Latest news with #RANE
Bloomberg
3 days ago
- Business
- Bloomberg
Bohl: Already Seeing Israel-Iran Worst-Case Scenario
"It can't get worse than the situation we're in right now" says Ryan Bohl, Senior MENA Analyst at RANE. Bohl adds that the next thing to watch is whether Iran will widen widens its targets to include countries like the US and Saudi Arabia as the conflict escalates. He speaks to Jennifer Zabasajja on Horizons Middle East & Africa. (Source: Bloomberg)
Forbes
08-06-2025
- Business
- Forbes
How Armenia Might Respond To Azerbaijan's JF-17 Fighter Acquisition
In an acquisition that will significantly alter the military balance in the South Caucasus, Pakistan is selling 40 fourth-generation JF-17 Thunder fighter jets to Azerbaijan. The move will undoubtedly worry neighboring Armenia. Azerbaijan has officially expanded its order for JF-17s from 16 jets to 40 as part of a $4.6 billion defense agreement, the Pakistani government confirmed in a post on the social media platform X on Friday. It is Pakistan's largest-ever defense export contract and undoubtedly a boost for the aircraft, which Pakistan co-developed with China. Azerbaijani media reported in late May that Baku had increased the number of jets and the value of the deal from $1.6 billion to approximately $4.2 billion. However, such reports were not immediately publicly confirmed by either Baku or Islamabad. Azerbaijan took delivery of its first JF-17 on September 25, 2024. Baku is receiving the latest version, the JF-17C Block III, equipped with active electronically scanned array radar and other systems and weapons typically found on advanced 4.5-generation aircraft. 'While the fourth-generation fighter has some notable operational limits, such as the lack of complete stealth compared to fifth-generation fighters and certainly six-generation ones in development, from Baku's perspective, these are likely outweighed by numerous upsides,' Sam Lichtenstein, Director of Analysis at the risk intelligence company RANE, told me. 'First and foremost is that the JF-17 is a cost-effective option compared to many competing Western or Russian options, and acquiring more would also help upgrade Azerbaijan's older and less capable Soviet-produced aircraft,' Lichtenstein said. 'With continuing Western sanctions on Russia and uncertainty over whether Russia's defense industry has sufficient capacity to provide new systems, or even replace certain key parts, acquiring more JF-17s enables Baku to skirt concerns about acquiring more military capabilities from Russia,' he added. 'Furthermore, the JF-17 is compatible with a number of Turkish systems that Azerbaijan already has, making it even more attractive.' The acquisition is an enormous upgrade—both quantitatively and qualitatively—for the country's air force, which hitherto relied on just over a dozen aged MiG-29 Fulcrum fighters and subsonic Su-25 Frogfoot attack planes. According to Azerbaijani media, the JF-17s are not going to replace these older aircraft instantly, which makes sense given that Baku recently had its Frogfoots upgraded to carry Turkish weapons. The deal will undoubtedly set off alarm bells in Yerevan. Armenia had previously sought to enhance its modest air force, which lacked any fighter jets, through the acquisition of expensive Su-30SM Flanker fighters from Russia in 2019. While it initially sought 12, Armenia has only received four to date. Far from deterring Baku, these Flankers sat idle when Azerbaijan pulverized Armenian positions with modern Israeli and Turkish-made drones during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War. The jets also failed to deter Azerbaijan in subsequent border clashes and the Azerbaijani military's September 2023 lightning offensive that captured the entire Nagorno-Karabakh and displaced its Armenian population. Now, with Azerbaijan acquiring 40 JF-17s, it will have ten times more fighters than Armenia—and that's not even counting its current fleet of MiG-29s or its extensive and expanding arsenal of advanced Israeli and Turkish drones. 'From Armenia's perspective, Azerbaijan's expansion of its fighter aircraft only worsens Yerevan's weak military position compared to Baku,' RANE's Lichtenstein said. 'Despite signing a peace deal in March 2025 designed to resolve their decades-long conflict, Azerbaijan is requiring Armenia to make contentious constitutional changes that are delaying the agreement's official signing and implementation,' he added. 'This delay, which is likely to persist until after Armenia holds general elections in 2026, leaves the door open to another military escalation as Baku grows impatient with Yerevan and calculates that it will engender little to no blowback from the West, Russia or other key external powers.' Despite sweeping Azerbaijani claims over sovereign Armenian territory, a full-scale invasion of Armenia seems unlikely. Nevertheless, there could be more ground incursions and border clashes, especially if Baku seeks to link up with its western Nakhchivan exclave by establishing its self-styled Zangezur corridor overland through Armenia's southernmost Syunik frontier province. 