Latest news with #PierreTrudeau
National Post
3 days ago
- Entertainment
- National Post
Justin Trudeau's son Xav on following in his father's political footsteps: 'It's not my thing'
Before launching his music career earlier this year, Xav Trudeau, the oldest son of former prime minister Justin Trudeau, flew mostly under the public's radar. Article content Article content But with three tracks already released and piling up plays — his debut, Til the Nights Done, just eclipsed 100,000 on Spotify and 170,000 on YouTube — Xav is starting to come to their attention. Article content 'If you don't like the music, just keep scrolling. You can comment if you want, it's only going to help my algorithm.' Article content Article content Article content Having grown from a little boy to a young man during his father's three terms in office, Xav said he's well acquainted with the negativity that has followed his family, but he's developed the ability to block it all out. Article content Article content He also tried to set the record straight on future political ambitions. Article content 'I've seen like what my dad has had to do and what he's had to sacrifice, and it's not really worth it for me,' he said, broaching the subject himself. 'He's done well, it's just it's not my thing.' Article content Gonez pointed out that a young Trudeau once said something similar when asked if he would follow in the footsteps of his father, former prime minister Pierre Trudeau. Article content In a 1995 interview with CTV News, a 23-year-old Trudeau said it would 'never' happen. He was elected as a member of parliament for Quebec 13 years later. Article content Article content Xav is set to graduate from high school this year and told Gonez he plans to attend McGill University in Montreal in the fall. Article content The school is one of Justin Trudeau's alma maters, and the city is home to the federal riding of Papineau, which he held for almost 18 years. It's also the hometown of Sophie Grégoire Trudeau, Xav's mother, and his late prime ministerial grandfather. Article content 'Montreal is like home to me,' he said.
National Post
7 days ago
- General
- National Post
NP View: King Charles III affirmed what it is to be Canadian
Article content But in other, more serious ways, the Crown has receded from public life. It is no longer common to hear people sing God Save the King, even as a secondary anthem. The Red Ensign, Canada's old flag, has weirdly been dismissed by progressives as a symbol of the far right, as opposed to a proud symbol of our history. Statues of past monarchs, and of early prime ministers are toppled. Article content Contemporary prime ministers adopt the manner and practices of a president of a republic, as opposed to a chief advisor to the Crown. Carney's repeated signing of fake executive orders, emulating Trump, are merely the latest example of this. Article content As for Governors General, who act on behalf of the Sovereign, they had tended before the 1970s to be those with experience as diplomats or in the military. In other words, the Governor General was traditionally chosen from among the ranks of people already familiar with serving the Crown, and placing such service above partisan needs. Article content That all changed with Pierre Trudeau, and those named to the role since have been increasingly political, while increasingly having little respect for the institution. Article content Article content This week, a social media account for Governor General Mary Simon posted that conversations with the King 'deepen the meaningful bond between our nations' followed by small images of the Canadian and U.K. flags. The message was that the King was representing another nation, rather than being the King of Canada. It is an unfortunately common misunderstanding among Canadians, but the one person who should not make this mistake is the Governor General, even if it was an underling who wrote the post. Article content This degradation of the Crown in Canada must come to end. Perhaps it is true that if Canadians were designing a political system from scratch, it would not be based on a 1,000 year-old institution that has evolved to the point where the person with the most power constitutionally may only keep that power if he never (or rarely) uses it. Article content Our system of government, with a hereditary head of state that is not only above politics, but who must avoid politics, however, has proven remarkably stable, and remarkably well suited to protecting the rights and liberties of Canadians. Following the King's visit, let us all do our part to hold on to the very institutions that define us. Article content
Winnipeg Free Press
17-05-2025
- Politics
- Winnipeg Free Press
Explaining the success of the federal Liberals
