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Pakistan General Ridiculed For Claiming Islamabad Used Own Resources During Conflict With India
Pakistan General Ridiculed For Claiming Islamabad Used Own Resources During Conflict With India

India.com

time2 days ago

  • Business
  • India.com

Pakistan General Ridiculed For Claiming Islamabad Used Own Resources During Conflict With India

ISLAMABAD: Even as leading warfare experts across the world have exposed Pakistan's massive strategic failures, at the same time also giving a detailed account of failure of Chinese systems during India's decisive Operation Sindoor last month, a Pakistani four-star General has claimed that the country fought the recent 96-hour conflict with India using only its own resources. "Pakistan has purchased some military equipment from other countries, but apart from that, in real time, the country relied solely on its internal capabilities and did not receive any help from any other state," General Sahir Burkabal Shamshad Mirza, currently serving as the 18th Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (CJCSC), told a foreign broadcaster in a recent interview, details of which appeared in the Pakistani media on Tuesday. He also mentioned that the weapons used by Pakistan in the recent conflict were "certainly similar" to those available to India. Mirza was ridiculed over his comments with analysts reiterating that Pakistan has an old habit of spreading lies and even present doctored clips to prove a point. "Pakistan lies to another State, as well as to its own people with deleterious consequences. The whole world knows now how Osama-bin-Laden was kept in a secured house in the Abbottabad Military Cantonment just 1.3 kms from Pakistan Military Academy in Kakul," said one expert. Last week, in his extensive analysis titled 'India's Operation Sindoor: A Battlefield Verdict on Chinese Weapons — And India's Victory', top urban warfare expert John Spencer reckoned that Operation Sindoor wasn't just a military campaign but a technology demonstration, a market signal, and a strategic blueprint. "Operation Sindoor pitted India's indigenously developed weapons systems against Chinese-supplied platforms fielded by Pakistan. And, India didn't just win on the battlefield — it won the technology referendum. What unfolded was not just retaliation, but the strategic debut of a sovereign arsenal built under the twin doctrines of Make in India and Atmanirbhar Bharat," Spencer mentioned. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Pakistan gets 81 per cent of its weapons from China. Pakistan operates Chinese origin HQ-9 long range and the HQ-16 medium range Air Defence Systems (ADS). During Operation Sindoor, Spencer wrote, the JF-17 Thunder aircraft - produced in Pakistan but designed and built by China's AVIC - failed to gain air superiority or contest Indian strikes. Similarly, the LY-80 and FM-90 air defence systems, also Chinese-made, were unable to detect or stop India's low-flying drones and precision munitions. Several reports indicated that China was providing real-time reconssaiance data to Pakistan during the conflict, thereby putting Chinese arms in a live combat setting. In recent years, Turkey has emerged as a reliable supplier of defence equipment to Pakistan, sending the MILGEM-class corvettes, T129 ATAK helicopters, Bayraktar TB2 and Akinci drones. Pakistan also imports weapons from countries like South Africa, Germany, Austria, Switzerland, and Belgium. "Reports emerged that Turkish drone operators had to be brought in to manage UAVs — revealing both equipment and personnel dependency... Pakistan's key airborne early warning platform, Swedish Saab 2000 AEW&C, was destroyed — likely by an S-400 system — crippling Pakistan's airspace awareness and blinding command and control functions," said Spencer.

Operation Sindoor 2.0: Expect more concrete action in near future
Operation Sindoor 2.0: Expect more concrete action in near future

