Latest news with #People'sAssembly
Egypt Independent
22-04-2025
- Business
- Egypt Independent
A Government without accountability
Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly thanked the Speaker of Parliament for the wise management of the state's final accounts sessions. An executive official commends the performance of the legislative authority that oversees it. The government's gratitude can be explained only by the fact that the scope for discussion regarding the budget was insufficient, given the frighteningly negative figures that will determine our path in the near future. They suppressed dissenting opinions after members of parliament called for closing the debate amidst heated arguments about the soaring public debt and the serious observations made by the Central Auditing Organization regarding the government's overall performance – particularly concerning loans. The Speaker of Parliament yielded to their request, leading to a vote by everyone to halt the discussion, followed by the usual vote to pass it. This parliamentary practice is just another piece of 'democratic window dressing' for passing laws and policies – a bitter medicine for the Egyptian people in a parliament that is supposed to represent them and be on their side, not against them. This parliamentary scene should have been one where we heard in detail the observations of the oversight body, the Central Auditing Organization, followed by engagement from the representatives, responses from the government, all broadcast live for the people to see. Sadly, even just having a proper debate within the People's Assembly has become our ultimate demand in the people's parliament! The assembly needed to listen more intently to the concerns raised by some members. How, for example, can a government fail to manage grants and loans for certain projects, according to the Central Auditing Organization's notes? Aren't these loans and grants ultimately paid for by the people through their daily struggles, whether in fuel price hikes or the high cost of living? How can a government neglect its responsibilities and not be held accountable, borrow without accountability, and fail without accountability?! There's a fundamental problem with hearing alternative voices when discussing the people's affairs. The parliamentary practice, as it stands, remains untouched by the negative impact of changing circumstances and unaffected by any semblance of wisdom. This isn't just an issue for the parliament alone, but for all parties involved in the political landscape of Egypt. The one positive aspect of this parliament is the disappearance of the farcical scenes from our last one. However, things have largely remained the same: suppression of dissenting opinions and an imbalance in the relationship between the executive and legislative branches! So long as our parliaments function like this, governments will continue to operate without accountability in a situation entrenched for decades. What's needed is to build a new experience, perhaps allowing us to achieve the bare minimum of political practice. Here, I'm not invoking models from around the world, but rather calling for political common sense, even just once, after years of wandering! Political common sense is the path to the beginning of reason, a step towards genuine construction, free from puppets, manufactured parties, or summoning herds of 'parliamentary approvals.' One where the people are not mere spectators, but actively involved, not summoned by handouts or microphones of patronage! After all these years, reality is pushing some to lament the parliaments of Mubarak's era. Having a parliament that is truly in control of its own decisions has become a dream for some, as there were at least spaces for other voices back then! As long as this is Egypt's parliament, we will continue to see governments present accounts without any real accountability, and we will see the Prime Minister praising the 'wise management' of the sessions. Author's biography: Alaa Al-Ghadrify has been the Editor-in-Chief of Al Masry Al Youm newspaper since October 2023, and the Executive Editor-in-Chief at ONA Media Group since 2016. He is also an opinion writer in the Al-Watan newspaper and the Masrawy website, and an advisor at the Egypt Media Forum. He further serves as a lecturer in television journalism and in-depth journalism for postgraduate studies at the Faculty of Mass Communication at Cairo University. He worked as Editor-in-Chief of CBC Extra channel, which he founded, as former Managing-Editor of Al Watan newspaper, and former Executive Editor-in-Chief of its website. He also co-founded the Al Masry Al Youm newspaper, the Al Watan newspaper, and the Al Ashera Masaan program on Dream TV channel, and was the Head of Program Editing at Alhurra channel.