Opinion After the April 28 general election, the Liberal Party of Canada (LPC) is back in power for a fourth term after coming just short of a majority, winning 170 of the 343 seats in the House of Commons. Considering that the LPC trailed the Conservative Party of Canada (CPC) by over 20 points in the polls over the previous two years, its victory represented a remarkable political comeback. This commentary is not a promotional blurb for the LPC, rather it seeks to identify the factors which enabled it to become one of the most successful parties in the democratic world. It is hard to identify another centrist party which has achieved such dominance and long-term success. Over the 158 years of the country's existence, the LPC has been in office for 97 years. In 26 of 45 general elections, it won the greatest share of the popular vote. It was so dominant during the 20th century that it was labelled the 'government party.' Maintaining that dominance became more difficult in the first 25 years of the 21st century. From 2006 to 2015, the LPC spent a decade in opposition, even falling to third place in the House of Commons after the 2011 election. As in the past, the party exhibited resilience bouncing back to majority status in the 2015 election under Justin Trudeau. Two minority victories followed in 2019 and 2021, elections in which the LPC actually received fewer votes than the CPC. LPC success in the previous century owed much to Quebec. Voters in that province demonstrated uncanny solidarity in putting their support behind the winning party which most often was the LPC. The vagaries of the first-past-the-post electoral system often helped the LPC to win more seats in Quebec and elsewhere than a more proportionate voting system would have given it. Often Quebec alone would put the Liberals halfway to a parliamentary majority. The LPC has never been a highly ideological party. Someone once likened it to the United Church: it required membership, not necessarily faith. A broad, flexible ideological orientation meant it occupied, at various times, a wide space either slightly to the right or the left of the centre on the political spectrum. At crucial junctures, it was quite prepared to 'borrow' ideas from other parties to achieve success. Its instinct for spending money and applying restraint at the appropriate time was often politically, if not always economically, shrewd. The LPC was better than Conservative parties in practising 'brokerage politics' which involved bringing together under a 'big tent' numerous types of ideological, social, regional, linguistic, multicultural, gender and racial diversities. Like other parties, during the late 20th century the LPC became more leader-focused in its appeals to voters. It demonstrated the knack for choosing leaders who made a strong emotional connection with voters, such as Pierre Trudeau in 1968, Justin Trudeau in 2013 and Mark Carney in 2025. Not all leadership choices, of course, matched the moment. A focus on leadership helped with the LPC claim that it was the only party capable of ensuring national unity during times of regional and other types of tensions. Pan-Canadian representation in caucus and cabinet became more difficult to achieve in the past five decades, when political fragmentation created a multi-party system. Lacking balanced representation from across the country, often from the West, LPC governments improvised with senators in cabinet and regional desks in the office of the prime minister. Organizational structures and processes contribute to success. The LPC has long relied on a decentralized organizational structure, linking its parliamentary caucus to its supporters on the ground, which allowed it to successfully respond to the country's continually changing social and demographic realities. Like other parties, partly to meet election law requirements, in the second half of the 20th century the LPC broke from its provincial wings. Organizational separation did not mean an end to political ties between the two tiers, so the national party could still draw upon the support of constituency associations and local campaigns across the country. Money does not necessarily bring political success, but it is necessary to pay for essential activities on the national and local level. The LPC has not always led the fundraising parade. In 2004 the Liberal government of Jean Chrétien introduced legislation to ban corporate and union donations, but partially made up for lost revenues by creating per-vote annual subsidies from the public purse to all parties. After Stephen Harper phased out the subsidies, the LPC moved to strengthen its fundraising capacity. Troubles for its main opponent helped the LPC. According to George Perlin's classic book The Tory Syndrome, the Conservative party has long been handicapped by an 'opposition mentality.' It attracted disgruntled individuals, suffered from internal divisions, and changed leaders more frequently than the LPC. After becoming leader in 2004, Stephen Harper shifted the party away from competing on brokerage basis and instead targeted party messaging more at core supporters, which may not be a long-term winning formula. On April 28 the LPC captured 43.8 per cent of the national vote and won at least one seat in all provinces. History suggests it will not lose its competitive advantage any time soon. Paul G. Thomas is professor emeritus of political studies at the University of Manitoba.