'With the threat of another conflict still on the table, Armenia is likely to leverage its growing defense partnerships with France, India and Iran – alongside an ongoing attempt to reduce tensions with Russia – to try to mitigate against Azerbaijan's military dominance,' Lichtenstein said. Armenia long relied heavily on Russia for discounted military hardware. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, 94 percent of Armenia's arms imports between 2011 and 2020 came from Russia. That drastically changed after Armenia suffered a disastrous defeat in the 2020 war. Yerevan has since sought to diversify its defense sources, reducing arms imports from Russia to as low as 10 percent by 2024. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov recently blamed the Ukraine war for delays in supplying Russian armaments to Armenia in recent years but still scrutinized Yerevan's growing defense ties with France, saying 'it does raise questions.' France recently sold Armenia Caesar self-propelled howitzers, a deal that both Azerbaijan and Russia criticized. It's unclear if Armenia will ultimately turn to France for multirole Dassault Rafale fighter jets to match Azerbaijan's JF-17 procurement, especially given the prohibitive price tag for Yerevan, which invariably has significantly less to spend on armaments than its oil-rich rival. 'While Yerevan will likely pursue multiple lines of effort, it is likely to focus on acquiring India-built Su-30MKIs given that they are far more cost-effective than French Rafales,' Lichtenstein said. 'Moreover, while much is still unclear about last month's confrontation between India and Pakistan, accusations that India's fleet of Rafales did not perform as strongly could also affect Armenia's calculus.' India builds the unique Su-30MKI variant of the Russian combat aircraft under license. It may soon export some of these aircraft and doubtlessly sees Armenia as a potential customer. Yerevan has already made record-breaking deals for Indian-made weaponry since the start of this decade. Furthermore, as previously outlined in this space, New Delhi is the ideal candidate for upgrading Armenia's existing Su-30SMs and making them compatible with various Indian-made munitions and weapons. 'India would likely also be interested in supplying these systems to counteract Azerbaijan's acquisition of fighters from Pakistan, India's arch-rival,' Lichtenstein said. 'Separate from acquiring new fighters to try to compete with Azerbaijan in the air, Armenia is also likely seeking to upgrade its air defenses with systems from India, Iran and/or others.'
Yahoo
15-05-2025
- Business
- Yahoo
Trump's $142 billion arms deal may not get the Saudis the F-35 stealth fighter
A US-Saudi arms agreement may get complicated when it comes to Lockheed Martin's F-35 The F-35 could put Saudi Arabia's military on par with Israel in what may be a dealbreaker. The Saudis may also buy advanced US drones and missile defenses as part of the agreement. During his visit to Saudi Arabia, President Donald Trump signed what the White House described as "the largest defense sales agreement in history," valued at almost $142 billion, that will provide the kingdom "state-of-the-art warfighting equipment and services." The offer, the final value of which may ultimately prove much less than $142 billion, is expected to include Lockheed Martin's C-130 Hercules transport aircraft and other unspecified missiles and radars. Neither the White House nor administration officials have provided further details about which specific systems the deal may include, such as the advanced fighter Riyadh has wanted. The two sides discussed a potential Saudi purchase of the F-35 Lightning II stealth strike fighter and Israel's qualitative military edge came up, Reuters reported Tuesday. The Saudis have sought the F-35 for years since it's one of the world's top fighter jets that could put the kingdom's armed forces on par with Israel, the only Middle Eastern country currently flying that fifth-generation combat aircraft. Washington is legally obligated to preserve Israel's military advantage by, among other things, not selling military hardware to regional countries that are as or more advanced than Israel's arsenal. Unlike the neighboring United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia has not joined the Abraham Accords by normalizing ties with Israel and refuses to do so amid the ongoing war in Gaza. "I think an F-35 deal could be agreed upon even absent Saudi-Israeli normalization," Ryan Bohl, a senior Middle East and North Africa analyst at the risk intelligence company RANE, told Business Insider. "However, to proceed with the F-35 package, it would have to be significantly downgraded to preserve Israel's qualitative military edge." "Such downgrades might diminish the overall sale's attractiveness to the Saudis." Israel took delivery of three F-35s in March, bringing its total fleet strength to 42. It will field 