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The Hindu
3 hours ago
- Health
- The Hindu
Karnataka Governor calls for mutli-stakeholder cooperation to achieve SDGs
'To achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), multi-stakeholder cooperation is essential. These goals remain a primary focus, and we in the government have been working assiduously to achieve them at the grassroots level through programmes like Make in India, Swachh Bharat, and others in water, health, farmer support, and State initiatives. Bengaluru, known as India's Silicon Valley and a centre of science and research, is facing many challenges and stress on its resources,' said Thawaarchand Gehlot, Governor of Karnataka, speaking at the Bengaluru Sustainability Conclave organised by O.P. Jindal Global University and RV University. He added, 'It is important that knowledge sharing, cooperation, and information exchange help mitigate the challenges of climate change. The growing carbon footprint, pollution, deforestation, and other factors have led to a climate crisis, and it is imperative that we address these issues urgently. We need to inform and sensitise people about them. Our campaigns to save energy, water, and other resources are aimed at protecting the environment.' O.P. Jindal Global University released its 'Sustainable Development Report 2025' at the conclave.
Time of India
4 days ago
- Politics
- Time of India
Harvard's activities must alarm the Indian philanthropists
Dr Jagdish Batra is a senior academic, currently working as Professor of English at O.P. Jindal Global University, India. He has nearly four decades of teaching and research experience. His area of specialization is Indian English Fiction on which he has presented papers at many international conferences in Europe and South East Asia. A Rotary Study Exchange Scholar to USA, Dr Batra has published eight books besides some sixty research papers and a number of general articles/blogs etc. LESS ... MORE The Lakshmi Mittal and Family South Asia Institute at Harvard University is in the eye of the storm over the organization of the Pakistan Conference under its aegis, in which Pro-Pakistan speakers were invited, obviously to whitewash Pakistan's image in the wake of the Pahalgam carnage of 26 tourists. To counter the media backlash in India, the Institute page has removed the detail of proceedings from its website and supplanted it with a statement claiming that the student organizers along with their faculty advisor were solely responsible for organizing the event in which the Pakistani Finance Minister Muhammad Aurangzeb and Pakistan's Ambassador to the US, Rizwan Saeed Sheikh participated. 'Following our principles of operation, we did not consult any benefactor of the Institute about this conference,' says the notice, alongwith a formal expression of sorrow, though without naming Pakistan in it. This is indeed a poor strategy to avoid criticism directed at the university and the benefactor concerned who were equally responsible for organizing the conference at this critical juncture. What lends credence to this conclusion is also the removal of a page from the Institute site whose rump is still available on Google. It begins with 'Previewing the inaugural Pakistan conference 2025: 14 Apr 2025 — The Mittal Institute sat down with the two conference co-chairs—Muhammad Hadi from the Harvard Graduate School of Education and Sannan Pervaiz …'. So, it is not just the students and the faculty advisor of the conference, but also the benefactor and two conference co-chairs. This conference by Pakistan sympathizers on the Harvard campus only shows disdain of the Centre for human rights of which the university professes to be the world champion. It is not the first time that Harvard has been involved in anti-India and anti-Hindu projects. One recalls the Dismantling Hindutva Conference held online in 2022 in which Harvard was the key player along with many other American and European universities. It was basically directed at the pro-Hindu policies of the Modi government. Surprisingly, anything going in favour of Hindus in the world rankles these 'elite' institutions which are devoted to the DEI (Diversity, Equity, Inclusivity) philosophy. One finds a number of India-centred study centres supported by Indian billionaires in many American universities. People like Murty, Ambani, Mahindra, Piramal, et al have been contributing mammothly to them without scrutinizing the operations of these institutions. Narayan Murthy's funding of the Murty Classical Library under late Sheldon Pollock is a case in point. Now, Pollock, much like Wendy Doniger, has been instrumental in presenting a distorted and degraded interpretation of our scriptural texts. Funding for the DEI projects supposedly to bring about social justice in India for the marginalized sections seems innocuous, but actually these projects are carried out with the aim to create divisions in the Indian society. How Harvard has been aiming to create problems for India can be gauged from the Indologist Rajiv Malhotra's assertion in his recent book Snakes in the Ganga that a clandestine project undertaken by Harvard University to study the tribal Munda languages spoken in Chhattisgarh and Odisha states was not exactly for love of an obscure language but meant to