Latest news with #RafaelCaroQuintero
Fox News
29-03-2025
- Politics
- Fox News
After cartels killed my husband, my family waited 40 years for justice. Thanks to Trump, it's finally here
For nearly 40 years, my family has carried an unbearable grief from the brutal murder of my husband, DEA Special Agent Enrique "Kiki" Camarena. Kiki was a devoted father, a loving husband, and a dedicated DEA agent who gave his life to protect American citizens from ruthless drug cartels. He believed in justice, fighting for what was right, and making the world safer for our children. But in 1985, America lost a hero when Kiki was murdered in the most gruesome way imaginable. In February of that year, Kiki was kidnapped by the Guadalajara Cartel. He was tortured for hours — beaten and burned with cigarettes. Rafael Caro Quintero and the other cartel captors refused to let him slip into unconsciousness, injecting him with drugs to keep him awake so he would feel every ounce of their brutality. We held onto hope that he would come home. That hope was shattered when his body was found, discarded as though his life had meant nothing. But Kiki's life—and his sacrifice—meant something, and it still does. And so, for 40 years, my family and I have fought to ensure that his death was not in vain. For too long, justice was out of reach, because Rafael Caro Quintero and other cartel members responsible for Kiki's murder operated with impunity. They built vast criminal empires, flooding U.S. streets with fentanyl and leaving devastation in their wake. Cartels are violent organizations with no regard for human life. They profit from evil—through drug smuggling, human trafficking, terrorizing innocents, and countless other horrific crimes. And yet, for decades, they have operated without facing the full weight of U.S. law. It was in July of 2022, after years in hiding, that Rafael Caro Quintero was finally captured in Mexico. Unfortunately, at that time, the U.S. government did not try hard enough to make him pay for his crimes. But once President Trump was re-elected, we once again had hope. We knew that he believed in our cause, and we had faith that he would keep his promise to hold cartels responsible for their heinous crimes. On his first day back in office, President Trump courageously issued an executive order to designate Mexican cartels as foreign terrorist organizations. This classification is more than a legal tool—it is a recognition of the horrors these groups inflict on Americans like my husband. And even more, it helps cut off financing to cartels and their support networks, because the terrorist designation allows families like mine to seek justice against them in court. After Quintero was extradited to the United States earlier this month, my family and I filed a lawsuit against the man who murdered my husband. For the first time in nearly four decades, as he awaits a criminal trial in the United States, we have hope that those responsible for my husband's death will truly be held accountable. I want the cartels who killed my husband to pay a price for their crimes. But what about the other families who have lost loved ones to cartel violence and are still waiting for justice? I'm speaking out because I want to inspire the other families to take action too. President Trump's historic designation of several Mexican cartels as foreign terrorist organizations clears a path for many families to pursue justice, but not for all. More families like mine, who have lost loved ones to cartel violence, would have the opportunity to hold the cartels accountable for their crimes if the administration would expand the foreign terrorist designation list. In particular, the Juárez and La Línea cartels, responsible for the brutal massacre in 2019 of nine American citizens in LaMora, Mexico, including six children, are some of the most dangerous cartels in Mexico and should be the first ones added. My fight—Kiki's fight—does not end with Quintero's arrest or with this lawsuit. President Trump stands with us. His administration could add Juárez, La Línea, and other cartels to the terrorist designation list to protect and bring justice to even more Americans. We owe it to Kiki and to the thousands of other victims to honor the lives lost with actions that make our country safer. For 40 years, I have waited for justice. Now, I'm determined to ensure that every American victim of the cartels' ruthless brutality and terrorism can get the justice they deserve.