75 eventually. Washington may not agree to sell Riyadh a comparable number, and it may impose limits on their use. "I don't think numbers alone will be sufficient, as the Israelis will be concerned that such systems could eventually end up in the hands of adversaries," Bohl said. "Rather, I think we would likely see technical restrictions and end-use requirements that would severely limit the usage of F-35s by the Saudis and reduce their capabilities against the Israelis." Israel's F-35I Adir is a unique version of the stealth aircraft that Israel modifies with indigenous weapons and systems. Therefore, the Adir is arguably already more advanced than any standard F-35A model Saudi Arabia might acquire. Ultimately, it is Israel's arch-rival Iran that may have more concerns over the prospect of Saudi F-35s. Any F-35 acquisition could give Saudi Arabia the "ability to conduct deep strikes in Iran" in ways far greater than presently possible with their current fleet of non-stealthy 4.5-generation F-15s, noted Sebastien Roblin, a widely published military-aviation journalist. Such an acquisition could also "substantially enhance" Saudi airpower and enable Riyadh to participate in any US or Israeli bombing campaign against Iran. "I can see such an acquisition affecting the perceived regional balance of power vis-à-vis Tehran," Roblin told BI. "That said, in a large-scale conflict, questions would arise about the vulnerability of these aircraft to Iranian strikes when they landed," Roblin said. "And whether these countries could acquire enough F-35s with enough munitions and muster sufficient professionalism and support assets to minimize risks of combat losses." Riyadh may not prioritize acquiring the F-35 and seek other advanced American armaments. The US is much more open to exporting advanced drones to Middle Eastern countries than just a few years ago, when Washington largely followed the range and payload limitations suggested by the Missile Technology Control Regime for exported systems. Before Trump's trip, Washington green-lighted a potential sale of MQ-9B drones to Qatar. General Atomics is expected to offer Saudi Arabia MQ-9B SeaGuardians as part of a "huge" package deal. "I think the weakening of end-use restrictions will certainly make the Americans more eager to strike deals to sell their drones to the region," RANE's Bohl said. "American drones will still need to compete against Turkish and Chinese drones that may be cheaper and have fewer political strings attached." When Washington previously declined Middle East requests for advanced American drones, China stepped in and supplied its drones throughout the region in the 2010s. In the 2020s, Saudi Arabia and the UAE signed lucrative contracts with Turkey for its indigenous Bayraktar drones. "I wouldn't expect a major surge in American drone exports to the region at this point, but rather for them to become part of this region's drone diversification strategy," Bohl said. "Certainly, there will be notable deals struck in the coming years, but China and Turkey will continue to be formidable competitors in the drone arena in the Arab Gulf states." The White House mentioned that the $142 billion agreement includes "air and missile defense." "If we are looking at recent trends, they should be focusing on air defenses, including deeper stocks of interceptor missiles, and diversification of air defenses to cost-efficiently combat lower-end threats as well as high-end ones," Roblin said. Saudi Arabia already operates advanced US Patriot air defense missiles and the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense system, which can target ballistic missiles outside the atmosphere. It completed its first locally manufactured components of the latter system mere days before Trump's visit. Riyadh may seek similar co-production deals to aid in developing its domestic arms industry. "There's a need for more long-distance precision strike weapons in the form of missiles and drones, which can be used without risking expensive manned combat aircraft," Roblin said. "There should be some parallel interest at sea, where we've seen Ukraine and the Houthis successfully execute sea denial strategies, one that Iran might seek to imitate in the confined waters of the Gulf." "Thus, the homework of Gulf navies is to ensure their vessels have the sensors and self-defense weapons to cope with small boat threats and cruise and ballistic missiles." Saudi Arabia has already taken steps to expand its navy with more advanced warships in recent years. RANE's Bohl believes Trump may persuade the kingdom to "purchase big-ticket items like warships" as he attempts to "revitalize the manufacturing sector" in the US. Only a fraction of this $142 billion agreement may result in completed deals — as was the case with the series of letters of intent for $110 billion worth of arms sales Trump signed with Riyadh in 2017. "These deals involve optioning huge defense sales, but Trump will present these to his supporters as done deals," Roblin said. "So, the Gulf states can gift Trump a large number as a political victory without actually having to pay anywhere near the whole bill." "For the 2017 defense deal, by the following year, Riyadh reportedly had bought only $14.5 billion out of $110 billion optioned." Paul Iddon is a freelance journalist and columnist who writes about Middle East developments, military affairs, politics, and history. His articles have appeared in a variety of publications focused on the region. Read the original article on Business Insider
