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The Print
2 days ago
- Politics
- The Print
Operation Black Forest—how Modi-Shah's push for a Naxalism-free India is gaining ground
A significant achievement has been the elimination of a top Maoist leader, Basavaraju or Nambala Keshava Rao, in Chattisgarh's Abujhmad on 21 May. This operation, code-named Operation Black Forest, was aimed at dismantling Naxal and Maoist networks. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah are determined to eradicate Left Wing Extremism in the country and this was reflected in the latter's words: 'Our target is to end it completely by March 31, 2026.' While India celebrated the success of Operation Sindoor, another effective operation was underway in the heartland of India. The war against Left Wing Extremism has been quietly and steadily taking place in the country's interiors where a Red corridor existed from 'Pashupati to Tirupati', undermining the progress made under the democratic reforms as envisioned by the founding fathers of the Indian Constitution. What is Naxalism? Naxalism is a far-Left political ideology inspired by a blend of Lenin's ideologies, Karl Marx's theories, and Mao Zedong's form of Communism. It derives its name from Naxalbari, a hamlet in the Darjeeling district of West Bengal, where a group led by the trio of Charu Majumdar, Kanu Sanyal, and Jangal Santhal, rose up and created an armed conflict in 1967. The uprising was speedily quashed by the state government. But it sparked off a nationwide movement, all the way from the borders of Nepal to the temple towns of southern India. The Naxalites used violence in the name of ideological or philosophical ideals. They called it an uprising against injustice and class struggle, or an armed revolution, where ideologies were imported from the Communist Bloc to destroy democratic values in India. The movement is also influenced by Mao's People's War, based on guerrilla warfare and rural uprising, hence giving rise to the moniker 'Maoists'. The Maoists consider the country and the Indian Constitution as their enemy and constantly engage in guerrilla-style warfare against the state. After Charu Majumdar's death in 1972, the Communist Party of India Marxist-Leninist, which he founded, weakened and splintered up, only to get a new lifeline in the 1990s and early 2000s. While the Communist parties remained within the parameters of the Constitution, the CPI (Maoist) operated as a fringe outfit, indulging in law and order violations with a militant mindset to fight the state. Their activities extended in primarily rural, mineral-rich, and underdeveloped belts of Jharkhand, Bihar, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh, and Chhattisgarh. The central goal has been to capture power through armed insurrection and violence. The CPI (Maoist) emerged in 2004 with the merger of splinter groups, namely the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) People's War and the Maoist Communist Centre of India. While China, the country where this ideology originated, does not allow such extremist philosophies to operate on its soil, in India, these organisations have been placed on terrorist list and are banned under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967. Also read: The very people that Naxals claimed to fight for have rejected them Why was it important to curtail Maoism? According to the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Maoist insurgency has become a serious internal security challenge and an 'impediment to the nation-building process'. The Maoists had set up a parallel government in remote and less–inhabited areas, leading to a governmental vacuum and a concerning security situation that threatened the integrity and sovereignty of India. They do not recognise private investment and infrastructure development, and are against government welfare schemes. They ran parallel governments, engaged in unlawful activities like arms trafficking and extortion, and obstructed the functioning of schools and hospitals to ensure their sphere of influence prospered. The principles of Maoism erode the very tenets of democracy, as they are against free and fair elections and the democratic process. Maoists claim to protect the interests of the tribals and the landless, but in reality, they deny access to development and welfare for these neglected people. According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, the Maoist insurgency has claimed nearly 12,000 lives since 2000. Not only are the poor civilians caught in the crossfire between the insurgents and the police forces, but valuable resources and funds that could be used for infrastructural development are diverted for anti-insurgency operations. There ought to be no misunderstanding: Maoists are a threat to national security, as they vociferously reject the Indian Constitution and aim to overthrow democratically elected governments through violence and anarchy, with the ultimate aim to control resources and create a parallel economy of terror and disruption. Economic consequences of the 'Red' movement The 'Red corridor' has been reduced to a handful of 'Red' hotspots, as per the MHA. The economic consequences of Left Wing Extremism have been far-reaching and monumental, mainly due to loss and damage to infrastructure, power lines, bridges, railway tracks; and the costs of deployment of security forces, loss to industry and mining operations. Further, according to a 2009 Hindustan Times report, a parallel economy worth Rs 1,500 crore had been operating in Naxal-affected regions, where these LWE groups would extort money from contractors and industrial houses to line the pockets of their commanders. Often, companies are compelled to pay huge sums to ensure their operations are not disrupted. Moreoever, naxalism impacts foreign investments as well. Also read: Success against Maoist leader Basavaraju was unthinkable a few years ago—here's what changed BJP government's action plan In 2006, a Left Wing Extremism Division was created under the aegis of the Ministry of Home Affairs to monitor and control this scourge of society. A concerted game plan was initiated to counter this homegrown terror. The Union Home Minister would meet with the chief ministers of LWE-affected states every year and make personal visits to review the situation on the ground. The Cabinet Secretary is also expected to hold regular review meetings with the Chief Secretaries, the DGs and the DGPs. A concerted plan to end the Naxal movement is in place, and it is clear that PM Modi and Amit Shah mean business. 