29-04-2025
India's delimitation debate needs bigger ideas, not just bigger numbers. Here are the options
The counter-argument is that these states are currently over-represented in Parliament. Contrary to the principle of 'one person, one vote,' the average constituency size in the South is only about 60 per cent of that in the North. Raising concerns is easier than finding acceptable solutions, but here is a listing of some of the options that have been discussed by scholars, media persons, and political commentators over the last few months.
These states account for 20 per cent of India's population, generate 30 per cent of its GDP, contribute 26 per cent to the central tax pool, but receive only 16 per cent of the funds allocated by the Finance Commission.
In the previous article , we discussed the discontent around delimitation. The five southern states—Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Karnataka, Telangana, and Tamil Nadu—argue that after the 2026 delimitation, the 'Hindi heartland' will enjoy even greater representation in the Lok Sabha, further diluting their political clout.
Also read: Delimitation freeze gave us time, but now India's democracy faces a ticking time bomb
Amit Shah's assurance
A boundary condition has been set by Union Home Minister Amit Shah's assurance that 'under no circumstances will any state lose a parliamentary seat' in the new configuration. In other words, reallocating the existing 543 seats based on demographic changes from 1971 to the next census has been ruled out.
However, the census that should inform post-2026 redistricting is nowhere in sight. Still, many possible options are being discussed in anticipation of the delimitation exercise. These range from the radical—such as a 'de novo' reorganisation of states along the lines of republics and principalities of the Mahabharata era—to more moderate proposals like increasing the number of Lok Sabha seats (without any state losing seats), adding seats in Vidhan Sabhas, and expanding the Rajya Sabha without altering the extant distribution among states.
Other suggestions include extending Rajya Sabha jurisdiction to Money Bills, imposing a cap so that no state holds more than 10 per cent of Lok Sabha seats, reorganising the five largest states to create more symmetry, or setting up a second States Reorganisation Commission to evaluate demands for new states—ranging from Poorvanchal to Awadh to Vidarbha to Uttar Andhra and Mithilanchal.
TFR is falling across states
Before going further, a caveat is necessary. Contrary to the perception that India's population is burgeoning, the national Total Fertility Rate (TFR) is now below the replacement level of 2.1 per cent.
At a panel discussion on scholar Ravi Mishra's book, Demography, Representation and Delimitation: The North-South Divide in India, it was argued that over time, the current asymmetry in population growth would be balanced by internal migration—from aspirational districts to urban centres where economic growth is faster. Thanks to improved rail and road connectivity, India's labour market is becoming more integrated, with skilled workers in demand nationwide.
Also read: Newer states are a boon for bureaucracy. But a critical factor can make or break
Radical ideas: 75 states?
One of the most radical suggestions comes from Gautam Desiraju, structural chemist and IISc professor who proposes that the delimitation debate be seized as an opportunity for a 'de novo' reorganisation of India into seventy-five states—each with a population of two to three crore and similar development, cultural, and linguistic aspirations.
However, unless there is a groundswell of support, pushing for such sweeping changes purely on administrative convenience would be difficult. Desiraju also notes that before the Mughals and the East India Company centralised revenue collection, administration and justice were fairly decentralised across India.
Freeze Lok Sabha seats, expand state legislatures
Another option is to continue the freeze on Lok Sabha seats until 2047, while allowing state legislatures to grow. Within this framework, two possibilities emerge. First, increase Rajya Sabha membership from 250 to about 400 to provide for better debate on federal issues. Second, by 2047, as TFR levels stabilise across all regions, adjusting parliamentary constituencies might become less contentious.
Meanwhile, this period can be used to evolve a more transparent system for resource distribution under the Finance Commission.
Reorganisation of large states
Another suggestion is to reorganise the top five states into smaller, more manageable units. Analysis of the top ten states (by population) shows that in a reconstituted Lok Sabha, Uttar Pradesh's share would rise from 14.73 per cent to 16.93 per cent, Maharashtra's from 8.84 per cent to 9.12 per cent, Bihar's from 7.37 per cent to 9.02 per cent, Madhya Pradesh's from 5.34 per cent to 6.2 per cent, Rajasthan's from 4.6 per cent to 5.81 per cent, and Gujarat's from 4.79 per cent to 5.12 per cent.
Significant losers would include West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh, whose shares would decline. Bihar would see the sharpest rise, while Tamil Nadu would suffer the sharpest fall.
UP's Assembly, under Mayawati's second term, had even passed a resolution advocating the creation of four new states: Poorvanchal, Paschim Pradesh, Awadh Pradesh, and Bundelkhand. There are longstanding demands for Vidarbha in Maharashtra, Mithila in Bihar, Vindhyachal in MP, and Mewar in Rajasthan. A more nuanced option is to establish a second States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) to evaluate such demands based on administrative and financial viability.
Also read: Does breaking up big states boost economy? Data doesn't back up hype, says Indian study
The Panikkar formula
An interesting historical suggestion comes from KM Panikkar, a member of the first SRC, who dissented over the disproportionate representation of UP. He cited Bismarck's Germany, where Prussian dominance was curtailed despite Prussia's population and economic clout.
In a recent Indian Express article, Sanjay Baru echoed this idea, suggesting a 10% cap on the number of MPs any one state could send to Parliament.
Reimagining the Rajya Sabha
Another proposal gaining attention is to base Rajya Sabha representation on a state's contribution to central taxes. This would better balance demographic strength with economic contribution.
Closely linked is the idea of reintroducing domiciliary requirements for Rajya Sabha membership—requirements that were relaxed to facilitate Manmohan Singh's election from Assam, but which allowed party leaderships to override local political sentiments.
Empowering grassroots democracy
Ultimately, the most crucial reform for strengthening Indian democracy lies elsewhere: in empowering local bodies. Panchayats, Zilla Parishads, and municipalities—which interact most closely with citizens—must be given greater financial and administrative autonomy.
Although the 73rd and 74th Amendments (CSTA) recommended the delegation of 29 subjects listed in the Eleventh Schedule to local bodies, most states have resisted genuine devolution. Implementing these reforms in letter and spirit would resolve many day-to-day governance issues.
Bigger House, shorter sessions?
Before concluding, a fundamental question must be asked: What is the point of reorganising the Lok Sabha if parliamentary sessions continue to shrink, significant Bills are pushed through without adequate debate or scrutiny by select committees, and both the ruling party and opposition reduce parliamentary proceedings to predictable 'ayes' and 'nays'?
If Parliament itself does not function meaningfully, how much does the size of a constituency even matter?
This is the second article in a two-part series on India's delimitation debate.
Sanjeev Chopra is a former IAS officer and Festival Director of Valley of Words. Until recently, he was director, Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration. He tweets @ChopraSanjeev. Views are personal.
(Edited by Prashant)