Reuters
26-03-2025
- Reuters
US prosecutors weigh death penalty for alleged Mexican drug lord Caro Quintero
NEW YORK, March 26 (Reuters) - The U.S. government said on Wednesday it may seek the death penalty for alleged Mexican drug lord Rafael Caro Quintero, following his surprise expulsion from Mexico last month to face sweeping drug charges. At a hearing in Brooklyn federal court, U.S. District Judge Frederic Block asked a prosecutor whether capital punishment was a possibility for Caro Quintero, 72, who has pleaded not guilty to four counts including continuing criminal enterprise and cocaine importation conspiracy. "It is a possibility," the prosecutor Saritha Komatireddy responded. "The decision has not yet been made, but we are going through the process." Block appointed Elizabeth Macedonio, a lawyer specializing in death penalty cases, to help defend Caro Quintero, joining trial lawyer Michael Vitaliano. He scheduled another hearing for June 25, to allow prosecutors sufficient time to decide what penalty to seek. They would need authorization from Attorney General Pam Bondi to seek the death penalty. Caro Quintero spent 28 years in prison in Mexico after being convicted of the 1985 murder of former U.S. drug enforcement agent Enrique "Kiki" Camarena, one of the most notorious killings in Mexico's narcotics wars. He has , and was released in 2013 on a technicality. Mexican authorities recaptured him in 2022 as the U.S. sought his extradition. Mexican authorities expelled Caro Quintero last month as part of a surprise handover by Mexico of 29 alleged kingpins. The violent story of the capo and murdered DEA agent featured prominently in Mexico's 2018 "Narcos Mexico" series.
Yahoo
26-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
Defending a Mexican cartel boss: Drug kingpins seek lawyers in the US
On a single day last month, the Mexican government shipped 29 accused drug lords north across the border to face US justice. Plucked from Mexican prison cells, hustled onto planes in shackles and express-delivered into the waiting hands of American authorities were several notorious capos, whose alleged narco exploits have been chronicled in films, TV series and federal indictments spanning decades. Among them are brothers said to be behind the brutal group known as the Zetas; reputed leaders of the Gulf, Juarez and Jalisco New Generation cartels; and the elusive Rafael Caro Quintero, wanted since the 1980s in connection with the torture and killing of a Drug Enforcement Administration agent. All are now housed at jails across the country on charges that range from drug trafficking to murder. At least six could face the death penalty, an unusual twist due to the unique circumstances of their arrival. With their cases now in US courts, there's been a scramble to find lawyers willing and able to defend such high-stakes clients. US President Donald Trump has complicated the situation by designating several cartels as terrorist organizations, raising concerns the Treasury Department could seek to freeze assets used to pay attorneys. Weeks after their arrival, several notable defendants sent by Mexico on February 27 — including Caro Quintero — still have court-appointed counsel, meaning US taxpayers are footing their legal bills. Multiple lawyers who specialize in complex federal drug and conspiracy cases described the current moment as unprecedented. Each week seems to bring fresh chaos as Trump ratchets up pressure on Mexico to topple the cartels and stanch the flow of fentanyl. It should be boom times for the so-called white powder bar, as the practice of lawyering for the world's most prolific drug pushers has been dubbed. But some veteran attorneys are proceeding with caution, warning of unforeseen consequences from Trump's crackdown and preexisting conflicts that limit who can join certain cases. "This is sort of like a niche practice," said Bonnie Klapper, a former federal narcotics prosecutor turned defense attorney. "I guarantee you a lot of the usual suspects won't be able to represent these people." Klapper once helped take down Colombia's Norte del Valle cartel, but she has since switched sides, operating as private counsel. Her past work as a prosecutor precludes her from cases in which she helped craft the indictment, and she's heard from colleagues who have already spotted other conflicts, such as representing potential witnesses. The death penalty charges further narrow the field. Capital cases require experienced "learned counsel" and bring their own unique set of challenges, not least the possibility of the client being executed. Three of the 29 prisoners sent over by Mexico are charged in California federal courts, including one death penalty case in Los Angeles. Adding terrorism designations and pursuing the death penalty while restricting ways for former cartel members to remain in the US also risk making it harder for federal authorities to flip informants, Klapper said. "I don't think anybody has thought through the implications of this for