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First Post
4 days ago
- Politics
- First Post
How Pakistani military has metastasised like cancer inside society
The public plays along as the military intensifies its anti-India narrative and false propaganda and the Generals prosper at the expense of the economy read more 'Of all the countries I've dealt with, I consider Pakistan to be the most dangerous because of the radicalisation of its society and the availability of nuclear weapons.' —Jim Mattis, former US defence secretary and four-star Marine Corps General, Call Sign Chaos: Learning to Lead, 2019 General Mattis, who commanded forces in the Persian Gulf War, Afghanistan War and Iraq War, realised three things: First, the Pakistani society is 'radicalised'. Second, Pakistan's political culture has 'an active self-destructive streak'. Third, US military interactions with Pakistan 'could only be transactional' as its military can't be trusted. The three factors are interwoven and describe the current state of Pakistan's mess. A nation born out of hatred and animosity, ruled directly or indirectly by its military, which sponsors terrorism and has radicalised its society, will keep on sinking into the abyss of self-destruction. Decades of hatred and enmity towards India—especially the dream of occupying J&K—systematically nurtured and propagated by the Pakistani military, have turned into a metastatic cancer which has spread deep inside its society. External affairs minister S Jaishankar rightly compared Pakistan to a cancer that has started affecting its society. 'Pakistan is an exception in our neighbourhood in view of its support for cross-border terrorism. That cancer is now consuming its body politic,' he said at the 19th Nani A Palkhivala Memorial Lecture in Mumbai in January. Military supremacy and hatred for India Hatred for India and the Pakistani military's creation of the mirage of a Hindu nation being an existential threat unite its society. Despite orchestrating four coups, ruling directly and indirectly, meddling in politics, robbing the nation of development, wasting funds and foreign loans on weapons and suppressing dissent and protests, the Pakistani military is respected by the population. The military has cemented its image as the saviour of Pakistan's borders and its people, 'threatened by a Hindu India' since its independence. In his book Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military, Husain Haqqani, a Pakistani journalist and former ambassador to the US, writes: 'Very soon after independence, 'Islamic Pakistan' was defining itself through the prism of resistance to 'Hindu India'.' The belief that India 'represented an existential threat to Pakistan led to maintaining a large military, which in turn helped the military assert its dominance in the life of the country'. Within weeks of independence, Haqqani writes, 'Editorials in the Muslim League newspaper, Dawn, called for 'guns rather than butter', urging a bigger and better-equipped army to defend 'the sacred soil' of Pakistan.' The national security apparatus was accorded a special status as protecting nationhood by military means 'took priority over all else'. 'It also meant that political ideas and actions that could be interpreted as diluting Pakistani nationhood were subversive. Demanding ethnic rights or provincial autonomy, seeking friendly ties with India, and advocating a secular Constitution fell under that category of subversion.' Haqqani explains how the military gained prominence. 'The Kashmir dispute as well as the ideological project fuelled rivalry with India, which in turn increased the new country's need for a strong military. The military and the bureaucracy, therefore, became even more crucial players in Pakistan's life than they would have been had the circumstances of the country's birth been different.' Historian Ayesha Jalal, in her book The State of Martial Rule, explains how internal threats to the government were conflated with a defence against India. Thus, the difference between internal and external threats was blurred to the military's advantage. 'So in Pakistan's case, defence against India was in part a defence against internal threats to central authority. This is why a preoccupation with affording the defence establishment—not unusual for a newly created state— assumed obsessive dimensions in the first few years of Pakistan's existence,' she writes. The Pakistani leadership found it 'convenient to perceive all internal political opposition as a threat to the security of the state'. Gradually, the Pakistani society also started perceiving India as a threat and the military as the protector from this imaginary danger. A February Gallup & Gilani Pakistan opinion poll found that only 41 per cent of Pakistanis think that Pakistan should maintain any relationship with India at any level before the Kashmir issue is resolved—35 per cent are against it. Military cons, coerces Pakistanis at the same time Operation Sindoor exposed Pakistani society's fickle-mindedness, the military's hero-worshipping and how the Generals con and coerce the public at the same time. The Pakistani military changed the Black Day in May 2023 to the Day of Righteous Battle in the same month this year in merely four days. The tactics were the same. Pakistani and local terrorists attack J&K, Indian retaliation portrayed as an attack on Pakistan's sovereignty and the military retaliates as the nation's saviour. The scene in Pakistan changed from the massive protests against Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) chief Imran Khan's arrest, which engulfed major cities, public and private properties and military installations, to celebration and triumph around two years later. In May 2023, the public challenged the military's dominance and power. In May 2025, the public celebrated the military's fake propaganda of supremacy and winning against India as the Generals took advantage of Operation Sindoor and the decades-old Kashmir issue to boost their decreasing popularity. A May 7 Gallup Pakistan survey found 77 per cent of Pakistanis rejecting India's allegation that Pakistan was behind the Pahalgam attack with 55 per cent believing that India's intelligence or government may have orchestrated it. Despite India's no-first-use nuclear policy, 45 per cent of Pakistanis fear that India might launch a first nuclear strike. For Pakistanis, the country's foreign policy with India takes precedence over deep-rooted corruption, serious economic problems and the incapability of successive governments with 64 per cent of the public satisfied with the political leadership's unified stance on tensions with India. Sixty-five per cent express overall satisfaction with the Shehbaz Sharif government's India foreign policy. Another Gallup Pakistan survey, conducted on May 21, found how the military's lies, disinformation and fake propaganda had boosted its image with 96 per cent of the public believing that India was defeated and 97 per cent rating the performance of its armed forces as good or very good. An overwhelming 87 per cent held India responsible for initiating the conflict. Public opinion of the Army improved to 93 per cent compared to 73 per cent of the civilian government. Sharif's party, PML-N, received the highest positive performance rating (65 per cent), followed by PTI (60 per cent) and Pakistan Peoples Party (58 per cent). Around 30 per cent opposed normalisation of ties with India. Not even 50 per cent supported normalising relations with India with trade cooperation receiving the highest support (49 per cent), followed closely by sports (48 per cent), education (44 per cent) and cultural exchanges (40 per cent). Two incidents show how the military cons Pakistanis, who are willing to be conned, in the name of the non-existent Indian threat and increases its iron grip at the same time. First, the government revoked the ban on X, imposed in February 2024, a few hours after India targeted terrorist bases in Pakistan and PoK on May 7. The social media platform was banned on February 17, 2024, without notification on the pretext of threats to national security and Elon Musk's company's refusal to accede to requests and comply with the Removal and Blocking of Unlawful Online Content (Procedure, Oversight and Safeguards) Rules 2021. The actual reason for the ban was the accounts of candidates and parties, especially PTI and the National Democratic Movement, posting about election irregularities. The government admitted after one month that X was banned. Internet and cybersecurity watchdog NetBlocks said that X was banned after 'it was used to draw attention to instances of alleged election fraud'. According to Access Now, a nonprofit that focuses on digital civil rights and reports on global Internet censorship, Pakistan imposed 21 shutdowns in 2024. Once the ban on X was revoked, a deluge of disinformation, like Pakistan shooting down a Su-30MKI and a MiG-29, from Pakistani handles flooded the platform. Pakistanis were part of the disinformation campaign without realising that the ban was removed to whip up anti-India feelings and restore the military's image. The military managed to reunite the nation with hatred against India and false claims of victory as Pakistanis forgot how their economic woes increased, ethnic and political dissent was crushed, dissenters went missing and all these years. Even Khan, who had held Army chief General Syed Asim Munir responsible for his arrest, tweeted: 'The recent escalation between Pakistan and India has once again proven that Pakistanis are a brave, proud, and dignified nation.' Second, as Pakistanis celebrated the military's lies, the spineless Supreme Court, in a 5-2 verdict by the Constitutional Bench, allowed 105 civilians accused in the May 9, 2023, protests to be tried in military courts. The civilians had been convicted under the Pakistan Army Act (PAA), 1952, and the Official Secrets Act, 1923, for espionage, 'interfering with officers of the police or members of the armed forces' and unauthorised use of uniforms. The apex court overturned an earlier ruling against military trials of civilians. Section 2 of PAA permits trials of civilians before military courts when they are accused of 'seducing or attempting to seduce any person subject to this Act from his duty or allegiance to government' or having committed 'in relation to any work of defence…in relation to the military of Pakistan'. Section 59(4) provides for the trial of such civilians under the PAA. In a May report by the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ), 'Military Justice in Pakistan: A Glaring Surrender of Human Rights', found that trials of the 105 civilians violated Pakistan's legal obligations under international human rights. 