Saba Yemen
16-04-2025
- Politics
- Saba Yemen
Parliament praises Intel support for Yemen, Palestine, condemns "barbaric" western civilization
Sana'a - Saba: Yemen's parliament on Wednesday expressed its deep appreciation for the supportive stances of parliamentarians and countries standing in solidarity with the Yemeni and Palestinian peoples and their just cause in the face of what it described as "American aggression and arrogance." The Parliament specifically lauded the position of Irish Member of Parliament and former Member of the European Parliament Mike Wallace, who affirmed Yemen's adherence to international law in its operations supporting Palestinians, a stance the Yemeni Parliament believes the international community should have adopted. In a letter addressed to the European Parliament member, the parliament conveyed the pride and gratitude of all "free people" for the courageous stand Yemen has taken in confronting "imperialism" and its "heroic role" in resisting the "Zionist-American aggression and their allies in the region." The Parliament asserted the "falsehood of Western civilization," labeling it "barbaric" and accusing it of attempting to mask its "ugly face" with a "fake democracy" that can be "bought with money." The Parliament stated that 90 percent of Europeans support the Palestinian cause, with only "politicians and profiteers" backing the "criminal Zionist entity" in its "war crimes and genocide" against the Palestinian people. The Parliament emphasized the crucial role of "free parliamentarians" in mobilizing and activating diplomacy and relations with "free countries" to convey the injustices faced by the Yemeni and Palestinian peoples to all parliamentary and international forums. It urged them to push for a strong and influential role for the international community in addressing these issues. The Parliament expressed the pride of the entire Yemeni people and all "free people" in these "courageous and sincere positions" supporting Yemen in the face of the "aggression and siege" it endures due to its solidarity with Palestine. It expressed hope that the heads and members of Arab and Islamic parliaments would recognize their "humanitarian and moral responsibility" and learn from the stances embodied by the "free people of the world," including the widespread protests in European and American cities denouncing the "crimes committed by Zionist war criminals against the children of Gaza." In a related development, the Parliament and its Presidency sent a letter of thanks and appreciation to the Speaker of the People's Assembly of the Republic of Maldives, warmly welcoming and blessing the Maldives' "courageous decision" to ban Israelis from entering its territory. The Parliament praised these "courageous and sincere positions," which it noted many rulers and leaders affiliated with some Arab and Islamic countries have failed to take. The Parliament expressed its hope that other "free countries" would follow suit in declaring their rejection and condemnation of the "crimes committed by the Israeli enemy entity" against the Palestinian people. It called on all "free people" to take urgent action to save the Palestinian people from the "brutal massacres committed by Zionist war criminals" and to pressure the "Zionist entity" through all political and economic means to halt the "aggression," end the siege on Gaza, and demand the accountability of "Zionist war criminals" in international courts for their crimes against Palestinian children and women. Whatsapp Telegram Email more of (Local)
The National
25-03-2025
- Politics
- The National
Syria's draft constitution framework not heading in right direction, US warns
The US expressed concern on Tuesday that Syria 's draft constitutional framework was not progressing as needed and said it was closely tracking the selection of cabinet members. US charge d'affaires at the UN Dorothy Shea told the Security Council that Washington "reaffirms its support for a political transition that demonstrates credible, non-sectarian governance as the best path to avoid further conflict". But Ms Shea said steps meant to mark progress in Syria's transition had 'fallen short of expectations'. In January, Hayat Tahrir Al Sham – whose blitz against government forces resulted in the toppling of Bashar Al Assad 's regime – named Ahmad Al Shara as transitional President, abolished the 2012 constitution and dissolved the former regime's parliament, military and security agencies. Under the proposed framework, a presidentially appointed People's Assembly will serve as the legislative body until a permanent constitution is adopted and elections are held. It also maintains Islam as the religion of the President and designates Islamic jurisprudence as 'the main source of legislation' – a provision also in the 2012 constitution under Mr Al Assad. 'Only a true representative process will reassure Syrians that they have a place in Syria's future,' said Ms Shea, calling on the interim authorities to include Kurdish, Druze, Alawite and Christian communities in the political process, as failure to do so could prolong sectarian divisions and instability. Ms Shea said without inclusive representation, Syria was at risk of repeating past failures and increasing the "likelihood of a new civil war". She also raised concerns over foreign fighters in Syria's military and governance, citing recent clashes in the coastal region where they were accused of atrocities. 'All foreign fighters need to be removed from their posts immediately and military units comprises foreign fighters must be disbanded,' Ms Shea said. Syria has appointed several former foreign rebel soldiers – including members of China's Uighur minority, a Jordanian and a Turk – to Defence Ministry roles, in a move that has alarmed the international community. Meanwhile, UN special envoy Geir Pedersen told council members Syrians need a viable economic future and 'serious' international support to help the country recover from years of war. 'We also need to see fast and broad sanction-easing with relevant, targeted and sectoral suspensions, including on energy, investment, finance, health and education. Some steps have been taken but more is needed if Syrians are to be given the chance to recover,' he said. Syria is in desperate need of sanctions relief to restart an economy destroyed by nearly 14 years of war. In response to the conflict, the US, UK and European countries placed tough sanctions on people, businesses and whole sectors of Syria's economy to put pressure on Mr Al Assad. Some sanctions have been temporarily suspended, with minimal impact. In January, the US issued a six-month general licence to allow the entry of humanitarian aid, but the measure fell short of enabling Qatar to fund public sector salaries through Syria's central bank. Mr Al Shara has demanded a full lifting of sanctions, calling their continuation unjust after Mr Al Assad's removal.