the criminal justice system," she said. "Because who is going to cooperate if the US won't protect them and their families?" Mexico has abolished capital punishment and typically does not extradite citizens who could be put to death under US law. But officials on both sides of the border have tip-toed around using the word extradition for the recent handover. A news release from the Department of Justice said the US simply "secured custody" of the wanted men. William Purpura was one of three lawyers who defended the Sinaloa cartel leader known as El Chapo during a three-month trial that ended with a conviction in 2019. That case did not involve the death penalty, but Purpura has worked on a number of others that did. He said it's a grueling endeavor, requiring "complete dedication to one client." "A death verdict will haunt trial counsel to the execution and beyond," Purpura said. "This is not an undertaking for the usual cast of characters. It is the Chapo trial on steroids." Purpura and others in private practice said they typically find work through referrals, relying on lawyers in Mexico and meeting with a prospective client's family to build trust before taking on a case. Defense attorneys have allegedly broken the law in pursuit of business. Last month, a prominent Miami lawyer was charged with a bribery scheme in which prosecutors say two former DEA supervisors leaked confidential information in exchange for Yankees tickets and five-figure secret payments. The tips were about active investigations, which prosecutors said enabled the lawyer to get a head start on wooing the targets as clients. The lawyer, David Macey, has pleaded not guilty to charges that include bribery of a public official and perjury. "David is a devoted father and husband and a highly respected attorney with an impeccable record as a member of the bar for nearly 30 years. He did not bribe anyone," Macey's attorney, David Patton, said in a statement. "The government's allegations are false, and we are confident that the evidence will prove his innocence at trial." Some of the highest-powered operators have taken on generations of relatives from the same family. Jeffrey Lichtman, the lead trial attorney for El Chapo, now defends his client's two sons, known as Los Chapitos, in their pending US cases. Court records also show Lichtman was recently added to the case of a suspected high-ranking Chapitos member who was among the 29 men handed over by Mexico. Lichtman did not respond to a request for comment. Before representing the Chapo clan, Lichtman once helped New York mob figure John Gotti Jr. beat racketeering charges. "I'm used to dealing with clients that society has already discarded, already convicted, and being able to convince [jurors] that maybe everything the government and the press says is not 100% accurate," Lichtman said in a 2017 interview about his decision to represent El Chapo. One of El Chapo's sons is accused of kidnapping their father's longtime Sinaloa cartel partner, Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada, and delivering him to US authorities in the summer. The alleged betrayal triggered an ongoing war between cartel factions in Mexico, and left Zambada, 75, facing a possible death sentence for drug and murder charges in the Eastern District of New York. He has pleaded not guilty. Zambada's lawyer, Frank Perez, 70, had careers as an air traffic controller and Dallas narcotics detective before building up his law practice. Perez also tried his hand at politics, launching an unsuccessful bid for Congress) as a Democrat in 2014. He recently found himself thrust into the spotlight, with Zambada's case becoming a source of international intrigue and controversy. Perez has issued statements on the jailed Zambada's behalf, leveling the kidnapping claims against El Chapo's son and denying rumors of a secret surrender deal. Recently, Perez and two lawyers in Mexico petitioned to have Zambada returned to his home country, arguing he was "coercively transferred from Mexican territory." The federal judge presiding over Zambada's case in Brooklyn raised concerns that Perez has a potential conflict of interest. Perez also represented his client's son, Vicente Zambada Niebla, a key witness against El Chapo who could now potentially be called to testify against his own father. The elder Zambada said at a Jan. 15 hearing that he understood the situation and trusted his lawyer. "He may have to withhold information he learns from speaking with Vicente that he can't share with me," Zambada said, reading a prepared statement in Spanish. "But I don't want a different attorney. I want Frank Perez to represent me." Perez declined to comment, except to reiterate his recent public statements that his client is not cooperating with U.S. authorities and fighting to avoid the death penalty. Court records show Perez also recently took on another high-profile client: Miguel Angel Treviño-Morales, nicknamed Z-40. Treviño-Morales was arraigned last week in Washington, where he