'The ICJ recalls that the use of military courts to try civilians usurps the functions of the ordinary courts and is inconsistent with the principle of independence of the judiciary.' According to Principle 5 of the UN Human Rights Sub-Commission, 'military courts should, in principle, have no jurisdiction to try civilians… The jurisdiction of military courts should be limited to offences of a strictly military nature committed by military personnel. Military courts may try persons treated as military personnel for infractions strictly related to their military status'. Pakistani military's grip on economy The state of Pakistan's economy is as open as the military and the political leadership's sponsorship of terrorism. Since joining the IMF in 1950, Pakistan has been bailed out more than 20 times by the Fund to address fiscal deficits, balance of payments crises and structural reforms. One of the arrangements under which the IMF has bailed out Pakistan is the Extended Fund Facility (EFF), a longer-term arrangement involving reforms to address the economy's structural weaknesses. On May 9, a day before the ceasefire, the IMF granted $1 billion to Pakistan as part of its $7-billion EFF and another $1.3 billion under the Resilience and Sustainability Facility. The amount was a carrot dangled by the US-led IMF before Pakistan to end hostilities, and was vociferously opposed by India. Pakistan's economy was in negative territory twice in the last five years—2020, -0.9 per cent; 2021, 5.8 per cent; 2022, 6.2 per cent; 2023, -0.2 per cent; and 2024, 2.5 per cent In April, the IMF revised Pakistan's GDP growth in 2025 downward to 2.6 per cent from 3 per cent in January and 3.6 per cent in 2026 from 4 per cent citing the 29 per cent tariffs imposed by the Donald Trump administration. Inflation has been a constant problem with higher prices of fruits, vegetables, flour, rice, meat and chicken. According to IMF data, inflation has been in double digits in the last five years except once—2020 (10.7 per cent), 2021 (8.2 per cent), 2022 (12.2 per cent), 2023 (29.2 per cent) and 2024 (23.4 per cent). Per IMF projections, inflation in 2025 will be 5.1 per cent and 7.7 per cent in 2026. The unemployment rate in the last five years was 6.6 per cent in 2020, 6.3 per cent in 2021, 6.2 per cent in 2022, 8.5 per cent in 2023 and 8.3 per cent in 20204. According to the IMF, the unemployment rate in 2025 is projected at 8 per cent and in 2026 at 7.5 per cent. Pakistan's forex reserves are abysmally low compared to India's. In December 2020, it was $20.5 million; December 2021, $23.9 million; December 2022, $10.8 million; December 2023, $12.7 million; and December 2024, $15.9 million. Forex reserves in May were $16.6 million, according to data released by the State Bank of Pakistan. The Pakistani currency has been severely hit by economic mismanagement, ineffective fiscal policies, a massive trade deficit, the lack of structural reforms and investment, low growth rates, high inflation, rising unemployment and political instability. The PKR tanked to an all-time low of 307.10 against the dollar in the first week of September 2023. The currency has been trading above 280. According to a Fitch Ratings projection in April, Pakistan will gradually devalue its currency to avoid likely pressure on the current account. Bloomberg, quoting Krisjanis Krustins, director, Asia Pacific Sovereign Ratings, Fitch, reported, 'The ratings company sees the rupee falling to 285 against the dollar by the end of June and weakening further to 295 by the end of the next fiscal year in 2026.' Pakistan's poverty rate is estimated at 42.4 per cent in the 2025 fiscal year, higher than 40.5 per cent in 2024, according to the World Bank. With a two per cent annual population growth, 1.9 million more people will fall into poverty this year. Even in 2026 and 2027, the rate will be around 40 per cent and 40.8 per cent, respectively. Amid the economic disaster and financial ruin with a national debt of $130 billion, $7.64 billion was allocated for defence in the 2024-25 defence budget. The Generals have been thriving for decades at the expense of Pakistanis by controlling industry, agriculture and the private sector. Under the Defence Housing Authority, the Army owns 12 per cent of the country's land at nominal rates, including urban and agricultural. The military has a massive stake in the government's industrial and commercial policies due to its immense influence on industry, commerce and business. In her book Military Inc. – Inside Pakistan's Military Economy, Pakistani political scientist Ayesha Siddiqa terms the military's 'internal economy' Milbus, military capital used for the personal benefit of its personnel, especially officers. 'Pakistan's military runs a huge commercial empire with an estimated value of billions of dollars.' This capital is 'neither recorded nor a part of the defence budget. Its most significant component is entrepreneurial activities that are not subject to state accountability procedures'. The military is the sole driver of Milbus— and is 'an example of the type of Milbus that intensifies military interest in remaining in power or direct/indirect control of governance'. According to her, Milbus involves: the varied business ventures of four welfare foundations (small businesses such as farms, schools and private security firms and corporate enterprises such as commercial banks and insurance companies, radio and television channels and manufacturing plants) direct institutional military involvement in enterprises such as toll collecting, shopping centres and petrol stations and benefits given to retired personnel, such as state land or business openings. Siddiqa explains how Milbus hurts Pakistan economically, politically and socially. The system 'nurtures' the military's political ambitions by creating deep-rooted vested interests in military dominance. 