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Rwanda renews its leadership in gender equality through technology and innovation at Generation Equality national stakeholders roundtable
Rwanda renews its leadership in gender equality through technology and innovation at Generation Equality national stakeholders roundtable

Zawya

time3 days ago

  • Health
  • Zawya

Rwanda renews its leadership in gender equality through technology and innovation at Generation Equality national stakeholders roundtable

UN Women Rwanda, in close collaboration with the Ministry of Gender and Family Promotion (MIGEPROF), successfully convened the 4th Generation Equality Forum (GEF) Stakeholders Roundtable, reaffirming Rwanda's global leadership in advancing gender equality through technology and innovation. Held at MIGEPROF headquarters, the bi-annual forum brought together over 50 stakeholders from across government, civil society, the private sector, academia, and development partners to assess national progress and strengthen cross-sector partnerships aligned with the GEF agenda and Rwanda's national commitments . Rwanda has emerged as a global leader, proudly serving as co-lead of the Action Coalition on Technology and Innovation for Gender Equality. With consistent coordination by UN Women and MIGEPROF, Rwanda has institutionalized a results-oriented, inclusive stakeholder engagement model. This roundtable served as a critical midpoint reflection in Rwanda's five-year journey toward fulfilling its national pledges, first declared by H.E. President Paul Kagame at the 2021 Forum in Paris and reaffirmed the country's commitment to using technology and innovation as a powerful lever for gender transformation. Opening the session, Hon. Consolée Uwimana, Minister of Gender and Family Promotion, emphasized the tangible strides made to date. Girls' enrollment in STEM at the upper secondary level has increased from 44.7 per cent in 2021 to 48.6 per cent in 2024. Mobile phone ownership among women-led households has risen from 54.4 per cent to 74 per cent. Additionally, young women innovators have triumphed in three consecutive editions of the national Hanga Pitch Fest competition. 'These are not just statistics, they are stories of transformation,' said Minister Uwimana. 'As we reflect on our commitments, let's remember we are here as Rwanda's voice in the Generation Equality Forum. The world is watching. Let's show what is possible when strong leadership and partnerships work together to drive real change.' The forum featured presentations from key government institutions. The Ministry of ICT and Innovation, alongside the Rwanda Information Society Authority, highlighted advances in broadband connectivity and digital device distribution. The Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning acknowledged notable gains in expanding digital financial inclusion while also calling for improved tracking mechanisms. The Ministry of Commerce and Industry reported increased engagement of women in e-commerce and digital marketplaces, while the Ministry of Education showcased the transformative impact of targeted STEM and coding programs, including the African Girls Can Code Initiative. In her keynote remarks, Ms. Jennet Kem, UN Women Country Representative, commended MIGEPROF's leadership and reiterated UN Women's commitment to coordinated multistakeholder action. 'This platform reflects the full essence of the GEF model, bringing together experiences, resources, and good practices from all sectors,' she said. 'Rwanda's coordinated efforts with stakeholders, consistently convened over the past four years, demonstrate what effective implementation and accountability look like.' She pointed to its election as Vice-Chair of the 70th Commission on the Status of Women as an opportunity to influence global gender-tech norms providing global and regional perspective. Joining the stakeholders virtually, Ms. Hélène Molinier, UN Women's Advisor on Digital Gender Cooperation, shared that the Generation Equality Forum has mobilized over $40 billion in financial pledges and more than 2,500 policy and program commitments globally. She commended Rwanda's ability to not only make bold pledges but to institutionalize them through structured coordination and accountability mechanisms, positioning the country as a global exemplar in translating ambition into action. During the meeting, participants emphasized the need to systematically document initiatives that advance the gender and digitization agenda to foster coherent, coordinated action and better leverage stakeholder contributions across the ecosystem. Accelerating grassroots efforts was highlighted as essential for sustaining progress, with a strong call to utilize community structures to tackle persistent barriers to girls' education in STEM fields. Addressing emerging GEWE challenges, particularly technology-facilitated gender-based violence, was identified as a critical priority in the roll out of the national digitisation agenda. Stakeholders also stressed the importance of evidence-based policies, advocacy, and strategic partnerships, particularly with research institutions and innovation hubs, to develop tailored solutions that bridge the gender digital divide and strengthen women and girls' digital skills and entrepreneurial potential. Strengthening national coordination mechanisms was recognized as key to ensuring impactful and synergistic actions. Closing the session, Mr. Silas Ngayaboshya, Director General of MIGEPROF, reaffirmed Rwanda's resolve. 'Our pledges are not mere aspirations, they are transformative promises. We must continue to challenge the norms, bridge digital gaps, and ensure no woman or girl is left behind.' As Rwanda looks ahead to 2026 and beyond, the 4th Generation Equality Stakeholders Roundtable once again showcased a collective national vision rooted in accountability, innovation, and inclusive leadership. With coordinated action and sustained momentum, Rwanda continues to lead by example, demonstrating how technology can serve as a powerful engine for gender equality. Distributed by APO Group on behalf of UN Women - Africa.