First Post

time27-05-2025

  • Politics
  • First Post

Operation Sindoor 2.0: Expect more concrete action in near future

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh has indicated that 'Operation Sindoor' was only a 'trailer', and more actions are in the pipeline read more It seems the dust has settled somewhat on the India-Pakistan conflict, but only for now. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh indicated that 'Operation Sindoor' was only a 'trailer', and more actions are in the pipeline. Other statements also outline India's objectives. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has said that India would pursue terrorists and their backers to 'the ends of the earth', that India reserved the right to give a 'fitting' reply to any further terrorist attack, not differentiating between terrorists and their sponsors, and that the Indus Water Treaty would remain 'in abeyance' till terror stopped. In sum, the main thrust is to get a full stop on terrorism. Delhi has had enough. And so have the people. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Know Your Enemy However, a strategy is based on knowing the enemy and why he attacked at all. After all, the Balakote strike demonstrated clearly that India was prepared to hit conventionally despite a nuclear overhang. For five years, there was relative peace, though matters began to spiral again with small attacks in late 2024. Then on April 16th Chief of Army Staff Asim Munir, rather than a civilian leader, chose to address a group of overseas Pakistanis, proclaiming Pakistan's prowess, that Hindus and Muslims were ever different, and Kashmir as a 'jugular vein'. The Pahalgam attack occurred five days later. That attack not just identified and hit Hindus but also had terrorists tell hapless widows to 'go and tell Modi'. On April 26, Munir chose to reiterate the whole diatribe, this time to cadets of the Pakistan Military Academy. Clearly, Pakistan's army wanted war and was prepared to take the risk of escalation. That's point one. This assessment is backed by an influential Pakistani media report which observed, 'Pakistan's historic military victory over India is expected to yield multiple dividends, with the most immediate being the all-time high public respect for the armed forces and a surge in the popularity of the country's political and military leadership, especially… General Asim Munir.' Munir is now a field marshal. That's all rather a contrast from the time when the army was facing the worst protests of its history after the arrest of Imran Khan, which led to 'shoot at sight' orders even in late 2024, and arrests of spy chief Lt Gen Faiz Hameed and other senior officers, leading to cries of 'yeh jo dehshatgardi hai, iss ke peeche vardi hai' resounding across the country. Add to this massive protests in April just before the Pahalgam against a massive canal project that would have denied water to Sindh. All that is forgotten as the army's position surges on perceptions of a 'victory'. The trouble is it won't last long, and the terrorists will be back when the army feels necessary. In sum, as long as the army is in power, nothing is going to change. That's point two. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The US Roped In Second, the army had another objective. Pakistanis' resentment was more than apparent at Track 2 dialogues attended by this author at their complete sidelining, even by Delhi which was preoccupied with other matters. Weeks before Pahalgam, US officials were in Pakistan discussing a deal – with the Army Chief present – which would centre on Balochistan's and Khyber Pakhtunkwa's considerable mineral wealth. That might or might not go through, given the extreme instability already. But Pahalgam did the trick and ensured a US tilt towards Pakistan's favour. That's nothing new. The US has always stepped in to stop a possible nuclear escalation, but Pakistan calculated that Trump would once again offer mediation – he had done this twice in his previous term – and he did. That was not all. Worse was Secretary Rubio's condoling 'loss of civilian lives' in Pakistan. Islamabad therefore has welcomed the US role and its equating of the two countries – something it has long manoeuvred for, even as Delhi rejected it, reiterating its position on this as a bilateral issue. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD In short, Islamabad has gained points, even as it was given the much awaited loan from the International Monetary Fund. True, it has imposed 11 new conditionalities, making a total of 50, the highest ever. But it got the money. Notice also that Pakistan has also managed to completely erase any mention of Lashkar-e-Taiba or Jaish-e-Mohammed from United Nations reports on counterterrorism. The narrative of 'Pakistan as a terrorist state' has frayed in the US and allied countries as their attention is taken up with bloody wars in Ukraine and Gaza. True, US intel folks know their Pakistan. Recently, Islamabad traded in an ostensible planner of the Abbey Gate attacks in a nicely calculated move during Trump's inauguration in a 'joint' operation. That's intel dependency. Any chasing after terrorist backers may be difficult, though perhaps not the terrorists themselves. That's point three. Taking all these together, it is apparent that India's strategy has to adjust to new geopolitical realities. The first move is to trace and punish terrorists; it can be undertaken together with diverse intelligence agencies who have a stake in terms of their own national security. Many who will cooperate, regardless of political statements. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Second, diplomacy needs to push towards tying every penny of grants and aid given by European and Japanese governments – among others – with progress in democracy. If the US can be persuaded to join this drive for its own interests in stability for mineral exploitation – then all the better. Third, in a move that might seem almost blasphemous, it's in our interest to start empowering the politicians, industrialists and plain business folks in Pakistan with the promise of cross-continent trade in the future so that a powerful group forms that has strong stakes in peace. It's possible. After all, the idea is already out there, given that former COAS Gen Qamar Bajwa had called for just that. Fourth, mainstreaming the dangers of terrorism will require trade as leverage for a 'transactional' president. Pakistan is already on that game, engaging with the Trump family-backed World Liberty Council through the newly formed Pakistan Crypto Council, roping in Binance, the world's largest crypto exchange. With the army in power, matters are moving fast. We need to get our snail's pace bureaucracy to go places. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Finally, the threat to stop water has to be calibrated carefully using all media sources to convey the message that a shortage of water is due to Pakistan army adventurism. All these are intermeshing activities with a clear common objective. Get the Pakistani people to send the military back to the barracks with the backing of an 'international community' that is at present distracted by wars on their doorstep. It's a challenge of giant proportions. Ironically, however, such an outcome would probably be the best possible result for Pakistan itself. For India, the whole exercise will be aimed at denying the equating of the world's largest democracy with what is, after all, a terrorist state. It's good that our delegations are talking terrorism again. But Operation Sindoor's next phase needs more action. The author is Director (R&A) at the Centre for Land Warfare Studies. She tweets @kartha_tara. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD

Pakistan's diplomatic victory conceals its weakness
Pakistan's diplomatic victory conceals its weakness

Mint

time22-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Mint

Pakistan's diplomatic victory conceals its weakness

Nothing boosts a Pakistani general's flagging domestic popularity like being able to claim he won a confrontation with his country's archenemy, India. Asim Munir, Pakistan's army chief, has been on a victory lap since President Trump announced an abrupt end to a four-day subcontinental conflict May 10. On Tuesday the Pakistani government promoted Mr. Munir to field marshal, a self-promotion for the country's most powerful man. Mr. Munir has emerged stronger from his confrontation with India, but the same can't be said of his country. Though Pakistan may have scored diplomatic points, beneath its breathless claim of victory lie inconvenient facts. By striking terrorist infrastructure and air bases deep in Pakistan's heartland, and by suspending a 65-year-old bilateral river water-sharing treaty, India has weakened Pakistan's strategic position. For the U.S., the simmering conflict presents challenges and opportunities. A successful U.S. strategy in the region would achieve two interconnected goals: curbing the Pakistani army's support for transnational jihadist groups and ensuring that any subcontinental conflict doesn't go nuclear. America must also recognize that China's military and diplomatic support for Pakistan has made the subcontinent a site of U.S.-China competition. Nearly three years ago, when Mr. Munir became army chief—the most powerful position in a country where generals call the shots—he was widely seen as an outsider with a shaky grip on power. Unlike many of his predecessors, Mr. Munir entered the army through the Officers Training School rather than the more prestigious Pakistan Military Academy. The son of a schoolteacher who doubled as an imam, Mr. Munir advertises his piety. He uses the honorific hafiz, given to those who have memorized the Quran. Unlike many predecessors, Mr. Munir wasn't trained in the U.S. or U.K. His foreign exposure was mostly limited to serving in Saudi Arabia when that country was still synonymous with hard-line Islam. Mr. Munir became chief after a feud between the army and former Prime Minister Imran Khan, a 72-year-old charismatic populist who became prime minister with the army's help in 2018 but later fell out with Mr. Munir's predecessor, Qamar Javed Bajwa. Mr. Bajwa reportedly helped oust Mr. Khan in 2022. Mr. Bajwa and Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif saw Mr. Munir as a safe pick because Mr. Khan and Mr. Munir had clashed during the latter's brief tenure as head of the country's military spy agency in 2018-19. Mr. Munir had reportedly angered the prime minister by investigating alleged corruption by his wife. Despite Mr. Khan's popularity, the army outmaneuvered him. Since August 2023, Mr. Khan has been imprisoned on a raft of charges, most of them widely seen by independent observers as politically motivated. In an interview last week, Mr. Khan's sons, who live in England, alleged that their father has been kept in solitary confinement and denied basic rights such as medical care and regular phone calls with family. The persecution of Mr. Khan made Mr. Munir arguably the most unpopular Pakistani army chief in living memory—that is, until India bombed nine 'terrorist infrastructure" sites on May 7 in retaliation for a terrorist attack on Indian tourists in Kashmir. The conflict has allowed Mr. Munir to reinvent himself as a hero. The version of events publicized in Pakistan goes like this: First, India lost at least five fighter jets in its initial attack on May 7, including three French-made Rafales, the most advanced jet in India's air force. Second, Mr. Trump's Truth Social post announcing the cease-fire and his subsequent remarks about the conflict handed Pakistan a clear diplomatic victory. This account contains some truth. India has admitted to losing fighter jets, though it hasn't said how many. Reporting by the Washington Post suggests India likely lost at least two jets. And