promote a new theory that the Munda speakers were the original inhabitants of the Indian subcontinent which would mean that both Aryans and Dravidians were outsiders! One needs to be reminded of the Maoist movement rife in that area which might serve as part of the toolkit to dismember India. When it comes to highlighting India and its positive influence on the world, Harvard is least interested. Malhotra's attempts to get its researchers take up projects on Vivekananda's influence on America got lip service only, so did his plea to promote India-loving Transcendentalist Ralph Emerson's writings. In case of Thoreau, Harvard simply denied India's influence – something clearly indicated in his book Walden Pond – besides ignoring such request in the case of Nobel-awardee T.S. Eliot, who had studied Sanskrit texts and used Sanskrit aphorisms in his poems. Harvard has also been criticized by Malcolm Gladwell, the acclaimed author of The Tipping Point for its bias in admissions where it discriminates against Indian students and prefers other races. This attitude had been criticized by the US Supreme Court also which in its 2023 judgment mentioned race-conscious admissions programmes at Harvard and the University of North Carolina and found them violative of the Equal Protection Clause. Now that the Trump administration has withdrawn grants to Harvard and some other universities, will the Indian billionaires have a second thought about funding these universities? Why don't they divert these funds to Indian universities and provide to Indian students good education at reasonable cost? The growing strictness about visa in America and Canada provides a huge opportunity to the Indian universities, government and the philanthropists to work together and come up with an elaborate world-class education system that will save for the country billions going out on account of foreign education. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.
The Hindu
4 days ago
- Politics
- The Hindu
Sheikh Hasina Needs to Step Back From Bangladesh Politics: Sreeradha Datta
Published : May 29, 2025 15:14 IST - 12 MINS READ In this episode of Latitude, host Nirupama Subramanian spoke to Sreeradha Datta, a professor of international relations at O.P. Jindal Global University who specialises in South Asia. Datta discusses developments in Bangladesh where Muhammad Yunus, the Chief Advisor, conveyed through a representative a few days ago that he was going to step down because of non-cooperation by various stakeholders. While the 84-year-old Yunus has since stepped back from the decision, the uncertainty continues amid reports that differences have developed between him and the Bangladesh army. Datta also discusses India-Bangladesh relations and what can be done to restore the bilateral ties that existed before Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina's ouster in August 2024. Edited excerpts: What do you make of this sudden announcement by Muhammad Yunus that he wished to quit, and then, equally quickly, his withdrawal of that decision? Was this just a trial balloon, a pressure tactic, or did he really mean it seriously? I would think it's actually a mix of all those three basic factors. Yes, there were a lot of different variant voices, at times divisive voices, also and different stakeholders who had a different point of view. Also, there was a problem of the road map for the elections. We've seen the BNP [Bangladesh Nationalist Party] and others [who] want early elections in December. The student leaders, the Jamaat-e-Islami, they want elections to be deferred because clearly their ground is not ready for it as yet. And the question of the reforms, which Dr. Yunus himself said in his early days, that anything from one year to three years, so it was kept widely open then. He's frustrated, he's exasperated, he's not happy trying to do this. But I think that all party meeting which took place two days ago was basically putting faith on him because at this point of juncture, if he steps down, this would be political mayhem again. All the stakeholders agreed that the best way forward is Professor Yunus. And I think that's what he mentioned yesterday, that he's not going to stay beyond June 30 next year. The BNP and the military have been demanding elections by December this year. Would they be happy about this extended timeline to June 30, 2026? The BNP is certainly because they know this is a good time for them. There's a huge wave in their favour at this point in time, which they don't want to miss out on. But again, he has mentioned reforms. The basic reform everybody agrees on is the electoral reform. The election commission has already got the voters' list out, where people can address the anomalies. But for these reforms to take shape, you would need all-party consensus. Many of the reform reports have been accepted by the interim government. But now they have to have a process where everybody is on board with it. And there is an opinion that an elected government is best suited for this purpose. Should Yunus not be really concentrating on holding the election? These reforms are best addressed by an elected government. Where is this coming from? If you recall, Bangladesh between 2006 and 2008 had a similar interim period when it was a caretaker government. At that point