'The military has nourished the religious right to consolidate military control over the State and society.' Socially, it 'increases inter-ethnic tensions (due to skewed military recruitment policies), reduces the acceptability of the military as an arbiter among political interests and increases the alienation of the underprivileged'. Moreover, building and sustaining the military's influence in power politics come at a cost. 'Evidence shows that military businesses are not run more efficiently than others. Some of the military's larger businesses and subsidiaries have required financial bailout from the government.' Meanwhile, the Army continues with its anti-India narrative despite losing four wars to India—and the public plays along. Anti-India rhetoric, sponsorship of terrorism in J&K and the portrayal of India as an existential threat to Pakistan sustain the military while development has come to a standstill. According to Noam Chomsky, professor emeritus at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and the father of modern linguistics, 'Pakistan just cannot survive' if it continues the confrontation with India. In an interview with the Dawn in May 2013, he said, 'Pakistan will never be able to match the Indian militarily and the effort to do so is taking an immense toll on society.' The writer is a freelance journalist with more than two decades of experience and comments primarily on foreign affairs. He tweets as @FightTheBigots. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the writer. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
CTV News
6 days ago
- General
- CTV News
Calgary's Persian Gulf War veterans renew push for wartime recognition
More than three decades after serving in the 1990-91 Persian Gulf War, Calgary veterans are among those renewing calls for the federal government to finally recognize their service as 'wartime duty' — a change they say is long overdue. Harold Davis, president of the Persian Gulf Veterans of Canada, is leading the charge on behalf of 5,000 veterans who served in the campaign to liberate Kuwait after its invasion by Iraq. In a letter to lawmakers and the public, Davis expressed frustration over the government's continued failure to reclassify their service from 'Special Duty Area' (SDA) designation to 'wartime service' — a change that would carry significant symbolic and practical implications for veterans' recognition and benefits. 'I'm hearing from veterans I represent that won't even wear their medals anymore because of this lack of recognition,' said Davis. 'During my time in the war, we ended up in the middle of a minefield while sailing in the Gulf. The USS Princeton struck one of those mines, and so Canadian ships escorted her on an ocean tug. That was such a tense experience.' Davis was involved in Canada's military contribution to the Persian Gulf War, known as Operation Friction – a three-ship naval task group (HMCS Athabaskan, Terra Nova, and Protecteur) to support maritime interdiction and escort duties. Davis says that the fight for proper designation has now involved two electronic petitions in the House of Commons and participation in a parliamentary Veterans Affairs committee hearing, which resulted in Report 18 being presented to Parliament. Despite support from almost 75 Members of Parliament, 10 senators, various veterans' groups and even endorsement from the late former Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, progress has stalled multiple times, forcing veterans to restart their campaign yet again. The HMCS Protecteur. The HMCS Protecteur. (Supplied) The 35th anniversary of the Gulf War will be marked on Feb. 26, 2026 — a reminder of how long veterans have waited for official recognition. Davis notes that it took 28 years for Korean War veterans to receive their wartime designation, and Gulf War veterans do not want to wait that long. 'We get frustrated, but we keep going because we don't have much time left. Look at our age, we're all probably 65 to 70 years old. It just, it's crazy how much time was spent on this, and it consumes us.' Not just a 'special assignment' Canadian forces deployed to the Gulf faced significant dangers, including exposure to burning oil fires, chemical threats, minefields and air raids. Many veterans say they still suffer from ongoing health issues such as respiratory problems and neurological disorders. 'I just don't understand how other countries can call it a war, yet our Canadian government calls it some sort of special assignment,' said Sgt. Robert Foote, a Calgarian Gulf War Veteran. 'Iraq was invading Kuwait at that time, and if they were allowed to do it, we knew they would go further. We heard sirens going off every night, scud missiles being fired overhead, and we were constantly unaware if we might be safe.' Iraqi weapons seized by Canadians Iraqi weapons seized by Canadians. (Supplied) Foote, a 26-year member of the Canadian Air Force, was dispatched to Doha, Qatar, on Jan. 7, 1991. His arrival took place just two weeks before Operation Desert Storm, which began with an American-led aerial bombing campaign against Iraq. During that time, Foote was responsible for the ground transport of Canadian pilots and the refueling of CF18 fighter planes out of the Doha Airport. 'I got letters from friends, and they were all wishing me well and hoping that I didn't get hurt in the war,' he said. 