Astana International Forum 2025 Opens with Resounding Call for Global Cooperation
Astana International Forum 2025 Opens with Resounding Call for Global Cooperation

Globe and Mail

time3 days ago

  • Business
  • Globe and Mail

Astana International Forum 2025 Opens with Resounding Call for Global Cooperation

Astana, Kazakhstan--(Newsfile Corp. - May 30, 2025) - The Astana International Forum (AIF) 2025 opened today with a high-level ceremony that set the stage for two days of strategic dialogue and cross-border collaboration. Held under the auspices of President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev of Kazakhstan, this year's Forum gathers global leaders to address some of the world's most urgent challenges under the theme "Connecting Minds, Shaping the Future." To view an enhanced version of this graphic, please visit: In his opening remarks, President Tokayev emphasized the urgency of restoring multilateralism in an increasingly fragmented world: "The post-war global order is fragmenting. Protectionism is rising. Multilateralism is faltering. In this emerging disorder, the task before us is clear: to preserve cooperation where it still exists, and to restore it where it has broken down... That's what we in Kazakhstan strongly pursue: 'The unity in diversity'." The Forum welcomed several high-profile speakers, including Rwandan President Paul Kagame, North Macedonian President Gordana Siljanovska-Davkova, Council of Europe Secretary General Alain Berset, Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Director-General Qu Dongyu, and Ban Ki-moon, Chair of the Global Green Growth Institute and former UN Secretary-General. The session was moderated by Julia Chatterley. Reflecting on the progress that Kazakhstan has made, President Kagame noted that "Kazakhstan's prosperity is the reflection of its leadership, resilience and its people." President Siljanovska-Davkova addressed how to resolve current global crises, stressing that, "We need to use the collective wisdom and experience to think fast, or faster, in order to cope with the pressing challenges of our time." Alain Berset emphasized democratic values as central to global security, stating: "We gather here... to discuss security, energy, climate, and the economy. But let us be honest, these cannot be secured if democracy fails." Meanwhile, Ban Ki-moon praised Kazakhstan's role as a convener: "This year's theme reflects the kind of leadership we need today. One that is collaborative, forward-looking, and rooted in shared responsibility." Qu Dongyu highlighted the role of Central Asia and Kazakhstan in ensuring global food security. "Central Asia stands at the crossroad geopolitically, economically, and climatically," he said, adding: "Kazakhstan's territory is 2,800 square kilometres. With proper management, investments and new technologies - Kazakhstan can easily feed 1 billion people worldwide." The agenda featured action-oriented sessions on climate change, energy security, and conflict resolution. In a one-on-one with journalist Tony Barber, former Austrian Chancellor Sebastian Kurz welcomed growing attention to Central Asia: "Europe is now seeing the need for deeper cooperation with this part of the world." UN-backed discussions were a highlight of the Forum, with the organization serving as a strategic partner. Sessions marked the UN's 80th anniversary and addressed priorities like the Pact for the Future, migration, and water security. A standout was a conversation between CNN's Max Foster and Amy E. Pope, Director-General of the International Organization for Migration (IOM), on migration's role in sustainable development. As day one concluded, AIF reaffirmed its mission to elevate the role of middle powers, reinforce the value of multilateralism, and accelerate practical global solutions. Day two will continue to foster partnerships and dialogue that aim to shape a more stable, inclusive, and interconnected world.

Congo ex-president Kabila makes first public appearance in rebel-held Goma
Congo ex-president Kabila makes first public appearance in rebel-held Goma

