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Indian Express
10 hours ago
- Health
- Indian Express
Food adulteration and its consequences on health
— Ritwika Patgiri Of late, a number of cases of 'fake paneer' products came to light highlighting a worrying trend of increasing food adulteration in everyday staples and posing severe health risks. For instance, in early April, reports from Noida found that 47 paneer and khoya products out of 168 food items tested by the Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI) were contaminated. Fake paneer, also called 'analogue paneer' or 'synthetic paneer', mimics the texture and appearance of real paneer but is made from non-dairy ingredients and costs nearly half of the real paneer. However, this is not the only case of food adulteration in India. According to data recently shared by the Union Minister of State for Health and Family Welfare, Prataprao Jadhav, 22 per cent of food samples tested in Tamil Nadu between 2021 and September 2024 were found to be adulterated. The data collected by food safety authorities across five southern states – Tamil Nadu, Telangana, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, and Karnataka – also revealed that 15 per cent of the food tested in Telangana and 13 per cent in Kerala were contaminated. Overall, one in every seven food samples tested in the five states failed to meet food safety standards over the last four years, indicating the systemic nature of food adulteration in the country. Food adulteration is a process by which substances are either intentionally added to food items or food gets contaminated due to negligence or poor handling practices. Adulterants could be harmful chemicals or harmless fillers, which can be added at any stage of the production process. For instance, the dilution of milk by farmers or the mixing of edible oil with mineral oil are examples of food adulteration. The issue of food adulteration affected both organised and unorganised sectors. If the adulteration of milk-based sweets by small sweet shops during Diwali is a common local concern, big corporations have also been found involved in food adulteration. Evidence worldwide suggests that 57 per cent of individuals have had health issues as a result of consuming adulterated food. Food adulteration can cause a range of health issues, including digestive disorders, allergic reactions, nutritional deficiencies, weakened immune system, and chronic diseases like cancer and liver damage. While some instances of food adulteration, like mixing water with milk, may seem harmless, the larger public health impact tells otherwise. According to the National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5) conducted between 2019 and 2021, 32.1 per cent of Indian children are underweight, 35.5 per cent are stunted (low height for age), and 19.3 per cent are wasted (low weight for height). Around 41 million children in India have stunted growth. The survey also notes that milk and curd along with pulses and beans are more likely to be consumed daily by a majority of Indians compared to eggs, fish, or meat. Therefore, the dilution of milk has serious health implications, specifically in terms of key nutritional indicators, which remain poor despite the consumption of milk. Similarly, the dilution of pure honey with sugar syrup is more than just an instance of lowering the quality of food. According to The Lancet data, India has the highest number of people with diabetes estimated at 212 million. Unhealthy food and sedentary lifestyles are the major reasons behind this. Therefore, even seemingly minor adulterations such as adding sugar to honey can have long-term health consequences. The prevalence of food contamination raises an important question about food safety mechanisms in India. The FSSAI is responsible for regulating and overseeing food safety. Established by the Food Safety and Standards Act, 2006, the FSSAI conducts periodic pan-India surveillance of food products, especially staple food and commodities that are prone to adulteration. The theme of this year's World Food Safety Day, celebrated on June 7, was 'science in action', drawing attention to the use of scientific knowledge in reducing illness, cutting costs, and saving lives. The theme also underlines the responsibility of regulatory bodies like the FSSAI in combating food adulteration through scientific approaches. The use of genetically modified (GM) ingredients in food items in India can be mentioned here as a case in point. Despite scientific concerns, GM cottonseed oil – derived from Bt cotton, the only GM crop allowed for cultivation in India – is blended with other edible oils. However, this practice raises concerns due to the possible toxicity present in such oils. To address this, the FSSAI has mandated that any food item containing 5 per cent of GM ingredients should be labelled accordingly. However, quantifying the percentage of GM ingredients in food is challenging and expensive, making the labeling system dependent on self-declaration by manufacturers. This makes FSSAI's role even more crucial in ensuring transparency and protecting consumers' right to know what they are consuming. The case of organic food presents similar challenges. The FSSAI mandates that certified organic food must be free from any residues of insecticides and should be labelled accordingly. However, there's no clear labelling for uncertified or substandard organic products. According to the Organic India Market Report of 2022, organic food in India has witnessed a yearly growth of 25 per cent, driven by growing awareness and purchasing power. Moreover, studies indicate that as consumers become aware about the health benefits of organic food, they are more likely to pay premium prices for such products. However, the consumption of organic food in India remains limited to urban, upper-classes because of such 'premium' prices as 'pure' organic food is mostly expensive. However, the lack of clear labeling