in time, there has been opinion among many Bangladeshis that many reforms that the nation needed weren't undertaken, the systemic problems that Bangladesh has. Similarly, now I have spoken to some of the advisors who talked about the very deep-rooted systemic problems that need to be addressed. But I don't think it's possible to address them overnight. The opinion of Yunus and some who back him suggests that, suppose it went to election straight away, the country was going to go back to the same chaos, the same mayhem of not being able to address the systemic problems. My argument is that even if you do bring in very strong reforms, what is to say a political party that has an overwhelming majority in the parliament is not going to come and overrule all of that. It's a political culture that needs to be addressed, and it can't be done just through paper. Also Read | BNP and Jamaat's London huddle stirs political pot in Bangladesh When Yunus said he wanted to quit because he was not being allowed to govern, what was actually happening on the ground in Bangladesh? What we saw immediately in the aftermath of the August 5 uprising, we've seen different stakeholders suddenly jump in. Students were the front face of that movement. Now, often we've seen when students campaign for change, the whole country awakens to the fact that if we all go to the streets in masses, we want to get our wishlist done. So we've seen all kinds of people on the road in that particular mood that we can do this through street power. I think Yunus gave them too much space, essentially because he felt the previous regime wasn't engaging, especially the youth. But at the same time, when we suddenly see a lot of these Islamist elements suddenly out and voicing - maybe at a political level, they probably have absolutely no space, but this social space was sadly too much. Those elements, their street power is immense. These Islamist elements, hopefully have absolutely zero electoral presence. But this street power, their social power is a lot. He seemed to suggest there were differences between the army and the interim administration. What really is that relationship? I would think they don't have to be on the same page on every issue. The main controversy which we saw in the public domain is on the humanitarian corridor. Can you please explain this humanitarian corridor? This is basically a space they wanted to create on the common border where Bangladesh would provide material, food, and essential items for the people of the Rakhine region who didn't even have gas to cook their food on in the aftermath of the earthquake and the huge, violent situation that continues to exist there. The army chief reacted to that because clearly this is a strategic decision. The army needed to be consulted. And I don't think the consultation process actually happened. So I think then the media advisor said, no, we've not decided on anything as yet. This is a matter of discussion going on at this point of time. 'In Bangladesh, despite the social media angst about India, every political stakeholder and any urban Bangladeshi will tell you that India is a neighbour that they will have to work with.' Has this crisis blown over? Are things now going to be easy for Yunus? It's very difficult to say that about Bangladesh. They're extremely given to emotions and histrionics. But largely, I would say, especially the political stakeholders, I think they do understand that it's important to have stability here because otherwise nobody wins. For their own sake, they will ensure. But again, there's always this particular element in Bangladesh about Islamists being given a very open hand suddenly. We've seen many decisions, people being released from prison. We don't know which way the narrative was going to be taken by those kind of elements. What are they doing to reign in these Islamists? No, I don't think one sees that really. These elements are part of not necessarily just Hefazat[-e-Islam Bangladesh], but many small groups who were also been accused of terror attacks in the past. They are the ones who are out on the street now. Suddenly, Bangladeshi friends that I speak to said we've never seen these kinds of elements. They said, we ourselves, we don't know who they are and where they have suddenly emerged from. There's a kind of very black hole here about their presence. If they do not have popular support, why is the interim administration reluctant to crack down against them? We've been wondering ourselves when we discuss Bangladesh as to why we don't see the interim come down much more sharply on them. We've seen huge violence against minorities. The interim government, the student leaders have constantly denounced it and said that we'll try and do whatever we can, but we've still seen huge outbreaks happening constantly. I think they probably thought the more they go against them, there'll be more such elements rising to the surface. So it was best to not give them too much of importance. The army has spoken about holding an inclusive election—an indirect demand that the Awami League should be allowed to take part. But the Awami League has been banned. How does this get resolved? This was going to be a tricky point, always. The BNP has said that our military should be there as a multi-party because their