pleaded not guilty to an array of drug and murder conspiracy charges for his alleged leadership of the Zetas. Originally a squad of elite Mexican military defectors who became guns for hire, the Zetas formed a ruthless cartel blamed by authorities for a long list of atrocities over the last three decades. A splinter group, the Northeast cartel, was among those designated as a terrorist organization last month by the Trump administration. The terror designation, several lawyers said, has created uncertainty about whether some standard operating procedures for cartel cases may no longer apply. The US Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control has long maintained a so-called kingpin list of suspected drug traffickers and front companies that are banned from doing business with US citizens or accessing the banking system. Usually, defense lawyers said, if they provide proper notification, disclosing how much money was received and what it was for, the agency will allow transactions for legal services. For one thing, the system ensures tax dollars aren't unnecessarily spent on court-appointed counsel. Eduardo Balarezo, another El Chapo trial attorney, said it's in the government's interest to allow private counsel, especially when the defendant is willing to negotiate a plea. The deals can ensure the client has a chance of someday walking free, net the government millions of dollars in surrenders of illicit cash — and also make less work for all of the lawyers involved. "It doesn't take that much to go in with your client to the government and listen to him talk," Balarezo said. "You have to prepare him, but it's not the same as a trial." But with Trump rebranding cartels as terrorists, some lawyers worry the government may change its stance on payments and pleas. "That's a huge question for all these people: Do they have assets to pay for lawyers, and is the government going to do anything about it?" said César de Castro, a New York defense attorney who has worked on several major drug cases. Although US prosecutors have accused top-level traffickers of being billionaires, some can show on paper that they can't afford an attorney. De Castro served as the court-appointed lawyer for Genaro García Luna, a former Mexican security official sentenced last year to 38 years in prison for taking millions in cartel bribes. The case was under a media and political microscope, forcing De Castro to tread carefully. "Every phrasing of everything is important," he said. "Every fricking word matters." De Castro faced backlash during the trial when Mexico's former president took offense to the lawyer's questions about alleged cartel payments. Death threats ensued — a hazard of the job, the lawyer said. "I don't want to be threatened or chased outside the courthouse. I have a family too. I don't need voicemails telling me I should die. But I had to do it for my client," he said.
Yahoo
20-03-2025
- Politics
- Yahoo
What's it like to defend a Mexican cartel boss? Reputed drug lords seek lawyers in U.S.
On a single day late last month, the Mexican government shipped 29 accused drug lords north across the border to face U.S. justice. Plucked from Mexican prison cells, hustled onto planes in shackles and express-delivered into the waiting hands of American authorities were several notorious capos, whose alleged narco exploits have been chronicled in films, TV series and federal indictments spanning decades. Among them are brothers said to be behind the brutal group known as the Zetas; reputed leaders of the Gulf, Juarez and Jalisco New Generation cartels; and the elusive Rafael Caro Quintero, wanted since the 1980s in connection with the torture and killing of a Drug Enforcement Administration agent. All are now housed at jails across the country on charges that range from drug trafficking to murder. At least six could face the death penalty, an unusual twist due to the unique circumstances of their arrival. With their cases now in U.S. courts, there's been a scramble to find lawyers willing and able to defend such high-stakes clients. President Trump has complicated the situation by designating several cartels as terrorist organizations, raising concerns the Treasury Department could seek to freeze assets used to pay attorneys. Nearly three weeks after their arrival, several notable defendants sent by Mexico on Feb. 27 — including Caro Quintero — still have court-appointed counsel, meaning U.S. taxpayers are footing their legal bills. Multiple lawyers who specialize in complex federal drug and conspiracy cases described the current moment as unprecedented. Each week seems to bring fresh chaos as Trump ratchets up pressure on Mexico to topple the cartels and stanch the flow of fentanyl. Read more: The secretive life — and stunning downfall — of Sinaloa cartel boss 'El Mayo' Zambada It should be boom times for the so-called white powder bar, as the practice of lawyering for the world's most prolific drug pushers has been dubbed. But some veteran attorneys are proceeding with caution, warning of unforeseen consequences from Trump's crackdown and preexisting conflicts that limit who can join certain cases. 