Daily News Egypt
18-03-2025
- Politics
- Daily News Egypt
Syria after Constitutional Declaration
The draft of Syria's temporary constitutional declaration, recently signed by interim President Ahmed Al-Sharaa, has sparked widespread debate among the nation's political and social factions. The provisions of this constitution have faced sharp criticism, particularly concerning the president's extensive powers. The draft bestows nearly absolute authority upon the president, including appointing one-third of the People's Assembly members, declaring a state of emergency, selecting Constitutional Court members, dismissing ministers, and wielding other executive privileges that consolidate decision-making in a single office. This centralization of power raises fears of a return to authoritarian rule reminiscent of the previous regime. While the draft ostensibly upholds the principle of separation of powers, its structure effectively places legislative authority under executive control rather than within an independent, democratically elected body. Rather than relying on democratic elections, the draft mandates the appointment of People's Assembly members, undermining the legitimacy of the political process during this transitional phase. For instance, Article 25 grants sweeping legislative powers to an appointed council that should belong exclusively to an elected body. This raises fundamental questions about the council's ability to genuinely represent the Syrian people, particularly in the absence of clear electoral mechanisms during a transitional period expected to span three to five years. The Kurdish self-administration has strongly opposed the draft, arguing that it disregards Syria's ethnic and cultural diversity. The Syrian Democratic Council, the political wing of the Kurdish movement, rejected the declaration, denouncing it as a continuation of the traditional governance model of the former Baathist government. This rejection highlights the draft's failure to present an inclusive political vision that integrates Syria's diverse communities, such as the Kurds and Druze, into national decision-making. Rather than fostering national unity, the draft risks deepening existing divisions. Although the draft emphasizes transitional justice and the criminalization of past regime violations, it lacks specific mechanisms for implementation. The absence of clear frameworks for accountability or victim compensation casts doubt on the sincerity of these commitments, reducing them to political rhetoric rather than actionable policies. Despite claims of breaking from the past, the draft remains rooted in previous constitutions, such as the 1950 Constitution, without introducing fundamental reforms that align with the aspirations of the Syrian revolution. While interim President Ahmed Al-Sharaa has criticized the 2012 Constitution as a product of dictatorship, the new draft does not fully abandon the centralized governance model. This suggests an attempt to preserve institutional stability at the cost of the sweeping political transformation demanded by many Syrians. While the temporary constitutional declaration aims to provide a legal framework for the transitional period, it faces significant obstacles, including excessive concentration of power, weak democratic representation, and the marginalization of Syria's diverse communities. Instead of fulfilling Syrians' hopes for a genuinely new political system that honors their sacrifices, it risks serving as little more than a rebranded extension of the old regime. More critically, this declaration has the potential to trigger further instability—politically, socially, economically, and militarily. Local and regional reactions to the draft could lead to escalation. Key factions, particularly within Kurdish and Druze communities, have rejected it as unrepresentative of Syria's diversity and unresponsive to demands for political inclusivity. If these groups—especially those backed by the Syrian Democratic Forces—feel marginalized or threatened, they may resort to military escalation or pursue further autonomy, heightening the risk of conflict. The lack of a broad national consensus surrounding the draft presents another major challenge. It was not the product of an inclusive dialogue among all Syrian factions, including armed opposition groups in northwestern Syria and Turkish-backed militias. Their exclusion may prompt them to reject the transitional government's legitimacy outright, potentially leading to renewed military confrontations, particularly if they perceive their interests as overlooked. Public frustration is mounting. Many Syrians who fought against the previous regime view the draft as a mere continuation of the old system under a different name. The concentration of power in the interim president's