argument is that this is exactly what was happening during our military's time—that the BNP was not allowed to vote. But I wish the judiciary, the legal proceedings would have been far more hastened. What they've done is a ban on Awami League activities till the criminal procedures are not [completed]. So why could they not initiate? The entire nation was behind that, they would support the legal process to be initiated. It's a historical party, the largest political party of Bangladesh. So you can't keep them out for long. But this is a difficult position because who comes as the opposition leader, as the opposition political party? That middle ground is completely been vacuum at this point of time. If the Awami League were allowed to participate in the coming election, how would it perform? There is a very basic 25-28 per cent strength of voters who have always backed the Awami League. They continue to be there. Even if they may lose some supporters, there would still certainly be a ground support for the Awami League. It doesn't have to be in the name of a particular leader but as a political party. On the whole, voters vote on a different psychology that even if the Awami League did what they did, it is still better than a religious or a more conservative political party. There will be a vast wave of support for the BNP because they've been saying some very responsible things at this point of time. How active is Sheikh Hasina herself in party matters? She is in India in exile. In the initial days and months, we saw Sheikh Hasina relay a lot of messages and phone conversations being released by party members, because she was constantly in touch with them. But in the last couple of weeks, months, I've not heard much. I don't think she thinks she needs to rebuild. She thinks the party exists because every time she's publicly spoken, she's always said that I'm coming back. So she thinks the party is fine. I don't think she's doing any kind of a reality check. Also Read | India comments on treatment of Hindus in Bangladesh but must know its treatment of Muslims has repercussions: Debapriya Bhattacharya Is there a chance that she has a political future in Bangladesh if she goes back? Actually, I doubt that. I would think the best way to keep the Awami League there strongly is if she steps back and lets other leaders take forward. But the misdeeds of Sheikh Hasina are far too much, far too high. I don't think that after what she did, especially with the students, unarmed students, and the kind of bloodbath that we saw, I don't think she would be excused by anyone there, even people who have supported Awami League. I want to come to relations with India. Is there any attempt by Delhi to re-establish ties with the Yunus government, apart from the meeting between Prime Minister Modi and Professor Yunus during the BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) meeting? I wouldn't think so. India's very deliberately keeping quiet. Some basic communication is open, but it wouldn't want to do anything beyond that. Yunus hasn't helped the case either. A lot of the pronunciations about the north-east, about Lalmonirhat, about China, about Pakistan hasn't gone down well. Apart from the communal violence issues and the fact that we hated anybody who would oust Sheikh Hasina. We don't support the interim [government] at all. We think it's not a legitimate government. And then we don't like Yunus also because of what Sheikh Hasina's opinion about him is. How have India's restrictions on Bangladeshi exports gone down in Bangladesh? That message has been very clearly conveyed: what is emanating from Bangladesh is not something that India is very happy to hear. But I recall a BBC interview where Yunus talks about how now he says India is the most important neighbour. I've heard from every political entity in Bangladesh—not one of them has ever said that India is not important to us. But the noises that have come out from Bangladesh haven't endeared them to us. There is no doubt in Bangladesh, despite the social media angst about India, every political stakeholder and any urban Bangladeshi will tell you that India is a neighbour that they will have to work with. Can India really hope to pick up this relationship with an elected government after so much bad blood? Let's face it, in a situation like this, the problems are faced both by Indians and Bangladeshis, but Indians have the capacity, a larger capacity, to absorb the issue and move on with it. Bangladesh has the perception that the Awami League was able to sustain itself because India supported it. So there are youth groups who are very angsty about India on these issues. But I've always argued that India and Bangladesh are destined to work together. That's how it should be because the cost of non cooperation is so very high for both. Just that India has a capacity to absorb it and move along; it will hurt Bangladesh much more. So it will be in Bangladesh's interest also once an elected government comes in place to reach out. But the basic thing is that security parameters are going to be safe with every political entity. For India that's the basic red line that if that is not addressed, nothing matters. Nirupama Subramanian is an independent journalist who has worked earlier at The Hindu and at The Indian Express.