Mr. Trump has indeed set back Indian diplomacy by casting India and Pakistan as peers and offering to mediate their dispute over Kashmir. But if you look past Indian embarrassment, the balance clearly tilts in New Delhi's favor. India has shown that it can hit targets across Pakistan at will, raising questions about the effectiveness of Pakistan's Chinese-made air defenses. Indian air defenses largely neutralized hundreds of Pakistani drones and missiles. Prime Minister Narendra Modi on May 12 announced a new doctrine according to which India 'will not differentiate between the government sponsoring terrorism and the masterminds of terrorism." India says the current lull in fighting isn't a permanent cease-fire but a temporary 'suspension of military operations." In the coming months and years, India will almost certainly seek to increase its capacity to pressure Pakistan by building dams on shared rivers. For now, the Pakistani army's skilled public-relations machinery may have turned the once-unpopular army chief into a hero at home. But looked at dispassionately, it's hard to see how Field Marshal Asim Munir has made Pakistan any safer.

'American Manhunt: Osama bin Laden' earns praise following brief release delay; netizens call it a 'must watch'
'American Manhunt: Osama bin Laden' earns praise following brief release delay; netizens call it a 'must watch'

Time of India

time20-05-2025

  • Entertainment
  • Time of India

'American Manhunt: Osama bin Laden' earns praise following brief release delay; netizens call it a 'must watch'

OTT's latest three-part docuseries, ' American Manhunt: Osama bin Laden ', which was originally slated for release on May 10, faced a slight delay before eventually premiering on May 14. The postponement prompted frustration among subscribers, with many voicing their displeasure online. A number of users on X (formerly Twitter) even announced their decision to cancel their subscriptions in protest at the delay. However, following its release, 'American Manhunt' has been garnering a steady stream of reactions online. One viewer posted:'#AmericanManhuntOsamabinLaden was a riveting documentary series. Just three episodes, most of which I've seen bits and pieces of across several documentaries/films. But it was put together so well—especially the third episode, which was nail-biting cinema! Hard-hitting! A must-watch!' The only (alleged) Osama Bin Laden visual you'll see in #AmericanManhuntOsamabinLaden docu series while he walks in his Abbottabad compound. CIA filming a highly sensitive area near Pakistan Military Academy like it's NOTHING. — Hina 804 (@hinasafi) May 19, 2025 Another user expressed excitement: 'OMG. They showed this tweet in the Netflix documentary, Osama Bin Laden – American Manhunt. Very interesting documentary, highly recommend it...' by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 선납금·위약금 없이 신차장기렌트 최저가 견적 받아보세요! 써치오토모빌 더 알아보기 Undo Several viewers also shared screenshots of gripping scenes, praising the documentary's authenticity and access. One commented: 'The only (alleged) Osama Bin Laden visual you'll see in #AmericanManhuntOsamabinLaden docuseries—while he walks in his Abbottabad compound. CIA filming a highly sensitive area near Pakistan Military Academy like it's NOTHING,' alongside a still from the episode. 'Mission Impossible' Director Mcquarrie Reveals Tom Cruise's Dangerous Habit | Deets Inside The series delves deep into the dramatic pursuit of the world's most notorious terrorist following the September 11 attacks . It sheds light on the painstaking ten-year manhunt that culminated in bin Laden's death at the hands of US forces in Abbottabad, Pakistan, in 2011. Featuring insights from CIA operatives and key officials from both the George W. Bush and Barack Obama administrations, the documentary offers an insider's look at the intelligence and decision-making that led to the historic raid. One segment explores President Obama's controversial decision to exclude the Pakistani government from the mission, reflecting the complexities surrounding trust and secrecy during the operation on the night of May 2, 2011.