hands, combined with the absence of immediate elections, has fueled concerns that the transition is not a genuine step toward democracy. These frustrations could manifest in protests or civil disobedience, which, given Syria's proliferation of armed factions, could quickly escalate into violent clashes. Regional powers—including Turkey, Iran, and Russia—have their own stakes in Syria and may seek to exploit the draft's weaknesses to further their influence. Turkey may oppose any constitution that fails to curb Kurdish autonomy or safeguard its interests in northern Syria. Iran, in contrast, may view the draft as a threat if it diminishes its military and political foothold in the country. Such foreign interventions could further complicate Syria's fragile situation. The security landscape remains precarious. If the transitional government fails to assert control over the entire country—especially given the weakened state of the national military following the collapse of the previous regime—armed groups may compete for territorial dominance, exacerbating instability. A prolonged security vacuum could pave the way for further violence and disorder. Despite some expressions of international support, including from the European Union and Canada, the sustainability of this backing remains uncertain. Foreign aid and political endorsements are often conditional on demonstrating stability and effective governance. Any failure in this regard could lead to a withdrawal of support, further exacerbating Syria's political and economic fragility. The opposition itself remains fragmented. Armed groups in the northwest and northeast continue to suffer from internal divisions and dependence on external backers. The absence of a unifying force capable of consolidating opposition factions prolongs the conflict and weakens the transitional government's credibility. Without a clear resolution, Syria risks sinking further into political paralysis and violence. The temporary constitutional declaration, rather than fostering stability, risks further destabilizing Syria due to the lack of national consensus, the marginalization of key political groups, and the looming security vacuum. However, the extent of its impact depends on the transitional government's ability to address domestic opposition and secure broader regional and international support. At present, Syria remains precariously balanced, teetering between renewed conflict and the potential for stabilization. The coming months will be crucial in determining whether this draft serves as a foundation for peace or a catalyst for further unrest. Restoring order under this controversial constitutional declaration requires a comprehensive approach that addresses political, social, and security challenges. To achieve sustainable stability and prevent further escalation, several measures must be taken. First, a truly inclusive national dialogue should be convened, incorporating all Syrian factions—including Kurdish self-administration authorities, opposition groups, and civil society representatives—under international mediation to ensure neutrality. Second, the draft must be amended to reflect Syria's pluralism, including constitutional guarantees for the cultural and political rights of marginalized groups and a reduction of the president's powers in favour of an elected legislature. Enhancing democratic legitimacy is also critical. Instead of relying on an appointed legislature for three to five years, a roadmap for early elections—preferably within one to two years—should be established, with international oversight to ensure transparency. Civil society organizations and activists must actively shape transitional policies to guarantee broader representation. A decentralized governance model, granting regions like the northeast and northwest a degree of self-administration while preserving national unity, could ease tensions with Kurdish and Turkish-backed factions, reducing the risk of fragmentation. Explicit constitutional protections for religious and ethnic minorities are also essential to reassure vulnerable communities. A phased plan for disarming militias and integrating fighters into a unified national army or economic rehabilitation programs is crucial. Security sector reforms must ensure that military and intelligence institutions remain neutral and representative of all Syrians, with international oversight preventing a return to authoritarianism. Finally, diplomatic negotiations with key foreign actors—potentially mediated by the United Nations or the United States—could help mitigate external interference, fostering a more stable transition. Success ultimately hinges on the transitional government's ability to engage all relevant actors and a cohesive international effort that translates statements into tangible actions. If these conditions are met, Syria may finally move toward genuine recovery rather than another cycle of upheaval. Dr. Hatem Sadek: Professor at Helwan University