'This is sort of like a niche practice,' said Bonnie Klapper, a former federal narcotics prosecutor turned defense attorney. 'I guarantee you a lot of the usual suspects won't be able to represent these people.' Klapper once helped take down Colombia's Norte del Valle cartel, but she has since switched sides, operating as private counsel. Her past work as a prosecutor precludes her from cases in which she helped craft the indictment, and she's heard from colleagues who have already spotted other conflicts, such as representing potential witnesses. The death penalty charges further narrow the field. Capital cases require experienced 'learned counsel' and bring their own unique set of challenges, not least the possibility of the client being executed. Three of the 29 prisoners sent over by Mexico are charged in California federal courts, including one death penalty case in Los Angeles. Adding terrorism designations and pursuing the death penalty while restricting ways for former cartel members to remain in the U.S. also risk making it harder for federal authorities to flip informants, Klapper said. 'I don't think anybody has thought through the implications of this for the criminal justice system,' she said. 'Because who is going to cooperate if the U.S. won't protect them and their families?' Mexico has abolished capital punishment and typically does not extradite citizens who could be put to death under U.S. law. But officials on both sides of the border have tip-toed around using the word extradition for the recent handover. A news release from the Department of Justice said the U.S. simply 'secured custody' of the wanted men. William Purpura was one of three lawyers who defended the Sinaloa cartel leader known as El Chapo during a three-month trial that ended with a conviction in 2019. That case did not involve the death penalty, but Purpura has worked on a number of others that did. He said it's a grueling endeavor, requiring 'complete dedication to one client.' 'A death verdict will haunt trial counsel to the execution and beyond,' Purpura said. 'This is not an undertaking for the usual cast of characters. It is the Chapo trial on steroids.' Purpura and others in private practice said they typically find work through referrals, relying on lawyers in Mexico and meeting with a prospective client's family to build trust before taking on a case. Defense attorneys have allegedly broken the law in pursuit of business. Last month, a prominent Miami lawyer was charged with a bribery scheme in which prosecutors say two former DEA supervisors leaked confidential information in exchange for Yankees tickets and five-figure secret payments. The tips were about active investigations, which prosecutors said enabled the lawyer to get a head start on wooing the targets as clients. The lawyer, David Macey, has pleaded not guilty to charges that include bribery of a public official and perjury. "David is a devoted father and husband and a highly respected attorney with an impeccable record as a member of the bar for nearly 30 years. He did not bribe anyone," Macey's attorney, David Patton, said in a statement. "The government's allegations are false, and we are confident that the evidence will prove his innocence at trial.' Some of the highest-powered operators have taken on generations of relatives from the same family. Jeffrey Lichtman, the lead trial attorney for El Chapo, now defends his client's two sons, known as Los Chapitos, in their pending U.S. cases. Court records also show Lichtman was recently added to the case of a suspected high-ranking Chapitos member who was among the 29 men handed over by Mexico. Lichtman did not respond to a request for comment. Read more: Trial of reputed Mexican cartel leader's son offers cautionary tale for 'narco juniors' Before representing the Chapo clan, Lichtman once helped New York mob figure John Gotti Jr. beat racketeering charges. 'I'm used to dealing with clients that society has already discarded, already convicted, and being able to convince [jurors] that maybe everything the government and the press says is not 100% accurate,' Lichtman said in a 2017 interview about his decision to represent El Chapo. One of El Chapo's sons is accused of kidnapping their father's longtime Sinaloa cartel partner, Ismael 'El Mayo' Zambada, and delivering him to U.S. authorities in the summer. The alleged betrayal triggered an ongoing war between cartel factions in Mexico, and left Zambada, 75, facing a possible death sentence for drug and murder charges in the Eastern District of New York. He has pleaded not guilty. Zambada's lawyer, Frank Perez, 70, had careers as an air traffic controller and Dallas narcotics detective before building up his law practice. Perez also tried his hand at politics, launching an unsuccessful bid for Congress as a Democrat in 2014. He recently found himself thrust into the spotlight, with