'The day is not far when Maoist violence will be completely eradicated from the country,' PM Modi said last week while announcing infrastructure projects worth over Rs 48,520 crore in Bihar's Karakat. Schemes to strengthen the security forces against LWE have been initiated such as the Security Related Expenditure (SRE) scheme, Special Infrastructure Scheme (SIS), and Fortified Police Station scheme under which 626 such police stations have been constructed. The Road Requirement Plan-I (RRP-I) for LWE-affected areas scheme is being implemented by the Ministry of Road Transport & Highways for improving road connectivity in 34 LWE affected districts of eight states—Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, and Uttar Pradesh. This scheme envisaged construction of 5,361 km road lengths in LWE-affected states, of which 5,204 km roads have been completed, according to the home ministry. Another scheme, Road Connectivity Project for LWE-affected areas (RCPLWE), worth Rs 11,725 crore, has been approved for the construction of 12,228 km of roads and 705 bridges sanctioned in LWE-affected states under the Ministry of Rural Development, out of which 9,506 km roads and 479 bridge works have been completed. Three telecom projects—Mobile Connectivity Project Phase-I & Phase-II, Provision of 4G mobile services in the villages of aspirational districts, and Saturation of 4G mobile services—are being implemented in LWE-affected areas to improve telecom connectivity. In total, 10,511 mobile towers are planned in LWE-affected areas under these projects, of which 7,777 mobile towers have been installed so far. This will help monitor and control Naxal terrorism in the affected areas. The Aspirational Districts Programme (ADP), launched in 2018, has also been a game-changer in uplifting underdeveloped districts through data-driven and inclusive governance. The double engine of PM Modi and Amit Shah envisage a holistic integration of former Naxalites into a civil society based on the tenets of inclusion and equality as envisaged by the founding fathers of the Constitution of India, creating a space for positive dialogue and rehabilitation of former rebels. Outreach programmes for the tribal youth are being conducted and a budget of Rs 52.5 crore has been released for this purpose. It involves influencing the youth through jingles, pamphlet distribution, and documentaries to help them eschew the path of conflict and embrace life under the umbrella of the Constitution. The aim is to mainstream the people by encouraging them to leave the path of violence and choose peace and prosperity to help build an inclusive society. Meenakashi Lekhi is a BJP leader, lawyer and social activist. Her X handle is @M_Lekhi. Views are personal. (Edited by Aamaan Alam Khan)
New Indian Express
3 days ago
- Health
- New Indian Express
‘Killing is part of their life': The men raised on violence who are both perpetrators and victims as South Sudan faces return to civil war
The trauma of war Ten years ago, while conducting fieldwork in Nepal for my PhD and book, I interviewed more than 60 former members of the People's Liberation Army (PLA) to examine how their participation in the civil war – known as the People's War – affected notions of masculinity within the armed group. While I never asked about trauma or psychological difficulties, it became clear these were present for many of the men – just never explicitly spoken about. Instead, they would talk about their sense of disillusionment or lack of ability to fulfil societal expectations of masculinity – all the while, carefully keeping their emotions in check. These emotions would only surface in more casual conversations over tea or food, following the formal interviews. In these moments, the men revealed a more vulnerable side – often expressing sadness, frustration, and a desire to share their more personal stories. It was a clear shift from the displays of hardened masculinity in their narratives of the battlefield. Some of these informal exchanges hinted at signs of PTSD – for example, in their descriptions of flashbacks, sleep difficulties and short temperedness. One young man who was extremely polite and courteous became very fidgety after the end of the interview. He told me: 'In the night I can't sleep, because I hear bomb blasts inside my head.' Another, clearly proud of his role in the People's War, recounted his bravery on the battlefield. Yet, when he spoke of the six months of torture he had endured in police custody, his composure faltered and he struggled to hold back tears. He showed me a photo of his three-year-old child, saying: 'This is why I will never return to battle.' What I encountered was men who appeared uneasy about expressing emotions as this runs contrary to masculine expectations, but were also frustrated at a lack of outlets to tell their story. During one interview with a former PLA member in the western district of Bardiya, I noticed a group of ex-PLA fighters gathered at the boundary of his home after they had heard an interview was taking place. As my interpreter and I were leaving, a thin man at the front of the crowd began shouting aggressively at us. Having initially assumed his anger was directed at my presence in the area, I realised it stemmed from his frustration at not being selected for an interview. 