India Gazette
26-05-2025
- Business
- India Gazette
Women Can Achieve Autonomy Through Financial Empowerment: Rekha Gupta, CM, Delhi at Women Leadership Series
OP Jindal University New Delhi [India], May 26: 'It is essential for women to be financially empowered. It is possible for women to achieve autonomy, financial access and become leaders by enhancing and increasing their own potential to reach a position which enables them to make their own decisions.' said Rekha Gupta, the Chief Minister of Delhi, at the inaugural lecture of the Women's Leadership Series titled 'From Access to Autonomy - The Impact of Financial Independence on Women Leadership'. The event also included Georgia Varisco, Chief of YuWaah at UNICEF, as a distinguished speaker and Vaishnavi Jain, Global Woman Foundation (GWF). The lecture was organised as part of the Women's Leadership Series by the Global Woman Foundation in partnership with O.P. Jindal Global University and the Centre for Advancing Research in Management & Law (CARML). 'We have seen in the past that 'power' was often associated with the primary earner in the family, as it was often men who had that role and women were dependent on them. This discussion is meant to show that path to women. As a leader, I need to assist women in our state towards that goal and strengthen their resolve. India has been enriched with social reformers who have supported the cause of women empowerment. We have overcome barriers like female infanticide and resistance towards widow remarriage or even access to education for women. We have supported the cause of promoting girls towards growth, progress and development. Today, women are rising in every field and this has not been achieved without a struggle and it has taken time to alter the social and cultural mindset. To make the goal of the Leadership Series a success, we need to collectively work towards removing impediments that curb the progress and advancement of women,' the distinguished Chief Minister said as part of the address. O.P. Jindal Global University (JGU) and the Global Women Foundation have signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) aimed at advancing academic collaboration, research, and leadership opportunities for women. This strategic partnership is designed to foster the exchange of research personnel, facilitate live projects, provide student internships, and organize joint conferences, symposiums, and workshops. By combining JGU's global academic reach with the Global Women Foundation's commitment to women's empowerment, the collaboration seeks to create a dynamic platform for innovation, leadership training, and cross-sectoral dialogue. The partnership will also see the organization of high-impact conferences and symposiums, bringing together thought leaders, policymakers, and industry experts to discuss pressing issues and share best practices. Workshops and leadership series events, such as this inaugural lecture, will provide ongoing opportunities for capacity building and mentorship, focusing on nurturing the next generation of women leaders. Lauding the pioneering initiative, Professor (Dr.) C. Raj Kumar, the Founding Vice Chancellor, O.P. Jindal Global University, said, 'As we discuss the impact of financial independence on women's leadership, our Chief Guest, Smt. Rekha Gupta, epitomizes the vision of women's empowerment by holding positions of responsibility and leadership. At the heart of a pluralistic, egalitarian, and inclusive society lies the issue of women's rights and how we contribute to their empowerment. We have witnessed extraordinary developments in the framework of legislative interventions, including the Equal Remuneration Act of 1976; the Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act of 2005, which advocated for equal inheritance rights for daughters; the Maternity Benefit (Amendment) Act of 2017; and, of course, the Sexual Harassment of Women at Workplace Act of 2013. Public policy plays a catalytic role in advancing women's financial empowerment, and the Government of India has undertaken significant efforts to advance the rights of women, including the Pradhan Mantri Jan Dhan Yojana; loans for SC/ST and women entrepreneurs; Mahila e-Haat, an online platform for women-led enterprises; the Mudra Yojana for women's micro-enterprises; and one-stop centres focused on providing legal, psychological, and economic support for survivors of violence. This event underscores the need to build a society where women are empowered to engage in meaningful employment and have a strong foundation in education. We must envisage a future where every woman can start her own business, own land or a home, and lead in politics, law, medicine, and technology--making decisions in courts, companies, and communities--not as exceptions, but as equals. Autonomy is not just about personal freedom; it is about shared power, structural change, and social justice.' In her introductory remarks, Professor Dipika Jain, Executive Dean of Jindal Global Law School, said: 'A woman who lacks control over her finances remains subject to the decisions of others--whether within her family, community, or workplace. Financial independence is not merely about having money; it is about the autonomy to make choices, the dignity to chart one's path, and the strength to walk away from violence, exploitation, or neglect. At Jindal Global Law School, we view the law not only as an instrument of justice but also as a powerful agent of transformation. Over the years, we have made a deliberate effort to foreground women's leadership--not just in our discourse but in our research, pedagogy, and institutional framework. We take pride in our numerous research centres led by women scholars, and 70% of our leadership positions are held by women'. Vaishnavi Jain, Global Woman Foundation (GWF) said, 'We are here to celebrate the