Zambada's case becoming a source of international intrigue and controversy. Perez has issued statements on the jailed Zambada's behalf, leveling the kidnapping claims against El Chapo's son and denying rumors of a secret surrender deal. Recently, Perez and two lawyers in Mexico petitioned to have Zambada returned to his home country, arguing he was "coercively transferred from Mexican territory." Read more: Bitter feud among Sinaloa cartel families brings grim new tactic: Grave desecration The federal judge presiding over Zambada's case in Brooklyn raised concerns that Perez has a potential conflict of interest. Perez also represented his client's son, Vicente Zambada Niebla, a key witness against El Chapo who could now potentially be called to testify against his own father. The elder Zambada said at a Jan. 15 hearing that he understood the situation and trusted his lawyer. "He may have to withhold information he learns from speaking with Vicente that he can't share with me," Zambada said, reading a prepared statement in Spanish. "But I don't want a different attorney. I want Frank Perez to represent me." Perez declined to comment, except to reiterate his recent public statements that his client is not cooperating with U.S. authorities and fighting to avoid the death penalty. Read more: From jail, drug lord 'El Mayo' Zambada tells wild story of corruption and murder Court records show Perez also recently took on another high-profile client: Miguel Angel Treviño-Morales, nicknamed Z-40. Treviño-Morales was arraigned last week in Washington, where he pleaded not guilty to an array of drug and murder conspiracy charges for his alleged leadership of the Zetas. Originally a squad of elite Mexican military defectors who became guns for hire, the Zetas formed a ruthless cartel blamed by authorities for a long list of atrocities over the last three decades. A splinter group, the Northeast cartel, was among those designated as a terrorist organization last month by the Trump administration. The terror designation, several lawyers said, has created uncertainty about whether some standard operating procedures for cartel cases may no longer apply. The U.S. Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control has long maintained a so-called kingpin list of suspected drug traffickers and front companies that are banned from doing business with U.S. citizens or accessing the banking system. Usually, defense lawyers said, if they provide proper notification, disclosing how much money was received and what it was for, the agency will allow transactions for legal services. Read more: Soldiers and civilians are dying as Mexican cartels embrace a terrifying new weapon: Land mines For one thing, the system ensures tax dollars aren't unnecessarily spent on court-appointed counsel. Eduardo Balarezo, another El Chapo trial attorney, said it's in the government's interest to allow private counsel, especially when the defendant is willing to negotiate a plea. The deals can ensure the client has a chance of someday walking free, net the government millions of dollars in surrenders of illicit cash — and also make less work for all of the lawyers involved. "It doesn't take that much to go in with your client to the government and listen to him talk," Balarezo said. "You have to prepare him, but it's not the same as a trial." But with Trump rebranding cartels as terrorists, some lawyers worry the government may change its stance on payments and pleas. 'That's a huge question for all these people: Do they have assets to pay for lawyers, and is the government going to do anything about it?' said César de Castro, a New York defense attorney who has worked on several major drug cases. Although U.S. prosecutors have accused top-level traffickers of being billionaires, some can show on paper that they can't afford an attorney. Read more: Mexico's ex-security czar gets 38 years for cartel bribes. Is he the first of many? De Castro served as the court-appointed lawyer for Genaro García Luna, a former Mexican security official sentenced last year to 38 years in prison for taking millions in cartel bribes. The case was under a media and political microscope, forcing De Castro to tread carefully. 'Every phrasing of everything is important,' he said. 'Every fricking word matters.' De Castro faced backlash during the trial when Mexico's former president took offense to the lawyer's questions about alleged cartel payments. Death threats ensued — a hazard of the job, the lawyer said. 'I don't want to be threatened or chased outside the courthouse. I have a family too. I don't need voicemails telling me I should die. But I had to do it for my client,' he said. Sign up for Essential California for news, features and recommendations from the L.A. Times and beyond in your inbox six days a week. This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.
Los Angeles Times
20-03-2025
- Politics
- Los Angeles Times
What's it like to defend a Mexican cartel boss? Reputed drug lords seek lawyers in U.S.