of such products raises critical questions – who actually has access to 'good' organic food and who is more likely to be deceived by 'bad' organic food? In this context, FSSAI's role becomes critical. It may be argued that the first step in any policy response to food could address the question of who is committing adulteration and how it occurs. If unorganised sellers (like the local milk vendor or sweet shop) are diluting food items, the solution could focus on education, incentivization, and raising awareness. Profit maximisation has been found as one of the primary motivations behind food adulteration across organised and unorganised sectors. For instance, according to the health ministry records, three of every five companies have been found guilty of misbranding or selling adulterated food, yet many manage to escape without penalties. The low conviction rate has been seen as a major reason behind the persistence of such mal-practices. The lack of food analysts and testing laboratories are some other systemic issues behind the low conviction rate. Hence, stringent laws with a differentiated approach for the organised and unorganised sectors could play an important role in addressing food adulteration. Eventually, food safety is a matter of both health and awareness. In addition, given that the perceptions of food hygiene are also linked with caste and class, addressing the issue of food adulteration requires a nuanced approach rooted in differentiated understanding and public awareness. Why is food adulteration considered a major public health concern in India? What are some of the long-term health effects of consuming adulterated food? What role does the Food Safety and Standards Authority of India (FSSAI) play in ensuring food safety? Why is it important to have different regulatory approaches for the organised and unorganised food sectors? How does the lack of clear labelling for organic and genetically modified (GM) foods impact consumer choices in India? Why is the self-declaration system for GM food labelling problematic? How does food adulteration affect the nutritional status of children in India, as seen in NFHS-5 data? What steps can be taken to improve food testing infrastructure and enforcement in India? (Ritwika Patgiri is a doctoral candidate at the Faculty of Economics, South Asian University.) Share your thoughts and ideas on UPSC Special articles with Subscribe to our UPSC newsletter and stay updated with the news cues from the past week. 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Indian Express
28-04-2025
- Business
- Indian Express
How soaring temperature exposes street vendors to climate risks
(The Indian Express has launched a new series of articles for UPSC aspirants written by seasoned writers and scholars on issues and concepts spanning History, Polity, International Relations, Art, Culture and Heritage, Environment, Geography, Science and Technology, and so on. Read and reflect with subject experts and boost your chance of cracking the much-coveted UPSC CSE. In the following article, Ritwika Patgiri looks at the challenges faced by street vendors and explores the way forward.) Today's urban landscape is perhaps unimaginable without street vendors — visible at traffic lights, pavements, and bustling marketplaces, selling goods at affordable rates. Street vending in India employs over six million individuals, which includes around 4% of urban non-farm employment. Globally too, street vendors constitute between 2% to 24% of total informal urban employment in African, Asian and Latin American cities. Despite this, street vendors grapple with a multitude of challenges, including those related to climate change. Therefore, as temperature soars in Delhi – it recorded its highest maximum temperature of the season at 41.3 degrees on April 21 – concerns grow about the vulnerability of gig workers and street vendors. The Urban heat island effect – which refers to cities with higher ambient temperatures than rural surroundings – further makes the summer heat more intense and exposes outdoor workers to serious health risks such as heatstroke, dehydration, and cardiovascular stress. These issues underline the urgency of protecting the livelihoods of street vendors against climate change. But first, let's understand who are street vendors and what are the major challenges faced by them. What policy measures could be taken to better safeguard them against climate-related risks? Who are street vendors? The National Association of Street Vendors of India (NASVI) defines street vendors as a person who offers goods or services for sale to the public without having a permanently built structure but with a temporary static structure or mobile stall (or head-load). This definition suggests that street vendors could be stationary and occupy space on the pavements or other public or private areas. They could also be mobile vendors, who move from place to place carrying their wares on pushcarts, cycles, baskets, or selling them in moving buses. It is important to note that street vendors generate demand for both formal and informal suppliers, create jobs for porters, guards, and transport operators, and generate revenue for local governments. Yet, street vendors continue to face everyday struggles shaped by deep social inequalities. Their everyday struggles Street vending across the Global South is highly gendered and is shaped by caste-class dynamics too. For instance, women constitute the majority of street food vendors, with 70-80% of street food stalls operated by them. Moreover, a 2010 census of street children in Delhi revealed that there are around 51,000 street children in the city, with nearly 70% of them fending for themselves in the street; of these, 36% were Dalits and 17% were Adivasis. These intersectional identities reinforce everyday struggles faced by vulnerable groups. Studies have found that insecure workplace conditions impact many vendors, especially those who work in the streets rather