Business Insider
15-05-2025
- Business
- Business Insider
Trump's $142 billion arms deal may not get the Saudis the F-35 stealth fighter
During his visit to Saudi Arabia, President Donald Trump signed what the White House described as "the largest defense sales agreement in history," valued at almost $142 billion, that will provide the kingdom "state-of-the-art warfighting equipment and services." The offer, the final value of which may ultimately prove much less than $142 billion, is expected to include Lockheed Martin's C-130 Hercules transport aircraft and other unspecified missiles and radars. Neither the White House nor administration officials have provided further details about which specific systems the deal may include, such as the advanced fighter Riyadh has wanted. The two sides discussed a potential Saudi purchase of the F-35 Lightning II stealth strike fighter and Israel's qualitative military edge came up, Reuters reported Tuesday. The Saudis have sought the F-35 for years since it's one of the world's top fighter jets that could put the kingdom's armed forces on par with Israel, the only Middle Eastern country currently flying that fifth-generation combat aircraft. Washington is legally obligated to preserve Israel's military advantage by, among other things, not selling military hardware to regional countries that are as or more advanced than Israel's arsenal. Unlike the neighboring United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia has not joined the Abraham Accords by normalizing ties with Israel and refuses to do so amid the ongoing war in Gaza. "I think an F-35 deal could be agreed upon even absent Saudi-Israeli normalization," Ryan Bohl, a senior Middle East and North Africa analyst at the risk intelligence company RANE, told Business Insider. "However, to proceed with the F-35 package, it would have to be significantly downgraded to preserve Israel's qualitative military edge." "Such downgrades might diminish the overall sale's attractiveness to the Saudis." Israel took delivery of three F-35s in March, bringing its total fleet strength to 42. It will field 75 eventually. Washington may not agree to sell Riyadh a comparable number, and it may impose limits on their use. "I don't think numbers alone will be sufficient, as the Israelis will be concerned that such systems could eventually end up in the hands of adversaries," Bohl said. "Rather, I think we would likely see technical restrictions and end-use requirements that would severely limit the usage of F-35s by the Saudis and reduce their capabilities against the Israelis." Israel's F-35I Adir is a unique version of the stealth aircraft that Israel modifies with indigenous weapons and systems. Therefore, the Adir is arguably already more advanced than any standard F-35A model Saudi Arabia might acquire. Ultimately, it is Israel's arch-rival Iran that may have more concerns over the prospect of Saudi F-35s. Any F-35 acquisition could give Saudi Arabia the "ability to conduct deep strikes in Iran" in ways far greater than presently possible with their current fleet of non-stealthy 4.5-generation F-15s, noted Sebastien Roblin, a widely published military-aviation journalist. Such an acquisition could also "substantially enhance" Saudi airpower and enable Riyadh to participate in any US or Israeli bombing campaign against Iran. "I can see such an acquisition affecting the perceived regional balance of power vis-à-vis Tehran," Roblin told BI. "That said, in a large-scale conflict, questions would arise about the vulnerability of these aircraft to Iranian strikes when they landed," Roblin said. "And whether these countries could acquire enough F-35s with enough munitions and muster sufficient professionalism and support assets to minimize risks of combat losses." Riyadh may not prioritize acquiring the F-35 and seek other advanced American armaments. The US is much more open to exporting advanced drones to Middle Eastern countries than just a few years ago, when Washington largely followed the range and payload limitations suggested by the Missile Technology Control Regime for exported systems. Before Trump's trip, Washington green-lighted a potential sale of MQ-9B drones to Qatar. General Atomics is expected to offer Saudi Arabia MQ-9B SeaGuardians as part of a "huge" package deal. "I think the weakening of end-use restrictions will certainly make the Americans more eager to strike deals to sell their drones to the region," RANE's Bohl said. "American drones will still need to compete against Turkish