CBC
13-05-2025
- Politics
- CBC
New Heritage Minute celebrates Bora Laskin, namesake of Thunder Bay, Ont., law school
Michel Beaulieu says Historica Canada's new Heritage Minute featuring Bora Laskin is "long overdue." Born in 1912 in Fort William — now Thunder Bay, Ont., — Laskin is known for overcoming antisemitism to become the first Jewish Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada. "He became an academic and a leading scholar in many of the types of issues that would resonate today, and definitely the types of focus that became our law school," said Beaulieu, associate vice-provost of academic and professor of history at Lakehead University. The namesake of Lakehead's Bora Laskin Faculty of Law is known for his forward-thinking approach to law and focus on human rights. Appointed to the Supreme Court by former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, his work informed much of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, said Beaulieu. "It's always nice when you see an important element of our region's past receiving national attention," Beaulieu said. The law school first opened in 2013 and was renamed after Laskin the following year. "It was a natural choice to approach the [Laskin] family for a law school that was established to be innovative, to have a focus that dealt with Indigenous law, resource law, small practice, rural, the types of things and innovation that Laskin himself was known for," Beaulieu said. "All of these things do resonate in our law school, the nature of how we approach law, the program, the innovation that our faculty bring to it, but also the nature of the students we have in our program." Expert in human rights After graduating from the Fort William Collegiate and Technical Institute, Laskin was accepted into the second year of the honour law undergraduate program at the University of Toronto when he was only 17. He received his BA and MA from there before going on to obtain his law degree from Osgoode Hall and a graduate degree in law from Harvard University. But it wasn't easy. Laskin's family first arrived in Fort William as Russian Jewish immigrants who had faced significant persecution back home. He contended with similar antisemitic attitudes when trying to find a job in Toronto. Eventually, he secured teaching positions at both of his alma maters in Toronto before being appointed to the Ontario Court of Appeal and later the Supreme Court of Canada. "He is one of the most in-exhaustingly compelling figures of Canadian law," said Kerry Rittich, professor of law, women and gender studies and public policy and governance at the University of Toronto, in a news release issued Wednesday. In the Supreme Court, "what he stood out wasn't just the majority decisions, it was also the dissenting comments," Beaulieu said. For example, when the court upheld that Indigenous women would lose their Indian status if they married non-Indigenous men, "Laskin argued very forcefully that this compounded racial discrimination, gender discrimination, and was a violation of basic tenets of human rights — and this really stood out at the time." Laskin was chancellor of Lakehead University from 1971 to 1980. Before becoming the law school's namesake, Lakehead's Faculty of Education Building was named after him. He died in 1984 at age 71. His family members also overcame adversity to make a big impact. His brother Saul Laskin was the first mayor of Thunder Bay when Fort William and Port Arthur were amalgamated in 1970. Now, as students come to Thunder Bay to obtain their law degrees, Beaulieu said it's important for them to remember the contributions Bora Laskin made as they look to establish their own legal careers. "I think it's a point of pride," he said, "going to a law school that is carrying on in the beliefs and the opinions and the approach of probably, some would argue, one of the foremost experts this country has ever had in terms of human rights."
National Post
12-05-2025
- Politics
- National Post
Kelly McParland: Carney's change agenda should start with fixing up 24 Sussex Drive
Never mind Donald Trump. Never mind western separatism. Does Mark Carney have what it takes to confront the fiasco of 24 Sussex Drive? Article content Article content Of all the issues on his plate it may be the most ridiculous. The long-running saga of the official residence without a resident offers evidence that absurdity isn't just a feature of Canada's shared sense of humour, but a national characteristic that envelopes its inability to construct a respectable roof over the head of its senior elected official. Article content Article content Not that it's the fault of the populace. I doubt that Canadians are so gnarled and nasty they object to the very thought of an official residence. It's the potential inhabitants of the ramshackle homestead who can't bring themselves to make a simple decision on its fate and be done with it. It's their fear of voters — which consists, in truth, of distrust — that prevents them from getting off the pot. Article content Article content Every prime minister since Pierre Trudeau has known something serious had to be done about the condition of the building at 24 Sussex Drive. Every one of them has recoiled in terror from doing so. Maybe it was Brian Mulroney's experience within its walls that frightened them. Mulroney calculated he approved $211,000 on fixtures and furniture for a structure that was already 117 years old when he took over the keys. He was scorched for it. Fifteen years after he left office the Toronto Star was still running articles about his 'extravagant spending.' Article content Jean Chretien refused to make the same mistake. He called the house 'an embarrassment to the nation' but the man who invented the 'Shawinigan handshake' acknowledged he did nothing rather than risk the negative headlines that might ensue. Paul Martin conceded it was drafty, and certain rooms were unbearable in winter, but neither he nor Stephen Harper would risk being Mulroneyed over it. Harper had a chance at a major repair job for just $10 million — which would barely get you garage space in parts of Toronto or Vancouver these days — but didn't want to vacate for the 10 to 15 months needed to do it. It was 2008 and he only had a minority, so perhaps he feared that if he left the house he might not get back in. Article content Article content So that was that. Justin Trudeau, who grew up in the place, refused to subject his own kids to the experience. He preferred to live across the street in a 'cottage' while the Governor General swanned around in the much grander complex on the same grounds. In his nine years as prime minister Trudeau showed no reluctance to pour hundreds of billions into any project that caught his fancy. He happily added as much to the debt as all previous prime ministers combined, but supply the cash to save a bit of historic Canadiana? Not a chance. People might get upset! Article content So it falls to Carney to make a sensible decision. The Carneys live not far from the scene of the disaster so they're well aware what a dump it's become. Like his predecessors he could studiously avoid making a decision, hoping the house doesn't actually collapse into rubble on his watch, looking away and humming to himself every time his motorcade passes its gates, but it would be an inglorious reaction by a man who says he's intent on building a better, stronger and more respectable country. 'Who's ready to build Canada strong?' he demanded in his campaign. Yeah, sure … except there's a house on Sussex Drive we can't possibly be expected to repair.