'So, everybody recognizes it as a war, and yet, somehow or another, Canada puts a different title on it. I don't understand why.' The HMCS Protecteur. The HMCS Protecteur. (Supplied) Other Calgarian veterans like Peter Wall served 13 years with the Royal Canadian Navy. He worked on the HMCS Protecteur, a command and support ship that acted as a logistics and operations hub for Canadian naval forces deployed to the Persian Gulf. Wall's job involved supporting resupply efforts and communications supports to the USNS Mercy, a U.S. Navy hospital ship. The USNS Mercy The USNS Mercy. (Supplied) 'Sadam Hussein, the leader of Iraq at the time, took over Kuwait and just cut everything off and so we had our three ships rotating their crews, but once the war was declared, we were the only crew to swap out, so we stayed there,' said Wall. 'We were scared at times, but it was something you trained for. Not recognizing us is just typical though of our government. It's like they say, 'You did your job, now bugger off,' and we feel like we're just shunned off to the side.' Peter Wall on the HMCS Protecteur Peter Wall on the HMCS Protecteur. (Supplied) 'Proper recognition matters': Veterans Affairs Canada CTV News reached out to Veterans Affairs Canada for comment regarding the designation of Gulf War Veterans and received the following response from the office of Minister Jill McKnight. 'The Minister of Veterans Affairs remains committed to the government's platform promise to review the designation of missions like the Persian Gulf. That work is currently underway,' reads the statement. 'Persian Gulf Veterans served Canada, and their contributions continue to be valued. Our government has been clear that proper recognition matters and that getting this right is a priority.' McKnight noted that further updates will be shared 'in due course' once necessary work and consultations are completed. The HMCS Protecteur. The HMCS Protecteur. (Supplied) According to the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF), military operations are assessed to determine if they meet a threshold of 'elevated risk,' as outlined in the Veterans Wellbeing Act The CAF assesses whether participating members were exposed to risks greater than those normally associated with peacetime service. Such determinations can be made in advance if the nature of the operation is known, but when the nature of the operation is unknown, this determination can be made retroactively once conditions have become more apparent. Once a CAF assessment is complete, the Minister of Veterans Affairs is then engaged for concurrence at which time the Chief of Defence Staff also assesses the proposal and presents it to the Minister of National Defence for final approval. The response from the government is less than satisfactory for Persian Gulf War Veterans like Davis who say a lack of consultation for the last three decades is unacceptable. The HMCS Protecteur. The HMCS Protecteur. (Supplied) He notes that Prime Minister Mark Carney's platform included that Persian Gulf War veterans would be recognized foe their service, but says no one has reached out to him. 'The government themselves wants to call it a war when it's convenient, but they don't want to turn around and give the recognition to the Persian Gulf veterans that served in the war,' said Davis. 'Getting a medal is nice, but you know what, being recognized for your service for your country is even nicer and we can't get that as it sits right now.' Harold Davis Harold Davis when he served in the Gulf War. (Supplied) Documentary highlights importance of Gulf War recognition Anthony Towstego has been making documentary films highlighting and preserving the stories of Canadian war veterans for the past 28 years with Thomega Entertainment, but it was only recently that he dived into the impact of the Persian Gulf War. 'I was approached by Harold Davis at the National World Canadian Legion Convention in Winnipeg back in 2018, and he came to our booth with pride asking me 'Where's out story?' I immediately wanted to learn more,' said Towstego. 'So that was a catalyst to kickstarting a documentary that we started to research right at that point, all about Canada's contribution to the Persian Gulf War.' Sgt. Robert Foote Sgt. Robert Foote receiving his Gulf War commendation medal. (Supplied) The short film titled, Canada Remembers Our Heroes: Operation Friction was privately screened on May 16, 2023, during a parliamentary event hosted by Liberal MP Anita Vandenbeld The goal was to get a wide enough audience with Canada's Parliament that it could help educate and influence enough people to recognize Gulf War service as 'wartime service.' 'A veteran is a veteran. Why they have not been recognized, I just don't understand. They served. They risked their lives. They stood up for Canada and the world,' said Towstego. 'That was a war. They were there, and there's no difference from those who served in the Gulf War than the veterans that I've interviewed from the Second World War or Korean War. They're all one in the same, so it's time that they are recognized 100 per cent as veterans should be.' The HMCS Protecteur. The HMCS Protecteur. (Supplied) Thomega Entertainment and its Canada Remembers Programming and Educational Plan project are officially endorsed by the Royal Canadian Legion's National Poppy & Remembrance Committee. Its films are not yet publicly distributed, but they have been nationally broadcasted on Ami TV and screenings have taken place at Canadian schools. Plans are also in the works to have Canada Remembers films streamed at some point on platforms such as Amazon's Prime Video.