than in markets. Police harassment, arbitrary confiscations of merchandise, demands for bribes, physical abuse, evictions, and relocation are significant challenges that street vendors across the developing world have to struggle with. Forced evictions linked to urban development projects and attempts at formalising public spaces are other serious issues. Formalisation of street vending The construction of the Dighalipukhuri-Noonmati flyover in the heart of Guwahati in October 2024 displaced over 100 street food vendors from the city's newly marked Khao Gali (food street). Similarly, in July 2024, the Mumbai High Court declared that the menace of unauthorised hawkers reached 'alarming proportions'. In another example, the highway department in Chennai demolished roadside carts in June last year to alleviate traffic congestion. These cases reveal how precarity and informality remain central to street vending in the developing world. Urban infrastructure projects often result in the eviction of marketplace vendors, which is often supported by the popular perception that pavement hawkers are 'illegal' or 'creating menace'. The promise of formalisation works as a double-edged sword. Local governments often control access to vending spaces, and non-conformation can result in fines, displacement, or demolition of their stalls. Formalisation also involves the application of licenses and the payment of market fees, without much consideration for vendors' access to transportation, toilets, sanitation, drinking water, or safety in public spaces. Hence, formalisation measures do not necessarily work in favour of street vendors. Street Vendors Act Moreover, it has been more than a decade since the enactment of the Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014. The Act recognises and protects street vendors' right to earn a livelihood from footpaths without harassment. It was further supported by the court as it rejected labels like 'obstruction' and 'encroachers' for street vendors and affirmed their economic role and the right to livelihood. It proposed a registration system and a framework for local management and self-governance to protect vendors' rights. The Act mandates the identification of all street vendors through surveys every five years and requires that all identified vendors be accommodated within the designated vending zones. Although the Act initially offered hope for street vendors, its poor implementation made it a subject of criticism, particularly in metropolitan cities. Notably, many street vendors are unaware of the Act and the rights it guarantees. Data has also shown that the mandated surveys have been rarely conducted and most vendors continue to operate without a fixed place and access to basic amenities like drinking water, shelter, and sanitation. This lack of basic infrastructure and formal protections increases the vulnerabilities of street vendors to the impact of climate change. Climate change and street vending As temperatures reached 50 degrees in the national capital of Delhi last year, concerns about how extreme heat impacts different groups of people became important. Gig and platform workers like Zomato delivery workers battling extreme weather conditions to do their jobs is a stark example. Without a designated workspace, gig workers are vulnerable to climate change. Street vendors also face similar concerns. It won't be wrong to say that the unparalleled heat wave in many parts of the country along with recurring severe heat events have largely been invisible in policy discussions. India recorded over 40,000 cases of heatstroke during the summer of 2024, with over 100 reported deaths. About 40% of the country experienced double the usual number of heatwaves. Such extreme conditions have tremendous health and well-being implications, particularly for those whose work is entirely outdoors. The way forward While the Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014 provides a framework to protect vendors, including against climate-related challenges, concerns regarding its actual implementation remain to be addressed. A holistic and inclusive approach may help address the multifaceted challenges faced by street vendors. First, the effective implementation of the Act must be prioritised, with timely surveys, the creation of inclusive vending zones, and widespread awareness campaigns about vendors' rights. In addition, urban planning needs to move away from a top-down, exclusionary model to one that recognises the economic and social contributions of street vendors, integrating them into the formal urban economy without compromising their flexibility or affordability. Local governments could ensure the availability of basic infrastructure — including access to clean water, sanitation, shaded vending zones, and waste management systems — while developing clear, participatory guidelines for vending rights and dispute resolution. Importantly, any effort towards formalisation needs to be sensitive to caste, class, gender, and climate vulnerabilities in order to ensure protection from extreme weather through climate-resilient infrastructure. Lastly, civil society, labor unions, and grassroots organisations may play an active role in empowering vendors to collectively claim their right to the city. Post Read Questions Who are street vendors, and what are the major challenges they face in their daily lives? Why is it important to rethink urban planning approaches toward street vendors in the context of rapid infrastructure development? What rights and protections does the Street Vendors (Protection of Livelihood and Regulation of Street Vending) Act, 2014 offer to street vendors? How can urban planning become more inclusive of street vendors and their contributions to the urban economy? Why is it important for formalisation efforts to be sensitive to caste, class, gender, and climate vulnerabilities? (Ritwika Patgiri is a doctoral candidate at the Faculty of Economics, South Asian University.)