Ya Libnan
15-03-2025
- Politics
- Ya Libnan
Syria's new constitution ignores minority rights, makes Sharaa look like ISIS
Demonstrators in mainly Kurdish northeastern Syria wave Kurdish flags as they protest against the temporary constitution adopted by the interim government in Damascus. (DELIL SOULEIMAN Syria's new temporary constitution concentrates power in interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa's hands and fails to include enough protections for minorities, experts warn. The declaration, signed into law on Thursday, establishes a five-year transitional period and follows the toppling of Bashar al-Assad's repressive government by Islamist-led rebels after nearly 14 years of civil war. 'The constitutional declaration grants absolute powers to the interim president,' said Sam Dallah, a constitutional law professor and former spokesperson for the drafting committee of the 2012 constitution, who left Syria after the outbreak of the civil war. He said it establishes 'a presidential-type regime', where executive power rests with the interim president and the ministers he appoints, and does not include a post of prime minister. Under the new framework, elections based on a new constitution will take place only after the transitional period. According to the temporary constitution, Sharaa 'appoints one-third' of the members of the future assembly and forms a committee to select the members of the electoral college that will elect the remaining parliamentarians. Although the document describes the judiciary as 'independent', it gives the interim president the power to appoint members of the Supreme Constitutional Court, the country's highest judicial authority. – 'Separation of powers' – 'If the president directly or indirectly chooses the members of the People's Assembly, appoints and dismisses ministers, and appoints the members of the Constitutional Court, what remains of the principle of the separation of powers?' asks Dallah. 'The concentration of powers in the hands of a single person will inevitably lead to the monopolization of decision-making,' the expert warned. One key change from the previous constitution is that Islamic jurisprudence is now described as 'the principal source' of legislation, rather than just 'a principal source'. Islam remains the religion of the head of state, Arabic is the sole official language and the constitutional declaration offers no guarantees or protections for Syria's minorities. This comes after the massacre of hundreds of civilians by the security forces in coastal Syria earlier this month, most of them members of the Alawite religious minority to which ousted President Bashar al-Assad belongs. – Minority fears – Hundreds of Kurds demonstrated in northeastern Syria on Friday against the constitutional declaration, which they say does not meet the aspirations of the country's minorities. The temporary constitution has faced criticism from the autonomous administration, which recently reached an agreement with the new authorities for the integration of its institutions into the state. The Kurds have rejected the declaration and 'any attempt to reproduce the dictatorship'. They called for 'a fair distribution of power', 'recognizing the rights of all Syrian components' and 'adopting a decentralized democratic system of government'. 'Minorities in Syria are extremely worried about the way things are going because everything suggests that the signs point to a gradual process of transformation of the Syrian Arab Republic into the Islamic Republic of Syria,' said Tigrane Yegavian, a professor at Schiller University in Paris. 'The only thing that could reassure minorities, who rightly feel threatened by the new regime, was a kind of federalization, with a guarantee of autonomy in education and justice,' he added. But lawyer Tarek al-Kurdi, a former member of the commission established by the UN in Geneva to draft a new constitution under Assad, said: 'The declaration came at a difficult time for Syria, after 54 years of dictatorship and 14 years of devastating war'. 'It must be approached realistically, as it cannot be compared to the constitutions of stable countries,' he told AFP. Sami Haddad , a Lebanese political analyst was quoted as saying : 'Sharaa appears to be another face for the Islamic state of Iraq and Syria or ISIS'. He went back to where he came from, when he was the head of Nusra. Sharaa is a huge disappointment for the Syrians and for their neighbors .They thought he will be better than the ousted dictator Bashar al Al- Assad, but sounds more like him . His constitution is a recipe for a divided Syria ' AFP/FRANCE24/ YL