'Why does everyone always want to interview you?' he shouted at the man I had just spoken to. The former fighter's anger, fuelled by alcohol, appeared to reflect his frustration at lacking a platform to share his own story. From Nepal in 2016 to South Sudan in 2024, amid the violence and trauma of war and the daily expectations of masculinity associated with being a provider and protector, there appeared to be few outlets through which these men could talk freely about their emotions, tell their stories, and admit their mental health difficulties. Many of the men interviewed in South Sudan had been involved in violent clashes involving killings at some point in their lives. In interviews carried out in Kapoeta North, a county in eastern Equatoria, some men reported having constant flashbacks to the sounds of gunshots – when they tried to sleep at night, these sounds would 'become real', stopping them getting any proper rest: 'Sometimes you can wake up in the middle of the night and find yourself trembling as if these people are coming for you.' One man explained how he would get up in the night to follow a 'black shadow' like a ghost. When community members would run after him to stop him, he would become 'hostile and behave like he wants to kill everyone' – because, he explained, he saw his friend being killed on the battlefield and the memory of this would not leave him, especially in the night. A woman described how, when young men are involved in 'killing', their 'mind is not functioning well.' Contextualising this claim she explained: 'There was this man who got traumatised due to the ongoing conflict of raiding. He fought many battles until the gunshot sound affected his brain and made him crazy.' She then described a man who could not accept his friend had died in a cattle camp raid and insisted on returning to the battlefield, even though the community told him not to. 'After confirming [his friend's death] he ran mad and became confused. We say that such a person had his heart broken by the incident he witnessed, and we say he is mad.' Men whose companions have been killed can become fixated on revenge, as Sebit explains, 'It will torture their mind until they go and avenge the death of the person that was killed.' Some will encourage them to take revenge but others, like Lokwi, are trying to discourage revenge killings and working towards peaceful resolution of disputes through dialogue.
The Hindu
23-05-2025
- Politics
- The Hindu
Decisive moment: on Chhattisgarh anti-Naxal operation
In a blow to the outlawed Communist Party of India (Maoist), its general secretary was killed in security operations in Chhattisgarh on Wednesday. The elimination of Namballa Keshav Rao, alias Basavaraju, is perhaps the biggest blow to the insurgents since the death of Cherukuri Rajkumar, the then CPI (Maoist) spokesperson in 2010, also in a security operation. Basavaraju, who had been the head of the party's central military commission before becoming the general secretary in 2018, had masterminded several attacks against paramilitary and police forces. His rise within the CPI (Maoist) marked the insurgents' reiteration of its militarist strategy, to continue their 'protracted peoples' war' as against the alternative of political struggle and agitations to achieve their aims. His death — a number of Maoist personnel have been killed in the last couple of years — represents the failure of this strategy. Home Minister Amit Shah has been on record to say that the government is keen to overcome the Maoist threat by 2026 and Basavaraju's killing would suggest a major win. The fact that the Maoists had reportedly sought peace talks, even while continuing their armed struggle, calls into question whether the Maoist leaders and activists could have been apprehended rather than eliminated. The surrender of Maoist cadres in recent days is also a case in point. But it is also well understood that the senior Maoist cadre, with roots in the People's War naxalite movement in united Andhra Pradesh, have shown little inclination to give up their armed struggle and such 'encounters' are perhaps inevitable. In recent years, and according to the Maoists' own admission, there has been a significant reduction in recruitment by the insurgents, with flagging support from the tribal population in south Chhattisgarh. Tribal youth, many of whom have experienced enormous suffering in the decades-long insurgency, are no longer inclined to adhere to the radical agenda of the Maoists. The group's poor understanding of the Indian state and its complete rejection of the electoral process as a 'mere facade' have found fewer takers in the forested areas that were hitherto inaccessible to the Indian government. With the government's increased tribal welfare measures and outreach and its redoubled emphasis on defeating the guerilla warfare, the Maoists have seen an erosion of their limited military and support bases. With the death of senior leaders, the Maoist movement is surely gasping for survival, but the intensive security operations have also resulted in scores of tribal youth being killed. The government should use this situation to renew its call for peace talks to pressure the Maoists to abandon their armed struggle rather than continue the policy of 'annihilation' as that could only engender fresh resentment among the tribal people.