Yahoo
28-05-2025
- General
- Yahoo
Senior enlisted man based in Hawaii will advise Joint Chiefs of Staff
The top enlisted leader at U.S. Indo-Pacific Command at Camp Smith has been tapped to go to the Pentagon to serve as the most senior enlisted service member in the entire U.S. military. The Pentagon announced Tuesday that Fleet Master Chief David Isom, a seasoned combat veteran, has been selected to serve as the senior enlisted advisor to the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, or SEAC. He will be the sixth person to take on the position since it was was created in 2005. Isom enlisted in the Navy in 1987, and after passing SEAL selection went on to serve with the service's most elite special operations units, including Navy Special Warfare Development Group—better known to the general public as SEAL Team Six. His deployments include the Persian Gulf War, tours in Iraq and Afghanistan and—according to his official bio—several deployments across the Pacific and the Horn of Africa. His military awards include four Bronze Star Medals, including two with 'V ' devices for valor ; two Combat Action Ribbons ; and a Presidential Unit Citation. Before serving as the senior enlisted man for Indo-Pacific Command he had already been in Hawaii as the senior enlisted leader for Special Operations Command Pacific. In both roles Isom's duties included traveling the region visiting American bases to talk to troops as well as working to bolster ties with foreign service members from other countries and observing training. At the Pentagon, Isom will replace Marine Sgt. Maj. Troy Black, who is leaving the job after serving as SEAC for two years. Black previously served as the sergeant major of the Marine Corps before he was selected as the SEAC by Army Gen. Mark Milley and continued on as the senior enlisted advisor to Air Force Gen. C.Q. Brown, whom President Donald Trump controversially fired from the role of chairman in February along with Navy chief Adm. Lisa Franchetti and other officers serving under the Joint Chiefs. After the firings, Hawaii's U.S. Sen. Mazie Hirono charged that 'there is no reasonable justification for these terminations. Instead, the dismissals reveal the President's true intention : installing a group of 'yes men' with fealty to him and not the Constitution or the American people.' Under Trump and his Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, the Pentagon is seeing major shake-ups across the board. Hegseth has vowed to rid the military of 'woke ' officers and civilian personnel, and pledged that there will be a new focus on 'lethality.' Though considered the most senior enlisted role in the military, the SEAC doesn't actually lead troops as part of the chain of command but serves as an advisor to the military's most senior officer to serve as a voice to the Pentagon's top leadership addressing the issues of enlisted personnel. In this case, Isom will advise Brown's replacement, Air Force Gen. Dan Caine. Just as Brown's firing was controversial, Trump's appointment of Caine raised eyebrows. Though Caine is a respected officer with extensive experience across the U.S. government, at the time of his nomination he had already retired as a lieutenant general—making him legally ineligible for the role. To make him eligible, Trump had to order that he be both reinstated to active service and promoted to four-star general. Trump has often told a story of meeting Caine in Iraq during his first presidency, describing him as wearing the iconic red MAGA hat of his supporters and expressing personal admiration and loyalty to Trump—which would have violated several military policies if true. The details of the story often differed and shifted when Trump told it at different venues. During his Senate confirmation hearing, Caine told lawmakers 'I went back and listened to those tapes, and I think the president was actually talking about somebody else. I've never worn any political merchandise or said anything to that effect.' When Hirono asked him 'if you wore it, would that constitute partisan political activity by a uniformed officer—yes or no ?' Caine answered, 'I think it probably would, yes.' Caine ultimately was confirmed with 44 Republicans and 16 Democrats voting in favor, though his confirmation was opposed by both Hawaii's Hirono and U.S. Sen. Brian Schatz. Isom will be the first sailor to serve as SEAC and is leaving Camp Smith for the Pentagon at a time when the military views the Pacific as its top priority theater of operations amid tensions with China. He would bring extensive experience in the region as well as personal knowledge of and relationships with members of foreign militaries that Pentagon leaders are hoping to strengthen alliances with.