strength, resilience and potential of women worldwide and it is our mission to turn challenges into opportunities and dreams into reality. At GWF, we are leaders, collaborators and decision makers. Our mission is to grow and learn together: be it mastering financial literacy, launching new ventures, climbing the leadership ladder or advancing careers. Our capacity building programme is here to support every aspiration. At GWF, we help women by fostering a sense of community through our various projects. GWF provides a platform for members to connect, inspire and work towards collective success and join our mission to create a safe, inclusive environment where every voice matters.' Giorgia Varisco, Chief of Yuwaah (Youth & Adolescent), UNICEF gave the keynote address and said, 'The effort in convening such a diverse and influential group of leaders, activists and thinkers reflect your unwavering commitment to gender equality and social transformation. It's a gathering where ideas, experience, and purpose intersect to remind us what is possible when we act collectively. Financial independence is not just about earning money, it's about the power to choose, influence and stand on your own feet and to lead. With financial independence comes a new role within the families and community. The shift from being invisible to becoming agents of influence is what true empowerment looks like. While progress is undeniable, there is still work to be done to ensure that every woman has a fair chance to lead. Women, especially those from marginalized backgrounds, continue to face barriers from limited access to formal financial systems, gender norms, or limited mobility.' Prof. (Dr.) Manmeet Kaur, Associate Professor at Jindal Global Law School, highlighted that the theme 'From Access to Autonomy: The Impact of Financial Independence on Women's Leadership' underscores financial independence as a powerful catalyst for women's empowerment, enhancing confidence, decision-making, leadership, and unlocking their full potential. (ADVERTORIAL DISCLAIMER: The above press release has been provided by OP Jindal University. ANI will not be responsible in any way for the content of the same)
India Gazette
19-05-2025
- General
- India Gazette
JGU Dean is First Indian Academic Appointed to Cambridge International's Strategic Higher Education Advisory Council
OP Jindal University Sonipat (Haryana) [India], May 19: In an unprecedented educational honour for Indian academics, Prof. (Dr.) Upasana Mahanta, Dean of Admissions and Outreach at O.P. Jindal Global University (JGU), has been appointed as the First Indian to the Strategic Higher Education Advisory Council (SHEAC) formed by Cambridge International. This is the first time India is being represented at this global platform. SHEAC brings together senior leaders in admissions and student recruitment from some of the world's most distinguished academic institutions--including the University of Oxford, MIT, University of Cambridge, University of Toronto, and Monash University. The Council plays a vital role in shaping the recognition, relevance, and future direction of Cambridge qualifications globally, ensuring they remain responsive to the changing dynamics of higher education worldwide. Prof. Mahanta's appointment is a significant recognition of the growing leadership of India in global academic forums. An Indian voice at SHEAC brings much-needed representation and perspective from the Global South to critical conversations impacting higher education. Her experience and leadership will make India's role even more influential on international platforms like Cambridge. This appointment, a first for an Indian academic, will help in getting global recognition for the country's achievements in the field of education. Reflecting on her appointment, Prof. Mahanta shared: 'It's an incredible honour to join this global group of educators and policy leaders. I see this as an opportunity to represent not just JGU, but also the aspirations of students and educators across India and the Global South. The world of education is transforming, and it's vital that this transformation is guided by voices that are diverse, grounded, and globally minded.' Commenting on the news, Prof. (Dr.) C. Raj Kumar, Founding Vice Chancellor of JGU, said, 'This is a proud moment for JGU and for India. Prof. Upasana Mahanta's appointment shows that the work we are doing here -- our values, our vision, our commitment to inclusive education --resonates globally. As a university from the Global South, we believe in building bridges, not walls. We are honoured that our voice will now help shape the future of education at an international level.' In a time of rapid change--when higher education is being reshaped by technology, global migration, climate challenges, and shifting ideas of what learning should look like--representation matters more than ever. This appointment is a reminder that some of the most important ideas, innovations, and leadership in education are coming from places like India. Dr Mahanta's selection to the SHEAC Council is a big step for India as it will increase the country's ability to raise a strong voice globally in the education sector. O.P. Jindal Global University has been playing a pioneering role in India in making admission processes more accessible, inclusive, and student-focused. Founded in 2009, JGU has grown into one of India's top private universities, with a strong international outlook. Recognised as an Institution of Eminence by the Government of India, JGU is home to twelve schools, over 500 academic partnerships worldwide, and a stellar reputation for excellence in law, liberal arts, international affairs, and the social sciences. (ADVERTORIAL DISCLAIMER: The above press release has been provided by OP Jindal University. ANI will not be responsible in any way for the content of the same)
