority. If we only focus on the former, and fail to redefine the politically toxic parts of our brand, we stand little chance of winning back working Americans and building the large, durable majority needed to defeat the MAGA movement.