Yahoo
18-05-2025
- General
- Yahoo
'Heart of this battalion': Memorial dedicated to 458th Engineers at Sandyvale Memorial Gardens
JOHNSTOWN, Pa. – During the Persian Gulf War, U.S. Army Reserve 458th Engineer Battalion engineers developed sanitary water filtration systems for frontline troops in Iraq. In 2024, members of its 665 Engineer Utilities Detachment spent 10 months backing special operations, building barriers to protect remote Middle East bases, 458th Batalion Commander Trevor Needham said. Over its 66 years here, the Johnstown-based battalion has often served its country by serving Johnstown, 458th alumni said. They've helped build parks, playgrounds and dished out 500 meals a day to struggling Tanneryville patrons in the aftermath of the 1977 Johnstown Flood, retired Sgt. Maj. Robert Symon recalled. Even though the Goucher Street-based 458th Engineers now have reserve centers across Pennsylvania – as far away as Butler and Harrisburg – there was no better place than Johnstown to salute the battalion's past and present or service and sacrifices, members said Saturday. A crowd of approximately 60 people, including current and former 4548th Engineers, gathered at Sandyvale Memorial Gardens and Conservancy Saturday to dedicate a black granite memorial in the Army Reserve battalion's honor. "Never so much by so few," said retired Col. Samuel Contacos, paraphrasing Winston Churchill's historic words to summarize generations of work by the small battalion at home and abroad. 'Perfect place' The 458th Engineer Battalion's roots date back to 1943, first being activated as the Texas-based 1252nd Engineer Combat Battalion to serve in the European theater of World War II. In 1959, the unit moved to Johnstown. Plans for a memorial were in the works for years, said retired Sgt. First Class Joe Siwy. He said he first envisioned the memorial at Central Park until he toured Sandyvale. Its trail now features several military memorials – and plans have been discussed about relocating a few of Central Park's monuments. Sandyvale is anchored by trees planted for each of the nation's armed conflicts – and more importantly, the space and serenity to reflect on them, Siwy said. With a gesture to the sky, he pointed out the picturesque park that serves as the flight path for a bald eagle that nests above Menoher Boulevard. "It's a perfect setting," the Johnstown area veteran said. "This is what our veterans deserve." 'Heart of this battalion' Fellow 458th members also observed the fitting setting for their monument, which was created by battalion alumni through a multi-year fund drive under the Community Foundation for the Alleghenies, Siwy said. Needham reminded attendees that the 458th Engineers have long been called the "Anvil Battalion" – and for good reason. For generations, many of them have forged their military careers in a valley with a rich iron and steel history, he said. "Now, part of their permanent home is here in Johnstown as well," Needham said of the memorial. At 94 years old, Symon was the oldest living alumni to attend. Sitting near the memorial Saturday, he recalled reservists who answered the call over three straight months of flood recovery efforts in Johnstown. For weeks, meals were airlifted by helicopter to Tanneryville because the horrific torrent gutted access into the community. Symon was joined at the event by retired Col. Sam Contacos, a Johnstown native and longtime Coney Island owner who became the 458th battalion's commander in the 1960s. Contacos remembered a platoon commander telling him "remember your background" as a young officer. Those words still resonate today, he said, as he thinks about the work the 458th Engineers performed in Johnstown – and the men who served him. "They never let me down," Contacos said. Over 66 years in Johnstown, there's a growing number no longer living – many who "gave their all and will never be forgotten," said retired Maj. Gen. Rodney Ruddock said. "When you make your way to this memorial, you'll be reminded about what is good about America," Ruddock said, calling the monument "the heart of this battalion." "It will serve as our beacon of hope forever."
Yahoo
18-04-2025
- Yahoo
It's Been 30 Years Since Timothy McVeigh Carried Out The Oklahoma City Bombing
"Hearst Magazines and Yahoo may earn commission or revenue on some items through these links." 1968–2001 Timothy McVeigh was a domestic terrorist who perpetrated the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing. Raised in New York, McVeigh developed an interest in guns and anti-government sentiments as a bullied teenager. He served in the U.S. Army with distinction in the Persian Gulf War but grew increasingly disillusioned with the government after his discharge. Following months of planning, on April 19, 1995, McVeigh detonated explosives outside the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City, resulting in 168 casualties and another several hundred wounded victims. He was apprehended shortly after the bombing and was executed in June 2001 at age 33. The Oklahoma City bombing remains the deadliest instance of domestic terrorism in American history. FULL NAME: Timothy James McVeighBORN: April 23, 1968DIED: June 11, 2001BIRTHPLACE: Lockport, New YorkASTROLOGICAL SIGN: Taurus Timothy James McVeigh was born on April 23, 1968, in Lockport, New York, to Mildred and William McVeigh. He grew up nearby in the working-class town of Pendleton with his sisters, Jennifer and Patricia. After his parents divorced, McVeigh lived with his father and developed an interest in guns through target practice sessions with his grandfather. It was during this time he read The Turner Diaries, an anti-government tome by neo-Nazi William Pierce. The book described a bombing of a