On a single day late last month, the Mexican government shipped 29 accused drug lords north across the border to face U.S. justice. Plucked from Mexican prison cells, hustled onto planes in shackles and express-delivered into the waiting hands of American authorities were several notorious capos, whose alleged narco exploits have been chronicled in films, TV series and federal indictments spanning decades. Among them are brothers said to be behind the brutal group known as the Zetas; reputed leaders of the Gulf, Juarez and Jalisco New Generation cartels; and the elusive Rafael Caro Quintero, wanted since the 1980s in connection with the torture and killing of a Drug Enforcement Administration agent. All are now housed at jails across the country on charges that range from drug trafficking to murder. At least six could face the death penalty, an unusual twist due to the unique circumstances of their arrival. With their cases now in U.S. courts, there's been a scramble to find lawyers willing and able to defend such high-stakes clients. President Trump has complicated the situation by designating several cartels as terrorist organizations, raising concerns the Treasury Department could seek to freeze assets used to pay attorneys. Nearly three weeks after their arrival, several notable defendants sent by Mexico on Feb. 27 — including Caro Quintero — still have court-appointed counsel, meaning U.S. taxpayers are footing their legal bills. Multiple lawyers who specialize in complex federal drug and conspiracy cases described the current moment as unprecedented. Each week seems to bring fresh chaos as Trump ratchets up pressure on Mexico to topple the cartels and stanch the flow of fentanyl. It should be boom times for the so-called white powder bar, as the practice of lawyering for the world's most prolific drug pushers has been dubbed. But some veteran attorneys are proceeding with caution, warning of unforeseen consequences from Trump's crackdown and preexisting conflicts that limit who can join certain cases. 'This is sort of like a niche practice,' said Bonnie Klapper, a former federal narcotics prosecutor turned defense attorney. 'I guarantee you a lot of the usual suspects won't be able to represent these people.' Klapper once helped take down Colombia's Norte del Valle cartel, but she has since switched sides, operating as private counsel. Her past work as a prosecutor precludes her from cases in which she helped craft the indictment, and she's heard from colleagues who have already spotted other conflicts, such as representing potential witnesses. The death penalty charges further narrow the field. Capital cases require experienced 'learned counsel' and bring their own unique set of challenges, not least the possibility of the client being executed. Three of the 29 prisoners sent over by Mexico are charged in California federal courts, including one death penalty case in Los Angeles. Adding terrorism designations and pursuing the death penalty while restricting ways for former cartel members to remain in the U.S. also risk making it harder for federal authorities to flip informants, Klapper said. 'I don't think anybody has thought through the implications of this for the criminal justice system,' she said. 'Because who is going to cooperate if the U.S. won't protect them and their families?' Mexico has abolished capital punishment and typically does not extradite citizens who could be put to death under U.S. law. But officials on both sides of the border have tip-toed around using the word extradition for the recent handover. A news release from the Department of Justice said the U.S. simply 'secured custody' of the wanted men. William Purpura was one of three lawyers who defended the Sinaloa cartel leader known as El Chapo during a three-month trial that ended with a conviction in 2019. That case did not involve the death penalty, but Purpura has worked on a number of others that did. He said it's a grueling endeavor, requiring 'complete dedication to one client.' 'A death verdict will haunt trial counsel to the execution and beyond,' Purpura said. 'This is not an undertaking for the usual cast of characters. It is the Chapo trial on steroids.' Purpura and others in private practice said they typically find work through referrals, relying on lawyers in Mexico and meeting with a prospective client's family to build trust before taking on a case. Defense attorneys have allegedly broken the law in pursuit of business. Last month, a prominent Miami lawyer was charged with a bribery scheme in which prosecutors say two former DEA supervisors leaked confidential information in exchange for Yankees tickets and five-figure secret payments. The tips were about active investigations, which prosecutors said enabled the lawyer to get a head start on wooing the targets as clients. The lawyer, David Macey, has pleaded not guilty to charges that include bribery of a public official and perjury. 'David is a devoted father and husband and a highly respected attorney with an impeccable record as a member of the bar for nearly 30 years. He did not bribe anyone,' Macey's attorney, David Patton, said in a statement. 'The government's allegations are false, and we are confident that the evidence will prove his innocence at trial.' Some of the highest-powered operators have taken on generations of relatives from the same family. Jeffrey Lichtman, the lead trial attorney for El Chapo, now defends his client's two sons, known as Los Chapitos, in their pending U.S. cases. Court records also show Lichtman was recently added to the case of a suspected high-ranking Chapitos member who was among the 29 men handed over by Mexico. Lichtman did not respond to a request for comment. Before representing the Chapo clan, Lichtman once helped New York mob figure John Gotti Jr. beat racketeering charges. 