Reuters

time4 days ago

  • General
  • Reuters

Congo ex-president Kabila makes first public appearance in rebel-held Goma

GOMA, May 29 (Reuters) - Former Congolese President Joseph Kabila appeared for the first time in public in rebel-held territory in the country's volatile east on Thursday, meeting with religious leaders in what participants said was a push for peace. Kabila, who has been out of the country since 2023, mostly in South Africa, is wanted in Congo for alleged crimes against humanity for supporting the insurgency in the east, including a role in the massacre of civilians. Congo has also moved to suspend his political party and seize the assets of its leaders. The former president's camp denies any ties to the Rwanda-backed M23 rebels who have seized more territory than ever since January. He had been vowing to return to the Central African country for weeks to help find a solution to the conflict. His return could complicate Washington's plans for a peace agreement between Congo and Rwanda. Massad Boulos, Trump's senior adviser for Africa, told Reuters earlier this month the deal could be signed this summer, accompanied by minerals deals aimed at bringing billions of dollars of Western investment to the region. Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi's government in Kinshasa this week accused Kabila of "positioning himself as the rebel leader" along with Rwandan President Paul Kagame. Kabila received religious leaders on Thursday at his residence in Kinyogote, west of the city of Goma, said reporters, who were barred from filming the discussions. Dressed in a grey jacket and a blue shirt, the 53-year-old didn't speak to the press. "The former president... called us to express his wish to see peace return to the eastern part of the country and throughout the country," said Joel Amurani, president of the Interfaith Synergy for Peace and Mediation, a religious group, who attended the meeting. A close aide of Kabila's said the consultation sessions were aimed at learning about security challenges in the region and that political, administrative, military and civil society figures were invited to further discussions on Friday. It is unclear how long Kabila intends to stay in M23-held territory. The United Nations and Western governments say Rwanda has provided arms and troops to M23. Rwanda denies backing M23 and says its military has acted in self-defence against Congo's army and a militia founded by perpetrators of the 1994 genocide.

Rwanda-backed rebels accused of ‘war crimes' in assault on eastern DRC
Rwanda-backed rebels accused of ‘war crimes' in assault on eastern DRC

Yahoo

time6 days ago

  • General
  • Yahoo

Rwanda-backed rebels accused of ‘war crimes' in assault on eastern DRC

The Rwanda-backed M23 rebels have been accused of killing, torturing and 'disappearing' civilians after seizing swathes of territory in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The group's actions 'violate international humanitarian law and may amount to war crimes,' Amnesty International said on Tuesday. Amnesty investigators collected testimony from 18 men who were held by M23 fighters in a network of detention centres in Goma and Bukavu – the two major cities captured by the rebel group in its assault earlier this year. One man described witnessing two of his fellow inmates being killed in captivity. 'The M23 [fighter] brought out a hammer and hit him in the ribs. He died on the spot,' he said. 'They took another person. He said he was a former member of the Republican Guard. They hit him with the hammer, but he didn't die immediately. In the morning, he was dead.' Another man, who was detained in Goma, witnessed the rebels executing a fellow detainee. 'I saw one man who was assassinated,' he said. '[M23] were asking him where he kept the weapons and where is so and so. They shot him in the stomach and the right arm.' At least nine of the former detainees said they were beaten with a range of implements including wooden rods, electric cables, and engine belts on areas including their genitalia and buttocks. 'I was beaten for five days,' said a former detainee who was held in a military compound in Goma. 'Everyone was hit. They said they were going to kill me. They said: 'We don't need you. We will take your wife, and we will impregnate her.'' Five of the detainees required hospital treatment following their release. Many of the men interviewed by Amnesty said they were detained on suspicion of supporting the Congolese government and army. Some were accused, without evidence, of hiding or possessing weapons, others of knowing the whereabouts of civil servants or government officials, while several were detained for speaking out against M23 abuses. Survivors said hundreds of detainees were being held in 'overcrowded, unsanitary cells without sufficient food, water, sanitation facilities or healthcare,' Amnesty said. Some were not told at all why they were being held and were denied access to lawyers or communication with their families. Amnesty wrote to Rwanda's Ministry of Justice and Attorney General with its allegations earlier this month, but says it has not yet received a response. More than 7,000 people have been killed and hundreds of thousands more displaced in the DRC since January in the latest escalation in conflict between the armed forces and the M23, which was formed in 2012 and has roots in the 1998 Rwandan genocide. The United Nations maintains that Rwanda has 'de facto control of M23 operations,' and has detailed how M23 recruits are trained under Rwandan supervision and equipped with Rwandan weaponry – but Rwanda's leader, President Paul Kagame, has repeatedly denied any involvement in supporting the M23 rebels. 'M23's public statements about bringing order to eastern DRC mask their horrific treatment of detainees. They brutally punish those who they believe oppose them and intimidate others, so no one dares to challenge them,' said Tigere Chagutah, Amnesty International's Regional Director for East and Southern Africa. 'Regional and international actors must pressure Rwanda to cease its support for M23.' In February, David Lammy, the Foreign Secretary, announced that Britain would suspend aid to Rwanda due to its support of M23. The UK has also said it will impose other measures, including looking into potential sanctions and suspending 'future defence training assistance'. Protect yourself and your family by learning more about Global Health Security Broaden your horizons with award-winning British journalism. Try The Telegraph free for 1 month with unlimited access to our award-winning website, exclusive app, money-saving offers and more.