federal building and fueled McVeigh's paranoia about a government plot to repeal the Second Amendment. Tall, skinny, and quiet, McVeigh was bullied as a teenager. He was also very bright, even earning a partial college scholarship after graduating from high school in 1986, though he only briefly attended a business school before dropping out. In 1988, McVeigh enlisted in the U.S. Army and became a model soldier, earning the Bronze Star for bravery in the Persian Gulf War. He received an invitation to try out for the Army's special forces but gave up after only two days and was discharged in 1991. McVeigh initially returned to New York but soon took up a peripatetic lifestyle. He followed the gun-show circuit, selling weapons and preaching the evils of the government along the way. He periodically spent time with Army buddies Terry Nichols and Michael Fortier, who shared McVeigh's passion for guns and hatred of federal authority. Two events involving the FBI's actions against separatists added fuel to McVeigh's anger toward the government. First, in the summer of 1992, white separatist Randy Weaver was engaged in a standoff with government agents at his cabin in Ruby Ridge, Idaho. He was suspected of selling illegal sawed-off shotguns. The siege resulted in the death of Weaver's son and wife. Then, in April 1993, federal agents surrounded the compound of a religious organization called the Branch Davidians in Waco, Texas, to arrest their leader, David Koresh, on illegal weapons charges. On April 19, McVeigh watched on television as the FBI stormed the compound. The resulting firestorm killed dozens of Branch Davidians, including children. In September 1994, McVeigh put into motion his plan to destroy the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City. With accomplices Terry Nichols and Michael Fortier, McVeigh acquired tons of ammonium nitrate fertilizer and gallons of fuel to form a highly volatile explosive. McVeigh chose the Murrah Federal Building because it provided excellent camera angles for media coverage. He wanted to make this attack a platform for his anti-government message. On the morning of April 19, 1995, the second anniversary of the FBI siege on the Branch Davidian compound, McVeigh parked a Ryder truck loaded with the explosive substance in front of the Murray building. People were coming to work and on the second floor, children were arriving at the day-care center. At 9:02 a.m., the explosion ripped the entire north wall off the building, destroying all nine floors. More than 300 other buildings in the immediate area were damaged or destroyed. In the rubble were 168 deceased victims, including 19 young children, and another 650-plus wounded. The bombing remains the deadliest domestic terrorism event in U.S. history. Early reports suggested that a Middle Eastern terrorist group might have been responsible, but within days, McVeigh was considered the primary suspect. He was already in jail, having been pulled over shortly after the bombing for driving without a license plate. The police office conducting the traffic stop discovered McVeigh was carrying an illegally concealed handgun and arrested him. When the FBI searched his car, they found an envelope full of excerpts from the The Turner Diaries. Nichols soon surrendered to authorities, and the two were indicted for the bombing in August 1995. Following a five-week-long trial that began in April 1997, McVeigh was convicted after 23 hours of deliberation, and he was sentenced to death. The following year, Nichols was sentenced to life in prison. After testifying against both McVeigh and Nichols, Fortier was sentenced to 12 years in prison in 1998 and was subsequently released in 2006. While on death row, McVeigh was interviewed for a biography, American Terrorist by Lou Michel and Dan Herbeck. McVeigh spoke of the bombing with some pride, referring to the young victims as 'collateral damage.' Meanwhile, his requests for an appeal and a new trial were rejected. On June 11, 2001, following an attempted stay of execution, federal prison authorities executed McVeigh by lethal injection. He died within minutes, and his body was cremated. His death marked the first federal execution in 38 years. The 33-year-old's final statement was the poem 'Invictus' by William Ernest Henley. McVeigh didn't recite it but rather gave a handwritten copy of the poem to the prison warden before he was executed. McVeigh has been the subject of a number documentaries over the years. In 2017, PBS released the documentary film Oklahoma City about McVeigh's beliefs and experiences leading up to the bombing. His criminal trial was the focus of an episode of the 2018 Oxygen docuseries In Defense Of, in which his attorneys were interviewed about their legal defense in his case. In 2024, HBO released the documentary An American Bombing: The Road to April 19th, which explored the rise of anti-government sentiment and domestic terrorism through the lens of McVeigh's thoughts and actions. That same year, the movie McVeigh portrayed how the terrorist, played by Alfie Allen, devised his plan to blow up the federal building in Oklahoma City. Two new documentaries, which came out in April 2025, also explore the devastating events surrounding the bombing. While National Geographic's Oklahoma City Bombing: One Day in America focuses on rescue efforts and stories of survivors, Netflix's Oklahoma City Bombing: American Terror delves into the investigative efforts that led to McVeigh's arrest and conviction. Fact Check: We strive for accuracy and fairness. If you see something that doesn't look right, contact us! You Might Also Like Nicole Richie's Surprising Adoption Story The Story of Gypsy Rose Blanchard and Her Mother Queen Camilla's Life in Photos