Pakistan and two-nation theory: Method in Gen Munir's madness
Pakistan and two-nation theory: Method in Gen Munir's madness

First Post

time18-05-2025

  • Politics
  • First Post

Pakistan and two-nation theory: Method in Gen Munir's madness

Gen Asim Munir's statement wasn't simply a wink-wink dog whistle to activate anti-India extremists but a big flashing green signal to them to go into action read more Pakistan's Army Chief General Syed Asim Munir stands on a military tank speaking with army troops. Amidst India's precise strikes on Pakistan's air bases, reports say that Munir was shifted to a fortified bunker. File image/AFP There are ideological absurdities—and then there's the two-nation theory which led to India's Partition on the absurd basis that Muslims and Hindus could not co-exist peacefully under the same roof as they constituted two separate and irreconcilable nationalities on the basis of their faith. After more than 75 years during which it was thought that it was long dead and buried, it has been raked up again by Pakistan to justify its anti-India (read anti-Hindu) activities that drove the two countries to the brink of a full-blown recently. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD It's no coincidence that days before the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack in which 26 Hindu tourists were gunned down by Pakistan-linked terrorists, Pakistan army chief General Asim Munir made a gratuitous and provocative reference to the two-nation theory saying that Hindus and Muslims were distinct nations and urged his audience (Pakistan Military Academy cadets) to share the story of Pakistan's creation with their children. His rabble-rousing remarks came completely out of the blue. In retrospect, it's clear that it wasn't simply a wink-wink dog whistle to activate anti-India extremists but a big flashing green signal to them to go into action. And they did. Munir returned to the theme after the Pahalgam massacre as if to give a thumbs-up to his boys. The two-nation theory, he said, was based 'on the fundamental belief that Muslims and Hindus are two separate nations, not one'. 'Muslims are distinct from Hindus in all aspects of life—religion, customs, traditions, thinking and aspirations…Our religion is different, our customs are different, our traditions are different, our thoughts are different, our ambitions are different. That's where the foundation of the two-nation theory was laid. We are two nations, we are not one nation,' he said, seeking to mobilise Pakistani public opinion against 'Hindu' India. Invoking the all-too-familiar bogey of threat to Pakistan's security and sovereignty from a Hindu India, he said in a media interview: 'Our forefathers have sacrificed immensely, and we have sacrificed a lot for the creation of this country, and we know how to defend it.' And should someone may have missed the sermon, he added: 'My dear brothers and sisters and sons and daughters, please don't forget the story of Pakistan and don't forget to narrate the story of Pakistan to your next generation, so that their bond with Pakistan never weakens.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Munir's rant predictably drew a strong reaction from across the political spectrum in India, besides of course a strong condemnation from the government which called it an attempt to divide Hindus and Muslims. Media reports quoted unnamed 'top official sources' as saying that his statement was intended to 'rally a united Muslim bloc against India, calling upon radical elements, extremists, and terrorists to launch attacks'. Gen Munir's bid to resurrect a defunct doctrine is seen as a way of presenting himself as an ideological heir to Jinnah and Zia-ul-Haq. 'In trying to cast himself as heir to Jinnah and Zia, Munir is embalming a vision of Pakistan that no longer serves its people—and driving it toward becoming a reckless, war-making garrison state,' wrote former Indian high commissioner to Pakistan Ajay Bisaria. For all this, however, there's an elephant in the room (to which I'll come in a bit) that nobody wants to notice for fear of upsetting the liberal romantic vision of a multi-religious and multicultural society where everyone irrespective of who they're happily rubs along. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Once, I also innocently shared their sunny vision endlessly citing our proud tradition of Ganga-Jamuni Tehzeeb—the composite high culture of northern India representing a syncretic fusion of Hindu and Muslim cultural elements, embracing language, art, music, literature, and down to social customs. Traces of that tehzeeb still linger on, but the old generation of Hindus and Muslims that valued and cherished it is fading away. And simultaneously, there's an alarming hardening of religious and cultural identities on both sides fuelling a Hindutva -Sharia clash. As a result, Hindu-Muslim relations are at an inflexion point after a post-Partition lull. This is not a sudden development or caused entirely by a few rotten apples. It's important to remember that for much of the past 75 years the secular Congress party was incharge of community relations. So, most of the damage happened on its watch, though it's true that lately the distrust between the two communities has deepened markedly to the point that they're barely on talking terms. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD It's easy to point fingers at each other, but there's a deeper problem at the heart of the crisis. And that brings us to the elephant in the room mentioned above. The reality is that Hindus and Muslims do inhabit different and distinct religious and cultural spheres, though it doesn't necessarily mean that they can't live under the same roof—occasional pin pricks notwithstanding. Addressing the 19th session of Hindu Mahasabha in Ahmedabad, V.D. Savarkar said in 1937: 'There are two antagonistic nations living side by side in India. India cannot be assumed today to be a unitarian and homogenous nation. On the contrary, there are two nations in the main: the Hindus and the Muslims, in India.' Later when in the 1940s, Jinnah articulated the idea that Hindus and Muslims constituted two separate nations with distinct religious, philosophical, social, cultural, and literary traditions, Savarkar endorsed it . In a speech in Nagpur on August 15, 1943: 'I have no quarrel with Mr Jinnah's two-nation theory. We Hindus are a nation by ourselves and it is a historical fact that Hindus and Muslims are two nations." STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Even the venerable B.R. Ambedkar recognised the 'historical, religious, cultural and social factors' behind Hindu-Muslim tensions in his book, Pakistan, Or the Partition of India, published in 1945. He wrote that the assumption that Hindus and Muslims could live under one state if they were distinct nations was but 'an empty sermon, a mad project, to which no sane man would agree'. The Ahmadiyya Muslim Jama'at also enthusiastically supported Jinnah and his two-nation theory. In fact, Chaudary Zafarullah Khan, an Ahmadi leader, drafted the Lahore Resolution calling for the creation of Pakistan. How ironic therefore that today they are not recognised as Muslims in Pakistan and face persecution. So, clearly, back then there was a much wider, if grudging, recognition of the Hindu-Muslim culture clash than is acknowledged today, especially by liberals. What should really worry community and political leaders, however, is that the two-nation doctrine still retains emotional appeal for sections of religio-nationalists on both sides of the communal divide. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD And it was this latent sense of separateness that Gen Munir was hoping to tap into. However, while he succeeded in motivating Muslim extremists in his own country leading to the Pahalgam attack, his strategy failed when it came to deepening the Hindu-Muslim divide in India. On the contrary, it had the opposite effect uniting the two communities against a common enemy still mentally and ideologically stuck in a time-warp while India moved on. But beware: there are too many Munirs around waiting to exploit religious sentiments by exhuming old corpses. Hasan Suroor is author of 'Unmasking Secularism: Why We Need A New Hindu-Muslim Deal'. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.

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