Rwanda's dictator gambles future on Congo invasion
Rwanda's dictator gambles future on Congo invasion

Yahoo

time25-05-2025

  • Politics
  • Yahoo

Rwanda's dictator gambles future on Congo invasion

For months, the city of Goma held its breath. Since late 2024, its residents had watched the Rwanda-backed M23 rebels draw ever closer, capturing towns and villages in the hills of eastern Congo and inching towards their city, the lakeside capital of North Kivu province. As the new year dawned, the rebels, who had mysteriously re-emerged in the misty mountains to the north two years earlier, seemed poised to strike and the mood in Goma was febrile. A million people fleeing the rebel advance in the countryside had taken shelter within the city, doubling its population. The newcomers brought with them stories of executions, pillaging and razed villages. M23 has so far seized territory with little resistance, but the city's residents hoped it would be spared. Goma – garrisoned by the Congolese army, 300 Romanian mercenaries and 3,000 UN peacekeepers – was no village after all. The rebels had captured the city once before, in 2012. But in the face of international pressure, Paul Kagame, Rwanda's president, had ordered them out after just 11 days. Presumably he would not risk his image as the West's most indispensable African partner by attempting a repeat. But on Jan 23, three days after Donald Trump was sworn in for his second term as president, Mr Kagame crossed the Rubicon. In a dawn assault, the rebels stormed the city with tanks stolen from the Congolese army, advancing under the cover of heavy shelling. Government forces collapsed, the mercenaries fled and peacekeepers remained in their barracks. It was the largest rebel victory in eastern Congo in more than a decade, and the most brazen Rwandan intervention since the official end of Congo's civil war in 2003. Mr Kagame's actions drew swift international condemnation and comparisons with Vladimir Putin, leaving diplomats at a loss to explain why one of Africa's most astute leaders had undertaken such a colossal gamble and what he might do next. Mr Kagame has long denied sponsoring M23, despite claims to the contrary by the UN and the US. The president, who seized power in 1994 after his rebels toppled the Hutu regime behind the genocide directed at his Tutsi minority, has long been accused of undermining Congo militarily and economically. Western leaders mostly chose to look away, ashamed over their inaction during the genocide and impressed by Mr Kagame's leadership style. Efficient and apparently incorruptible, he used development aid wisely, making Rwanda an African development paragon, and dispatched its troops to pacify troubled parts of the continent where the West had economic interests. Britain became his staunchest supporter. Former aid ministers such as Baroness Chalker, Clare Short and Andrew Mitchell sang his praises. Sir Tony Blair described him as a 'visionary' and later served as an unpaid adviser. For many years Britain was Rwanda's biggest bilateral donor. Mr Kagame may have been a dictator – winning more than 99 per cent of the vote in last year's election – but diplomats argued dictatorship was necessary to protect Rwanda's Tutsis from another genocide. The West therefore mainly stayed silent as abuses mounted, even when Mr Kagame was accused of sending death squads abroad to murder critics. When Patrick Karegaya, his former spy chief, was found strangled in a Johannesburg hotel in 2014, Mr Kagame denied involvement but condoned the murder, saying: 'You cannot betray Rwanda and get away with it.' Even when Scotland Yard uncovered a Rwandan plot to assassinate dissidents in London, British benevolence remained unwavering. Mr Kagame paid his dues, distancing Francophone Rwanda from Paris, joining the Commonwealth and, in 2022, signing a deal to receive asylum seekers deported from Britain. Western silence often extended to Rwanda's repeated interference in eastern Congo. Early interventions had some justification. In 1994, Mr Kagame's rebels ended the slaughter of 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus and pursued the perpetrators into neighbouring Congo, where they swiftly regrouped. But Rwandan complaints about the Hutu killers lurking across the border increasingly seemed like pretext as the threat faded. Over the course of 30 years, Rwanda has openly invaded Congo three times, attempted to topple its government twice and succeeded once. It has backed a dozen rebel factions, participated in the weakening of Congo's anarchic east and stands accused of plundering resources such as gold, tin and coltan. Millions have died as a result. Rwanda has legitimate security concerns, while M23's claim to be fighting discrimination and violence against Congo's Tutsi minority is not without foundation. But the Rwandan elite's hunger for Congo's minerals is a decisive factor, analysts say. Looting has been widespread for decades. Kigali exports far more minerals than it produces, thanks to proxy militias smuggling resources from artisanal Congolese mines, rights groups claim. Last year, Rwanda exported more than £1 billion of gold, despite having few supplies of its own. Mineral greed alone does not explain Rwanda's latest military action, however. Critics note it has merrily