and Chinese drones that may be cheaper and have fewer political strings attached." When Washington previously declined Middle East requests for advanced American drones, China stepped in and supplied its drones throughout the region in the 2010s. In the 2020s, Saudi Arabia and the UAE signed lucrative contracts with Turkey for its indigenous Bayraktar drones. "I wouldn't expect a major surge in American drone exports to the region at this point, but rather for them to become part of this region's drone diversification strategy," Bohl said. "Certainly, there will be notable deals struck in the coming years, but China and Turkey will continue to be formidable competitors in the drone arena in the Arab Gulf states." The White House mentioned that the $142 billion agreement includes "air and missile defense." "If we are looking at recent trends, they should be focusing on air defenses, including deeper stocks of interceptor missiles, and diversification of air defenses to cost-efficiently combat lower-end threats as well as high-end ones," Roblin said. Saudi Arabia already operates advanced US Patriot air defense missiles and the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense system, which can target ballistic missiles outside the atmosphere. It completed its first locally manufactured components of the latter system mere days before Trump's visit. Riyadh may seek similar co-production deals to aid in developing its domestic arms industry. "There's a need for more long-distance precision strike weapons in the form of missiles and drones, which can be used without risking expensive manned combat aircraft," Roblin said. "There should be some parallel interest at sea, where we've seen Ukraine and the Houthis successfully execute sea denial strategies, one that Iran might seek to imitate in the confined waters of the Gulf." "Thus, the homework of Gulf navies is to ensure their vessels have the sensors and self-defense weapons to cope with small boat threats and cruise and ballistic missiles." Saudi Arabia has already taken steps to expand its navy with more advanced warships in recent years. RANE's Bohl believes Trump may persuade the kingdom to "purchase big-ticket items like warships" as he attempts to "revitalize the manufacturing sector" in the US. Only a fraction of this $142 billion agreement may result in completed deals — as was the case with the series of letters of intent for $110 billion worth of arms sales Trump signed with Riyadh in 2017. "These deals involve optioning huge defense sales, but Trump will present these to his supporters as done deals," Roblin said. "So, the Gulf states can gift Trump a large number as a political victory without actually having to pay anywhere near the whole bill." "For the 2017 defense deal, by the following year, Riyadh reportedly had bought only $14.5 billion out of $110 billion optioned." Paul Iddon is a freelance journalist and columnist who writes about Middle East developments, military affairs, politics, and history. His articles have appeared in a variety of publications focused on the region.
Yahoo
28-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Trump's strengthened airstrikes on Houthi rebels — but it's likely to take months to tell if it makes a difference
The Trump-ordered airstrikes are an intensified campaign against the Houthi rebels in Yemen. The ramped-up campaign goes beyond the Biden administration's "defensive posture," an expert said. It's likely to take months to see whether airstrikes — without other forces — deter the Houthis. The Trump administration's airstrikes against the Houthi rebels in Yemen — discussed by top officials in the unclassified Signal chat group — are a dramatic escalation of the US's confrontation with the group for its attacks on commercial ships and naval vessels, regional experts told Business Insider. "The Trump-era strikes are broader in scale and formed as part of a sustained campaign targeting not only Houthi infrastructure — such as hideouts, stockpiles, and military assets — but also the group's leadership," Freddy Khoueiry, a global security analyst for the Middle East and North Africa at the risk intelligence company RANE, told Business Insider. "This mirrors Israel's approach during its conflict with Hezbollah, where efforts to degrade military capabilities were accompanied by systematic strikes on field commanders, eventually reaching senior leadership figures and the upper echelon." This focus bears out from the Atlantic's bombshell reporting on the Signal group: "The first target - their top missile guy - we had a positive ID of him walking into his girlfriend's building and it's now collapsed," National Security Adviser Michael Waltz texted. "Excellent," Vice President JD Vance replied. Regional experts cautioned it is likely to take months to see whether more airstrikes and targeting the Houthi movement's leaders will end its attacks on Israel and merchant ships. The Houthis may also end these attacks with a new Gaza ceasefire or an Israeli return to the existing one. The