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Business Standard
21-05-2025
- Politics
- Business Standard
Who was Basavaraju, the Maoist chief killed in Chhattisgarh encounter?
In a major success for security forces, top Maoist leader Nambala Keshava Rao, widely known as Basavaraju, was killed in an encounter in the Abujhmad forests of Chhattisgarh on Wednesday. The operation, which led to the death of 28 Maoists, including Basavaraju, is being hailed as one of the most significant anti-Maoist successes in recent years. Basavaraju, general secretary of the banned CPI (Maoist), was considered the most influential figure in the insurgent outfit. His death is being seen as a crippling blow to the Maoist movement. Who was Basavaraju? Basavaraju was reportedly the key strategist behind some of the deadliest Maoist attacks in India. He was reportedly behind the 2010 Dantewada massacre, where 76 CRPF personnel were killed, and the 2013 Jhiram Ghati ambush in Chhattisgarh, which targeted senior Congress leaders. Until his death, he served as the Commander-in-Chief of the Central Military Commission (CMC) of the CPI (Maoist), overseeing ambushes, tactical operations, and long-term military strategies. He also managed intelligence and logistics and once led the Dandakaranya forest division, a Maoist stronghold. Security agencies had limited and outdated information about him. He was elusive, had no recent photographs, and operated using multiple aliases — Ganganna, Krishna, Narasimha, and Prakash. From engineering graduate to extremist leader Born on July 10, 1955, in Jiyyannapeta village in Andhra Pradesh's Srikakulam district, Basavaraju belonged to an ordinary family. He earned a BTech degree from the Regional Engineering College (now NIT) in Warangal and even represented Andhra Pradesh at the national level in volleyball. It was during his student years that he got involved in leftist politics. He was arrested once in 1980 after a clash with Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad members. That same year, he formally joined the People's War, marking the beginning of his 35-year journey in the Maoist movement. He rose through the ranks, joining the CPI-ML (People's War) central committee in 1992 and later becoming secretary of the Central Military Commission after the merger that formed CPI (Maoist) in 2004. Basavaraju's rise to the top In 2018, the CPI (Maoist) officially announced that Basavaraju had replaced long-time general secretary Mupalla Laxman Rao, alias Ganapathy. While he had taken over leadership responsibilities earlier in 2017 due to Ganapathy's declining health, the transition was kept under wraps until a public statement was issued in November 2018. Basavaraju's promotion marked the first leadership change in the outfit in 14 years. Ganapathy, the founding general secretary after the merger of the People's War Group and the Maoist Communist Centre, is believed to have fled to the Philippines. Basavaraju, meanwhile, was not only the party's top leader but also a Politburo member, part of the Standing Committee, Central Committee, and an editorial board member of the party's publication Awam-e-Jung. At the time of his death, he carried a reward of ₹2.02 crore on his head, one of the highest for any Maoist leader. His death may mark the beginning of the end of the decades-long insurgency, potentially aligning with Union Home Minister Amit Shah's target of ending Maoist violence by March next year.
Deccan Herald
21-05-2025
- Politics
- Deccan Herald
Chhattisgarh encounter: Death of Maoist top leader Nambala Keshav Rao deals major blow to Naxalism
Rao co-founded the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) People's War in 1980 and rose to become a Central Committee member by 1992. Following the 2004 merger that formed the CPI (Maoist), he was appointed head of the Central Military Commission and became a Politburo member.