plundered the east for years without triggering a war. But in 2021, the status quo in the east changed when Uganda, another beneficiary of smuggled minerals, reached a deal with Felix Tshisekedi, the Congolese president, to build new roads connecting the east's mineral-rich heartlands to Ugandan territory, sidelining Rwanda. Ken Matthysen, a regional expert at the International Peace Information Service, a Belgian research institute, said: 'The balance of power in the Great Lakes shifted. Rwanda felt its interests were endangered.' Weeks later, M23 resurfaced. Few expected M23 to seize Goma. A low-level war protected Rwanda's mining interests, kept Congolese and Ugandan forces at bay and avoided too much unwelcome international attention. Mr Kagame's decision to gamble may have been influenced by the US election, diplomats say. Mr Trump's isolationist instincts and equivocal views on Russia's invasion of Ukraine suggested that Washington would respond to Rwandan escalation with indifference. So for seven days, chaos ensued in Goma. 'There was constant shooting day and night,' said Michel Safari, a 21-year-old mechanic who sheltered with his family at home in the north of the city. During a lull, he ventured outside only to be confronted by gunmen who stole his phone and shot him in the leg. Thousands were killed, including 20 peacekeepers. Aid workers struggled to treat the wounded in overcrowded hospitals. Morgues overflowed; corpses rotted in the streets. Amid the chaos, 4,000 male prisoners escaped the city's largest jail, raped more than 100 female inmates, locked them in the women's wing and set it ablaze. The Congolese army collapsed. Officers, loyalist militia leaders and government officials scrambled onto ferries or seized dugout canoes to cross Lake Kivu, according to Shaman Hamuli, the president of Goma's main fishery, who witnessed the scenes. Others hid at the UN peacekeeping base, including the 300 Romanian mercenaries, who later surrendered to the rebels. By the end of January, Goma belonged to M23. Analysts disagree on Mr Kagame's endgame. Some believe he wants a permanent foothold in Congo; others suspect he aims to force regime change in Kinshasa, Congo's capital. Perhaps Mr Kagame himself is uncertain. Jason Stearns, an expert on the Congo, said: 'One of the things you learn over the years is that Rwandan strategy is often more tactical than strategic. 'They push a little, see what's possible, and keep on pushing. They adjust. They do a lot of course corrections. There is clearly the desire to project power into the eastern Congo, but is there a grand strategy? Maybe, maybe not.' Whatever Mr Kagame's intentions, it appears he failed to anticipate the strength of the international response. Britain suspended aid, the European Union placed a key economic partnership under review and the US imposed targeted sanctions. In a startling turn, Mr Tshisekedi outmanoeuvred his Rwandan counterpart, offering Washington a Ukraine-style minerals deal in exchange for protection against M23 and its patron. Mr Trump's interest was piqued and he tasked Massad Boulos, his daughter Tiffany's father-in-law, with negotiations. Mr Kagame found himself in unfamiliar terrain. After M23 seized Walikale and closed in on a large tin mine backed by US investors in late March, he received an unequivocal warning from the Trump administration. 'They gave him a very strong message to say 'move back now, or else',' says a source familiar with the discussions. 'There was no carrot involved in the conversation; there was nothing but stick.' Mr Kagame swiftly complied. M23 withdrew and Congo's front lines have remained largely frozen since. Mr Kagame now finds himself in the unusual position of being at the receiving end of Western vilification, argues Michela Wrong, the author of a book about Karegaya's killing. 'With the exception of a brief moment in 2012, the world has never stood up to Kagame and said 'no', so he's reached the correct assumption that he can get away with it.' She said. 'The question now is whether he has pushed it a bit too far.' The conflict's future now depends largely on Mr Trump, who is understood to be offering drones to the Congo as part of a package to deter Rwanda and reduce its military advantage in the region. Mr Kagame has been told to sign a peace deal with Mr Tshisekedi at the White House in early July or face far more significant economic consequences, according to two diplomatic sources. Under the deal, it is likely that M23 would have to withdraw from most of the territory it holds, including Goma. His economy still heavily dependent on Western aid, Mr Kagame may have no choice but to yield – for now. But Rwandan compliance could be short lived. Unless the complex issues bedevilling Congo's east, most notably those of ethnicity and land rights, are addressed, the region will remain volatile, lawless and vulnerable to outside interference. Congo's army remains hopelessly feeble, while the ragtag loyalist militias Mr Tshisekedi relies on in their stead do more to fuel the chaos than end it. Without sustained diplomacy, something Mr Trump may not have the patience for, a new chapter of violence could easily begin in the near future. Mr Kagame simply needs to bide his time.

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