'I'm used to dealing with clients that society has already discarded, already convicted, and being able to convince [jurors] that maybe everything the government and the press says is not 100% accurate,' Lichtman said in a 2017 interview about his decision to represent El Chapo. One of El Chapo's sons is accused of kidnapping their father's longtime Sinaloa cartel partner, Ismael 'El Mayo' Zambada, and delivering him to U.S. authorities in the summer. The alleged betrayal triggered an ongoing war between cartel factions in Mexico, and left Zambada, 75, facing a possible death sentence for drug and murder charges in the Eastern District of New York. He has pleaded not guilty. Zambada's lawyer, Frank Perez, 70, had careers as an air traffic controller and Dallas narcotics detective before building up his law practice. Perez also tried his hand at politics, launching an unsuccessful bid for Congress as a Democrat in 2014. He recently found himself thrust into the spotlight, with Zambada's case becoming a source of international intrigue and controversy. Perez has issued statements on the jailed Zambada's behalf, leveling the kidnapping claims against El Chapo's son and denying rumors of a secret surrender deal. Recently, Perez and two lawyers in Mexico petitioned to have Zambada returned to his home country, arguing he was 'coercively transferred from Mexican territory.' The federal judge presiding over Zambada's case in Brooklyn raised concerns that Perez has a potential conflict of interest. Perez also represented his client's son, Vicente Zambada Niebla, a key witness against El Chapo who could now potentially be called to testify against his own father. The elder Zambada said at a Jan. 15 hearing that he understood the situation and trusted his lawyer. 'He may have to withhold information he learns from speaking with Vicente that he can't share with me,' Zambada said, reading a prepared statement in Spanish. 'But I don't want a different attorney. I want Frank Perez to represent me.' Perez declined to comment, except to reiterate his recent public statements that his client is not cooperating with U.S. authorities and fighting to avoid the death penalty. Court records show Perez also recently took on another high-profile client: Miguel Angel Treviño-Morales, nicknamed Z-40. Treviño-Morales was arraigned last week in Washington, where he pleaded not guilty to an array of drug and murder conspiracy charges for his alleged leadership of the Zetas. Originally a squad of elite Mexican military defectors who became guns for hire, the Zetas formed a ruthless cartel blamed by authorities for a long list of atrocities over the last three decades. A splinter group, the Northeast cartel, was among those designated as a terrorist organization last month by the Trump administration. The terror designation, several lawyers said, has created uncertainty about whether some standard operating procedures for cartel cases may no longer apply. The U.S. Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control has long maintained a so-called kingpin list of suspected drug traffickers and front companies that are banned from doing business with U.S. citizens or accessing the banking system. Usually, defense lawyers said, if they provide proper notification, disclosing how much money was received and what it was for, the agency will allow transactions for legal services. For one thing, the system ensures tax dollars aren't unnecessarily spent on court-appointed counsel. Eduardo Balarezo, another El Chapo trial attorney, said it's in the government's interest to allow private counsel, especially when the defendant is willing to negotiate a plea. The deals can ensure the client has a chance of someday walking free, net the government millions of dollars in surrenders of illicit cash — and also make less work for all of the lawyers involved. 'It doesn't take that much to go in with your client to the government and listen to him talk,' Balarezo said. 'You have to prepare him, but it's not the same as a trial.' But with Trump rebranding cartels as terrorists, some lawyers worry the government may change its stance on payments and pleas. 'That's a huge question for all these people: Do they have assets to pay for lawyers, and is the government going to do anything about it?' said César de Castro, a New York defense attorney who has worked on several major drug cases. Although U.S. prosecutors have accused top-level traffickers of being billionaires, some can show on paper that they can't afford an attorney. De Castro served as the court-appointed lawyer for Genaro García Luna, a former Mexican security official sentenced last year to 38 years in prison for taking millions in cartel bribes. The case was under a media and political microscope, forcing De Castro to tread carefully. 'Every phrasing of everything is important,' he said. 'Every fricking word matters.' De Castro faced backlash during the trial when Mexico's former president took offense to the lawyer's questions about alleged cartel payments. Death threats ensued — a hazard of the job, the lawyer said. 'I don't want to be threatened or chased outside the courthouse. I have a family too. I don't need voicemails telling me I should die. But I had to do it for my client,' he said.