Houthis began a campaign targeting and hijacking commercial ships transiting the Red Sea shortly after the October 2023 Gaza war began; Hamas, like the Houthis, are armed and trained by Iran. The Yemeni militants also launched intermittent drone and missile strikes against Israel. The Biden administration responded by dispatching the US Navy to protect commercial shipping near the Bab al-Mandab strait and repeatedly struck military targets in Yemen like missile launchers, underground storage facilities, radars, and air defenses. These efforts failed to end the attacks. The State Department redesignated the Houthis a foreign terrorist group in March. The Houthis halted attacks targeting Israel and commercial shipping following the January ceasefire in Gaza. On March 12, the group announced they would resume attacks if Israel did not stop blocking aid to the coastal Palestinian enclave. Three days later, the Trump administration ordered the intensified campaign. In the private group chat on Signal that, in an extraordinary turn, accidentally included the editor-in-chief of The Atlantic, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth pressed for the strikes over Vance's qualms, in part by arguing that only a tougher air campaign would deter the Iran-backed rebel group. "I see it as two things: 1) Restoring Freedom of Navigation, a core national interest; and 2) Reestablishing deterrence, which Biden cratered," Hegseth texted In an interview with ABC's "This Week" show, Hegseth contrasted Biden's "pinprick, back-and-forth — what ultimately proved to be feckless attacks" with Trump's "overwhelming response that actually targeted multiple Houthi leaders and took them out." The US is only the latest force to confront the Houthis. Saudi Arabia led a multinational coalition against the Houthis in a war that began in 2014 after the Houthis captured Yemen's capital, Sanaa, from the internationally recognized government and ended with a ceasefire in 2022 that's still in place. The new US campaign bears similarities to the Israeli approach. After the Houthis successfully hit Tel Aviv in a drone attack last July, Israel also launched several long-range airstrikes against the group and threatened to hunt down its leadership. Since beginning its current campaign on March 15, the US has asked Israel not to respond to the latest Houthi missile attacks, which Israeli air defenses successfully intercepted, by stating: "Leave it to us." Compared to Hezbollah in Lebanon, Israel has relatively little intelligence on the more distant Houthis, a deficiency it has recently sought to rectify. This is in stark contrast with how deeply it infiltrated Hezbollah. In addition to injuring over 3,000 Hezbollah members with booby-trapped pagers and walkie-talkies in September, Israel also assassinated the group's long-time leader, Hassan Nasrallah. Israel's strikes sought to inflict economic damage on the Houthis through strikes on energy facilities and ports controlled by the group. "The Biden administration largely adopted a defensive posture, engaging in reactive, tit-for-tat operations," Mohammed Al-Basha of the Basha Report, a Virginia-based Risk Advisory, told BI. "The Trump administration, however, is not pursuing regime change or aiming to topple the Houthis. It has deliberately avoided targeting infrastructure that would harm the civilian population." "It is an offensive posture designed to reestablish deterrence," Al-Basha said. "President Trump has made it clear that continued Houthi attacks on US naval vessels in the Arabian and Red Seas will no longer be tolerated." "While it is still too early to fully assess the campaign's effectiveness, even the Houthis have acknowledged that they are suffering losses and casualties from the ongoing airstrikes." The airstrike campaign faces similar problems to those that came before. The Houthis are "deeply entrenched in Yemen's challenging terrain" and may have prepared for a protracted campaign, said RANE's Khoueiry, who thinks only a long-term air campaign could deter the Houthis. Independent Middle East analyst Kyle Orton believes it's "too early to tell" if Trump's overall approach will ultimately yield any more than the Biden administration achieved. "The strikes in themselves have done little to damage the Houthis, and it remains to be seen if this was, as some administration rhetoric has suggested, the opening volley in a sustained campaign," Orton told BI. A significant shift in US policy towards Yemen, in Orton's view, would entail a sustained air campaign that coordinated action with Arab allies and the recognized Yemeni government to recapture territory held by the Houthis. "There is, however, little indication Trump is willing to get 'entangled' in the Middle East so seriously," Orton said. Paul Iddon is a freelance journalist and columnist who writes about Middle East developments, military affairs, politics, and history. His articles have appeared in a variety of publications focused on the region. Read the original article on Business Insider
