Latest news with #Runcorn
The Independent
a day ago
- Business
- The Independent
Starmer acknowledges need for swift clarity on winter fuel payments
The sooner the Government provides clarity about which pensioners will get the winter fuel payment in future, the better, Sir Keir Starmer has acknowledged. The Prime Minister also did not steer away from suggestions that an announcement on the payment could come at the spending review on June 11. Ministers decided to limit the payment, worth up to £300, to only the poorest pensioners in one of its first acts of Government. Some 10 million pensioners saw the payment withdrawn, which had previously been made universally to even the very rich. The move was aimed at addressing what the Government said was a £22 billion 'black hole' in the public finances. But last month in a partial U-turn, the Prime Minister suggested he wanted to see the payment go to more pensioners. The decision to means-test the payment was said to have come up on the doorstep with voters in recent local elections, and the Runcorn and Helsby by-election, which saw Reform UK win the constituency from Labour. Speaking on BBC Radio 4's Today programme, the Prime Minister said: 'I want to look again at where the threshold is. That's for sure. I'll be clear with you. 'In relation to that, I do think it was our duty to stabilise the economy and to fill in that £22 billion black hole. And I'm not going to resile from that.' Ministers 'need to be absolutely clear where the money is coming from' before they set out details of a partial U-turn on the winter fuel payment, Sir Keir said. He added: 'But I take your point, which is that if we want to look again at which pensioners are eligible, then the sooner we have clarity on that, the better.' Sir Keir did not rule out that further details could come at the spending review next week, only saying there were 'lots of moving parts' in the review. Last week, Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner also signalled further details could come in the June 11 statement to the Commons, describing it as the 'first opportunity' to do so. Elsewhere in his interview with the BBC, the Prime Minister gave a strong signal he is considering scrapping the two-child benefit cap. Proponents of getting rid of the limit parents can claim for certain benefits related to their children say it could be the most effective way to eradicate child poverty. Asked by BBC Radio 4 about moves to scrap the cap, the Prime Minister said: 'I don't think this is a silver bullet. I will say that straight away. 'I think there are many measures that contribute to child poverty, and therefore I don't take the sort of binary approach: 'It's either this or nothing.' 'On the other hand, as I say, as we go forward with this review, I am clear in my own mind that I want this Labour Government to bring down child poverty, and I'm determined that that is what we will do.' The Government's flagship strategy aimed at tackling child poverty has been delayed until the autumn, with the aim of aligning it with the budget. Scrapping the cap is among the measures which could be unveiled as part of the child poverty strategy.
The Sun
a day ago
- Business
- The Sun
Prime minister Keir Starmer hints Winter Fuel Payments could return this year – and we could find out ‘within days'
THE Prime Minister has suggested that cuts to the winter fuel payment could soon be reversed, possibly within days. Sir Keir Starmer has urged the Government to quickly clarify which pensioners will continue to receive the winter fuel payment in the future. 1 The Prime Minister hinted that an announcement about the payment might be made during the spending review on June 11. Last year, Chancellor Rachel Reeves slashed the benefit, worth up to £300 a year, in an effort to save money. Around 10million pensioners lost the payment, which had previously been given to everyone, including the very wealthy. The Government said the decision was necessary to address a £22billion "black hole" in public finances. As a result, the winter fuel payment is now only go to retirees on pension credit or a handful of other means-tested benefits. However, last month, in a partial U-turn, the Prime Minister suggested he wanted to see the payment go to more pensioners. The decision to means-test the payment was said to have come up on the doorstep with voters in recent local elections, and the Runcorn and Helsby by-election, which saw Reform UK win the constituency from Labour. Speaking on BBC Radio 4's Today programme, the Prime Minister said: "I want to look again at where the threshold is. That's for sure. I'll be clear with you. "In relation to that, I do think it was our duty to stabilise the economy and to fill in that £22billion black hole. And I'm not going to resile from that." Ministers "need to be absolutely clear where the money is coming from" before they set out details of a partial U-turn on the winter fuel payment, Sir Keir said. Could you be eligible for Pension Credit? He added: "But I take your point, which is that if we want to look again at which pensioners are eligible, then the sooner we have clarity on that, the better." Sir Keir did not rule out that further details could come at the spending review next week, only saying there were "lots of moving parts" in the review. Last week, Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner also signalled further details could come in the June 11 statement to the Commons, describing it as the "first opportunity" to do so. Elsewhere in his interview with the BBC, the Prime Minister gave a strong signal he is considering scrapping the two-child benefit cap. It remains unclear how the government plans to expand eligibility for the winter fuel payment. Experts, including former pensions minister Steve Webb, have proposed that the government could reinstate the payment for all pensioners but make it taxable, ensuring the wealthiest would repay up to 45% of the benefit. For now, all options appear to be under consideration. Meanwhile, an estimated 760,000 households eligible for pension credit have not made a claim, meaning they will miss out on this winter's fuel payment. Do you qualify for pension credit? Pension credit tops up your weekly income to £227.10 if you are single or to £346.60 if you have a partner. This is known as "guarantee credit". If your income is lower than this, you're very likely to be eligible for the benefit. However, if your income is slightly higher, you might still be eligible for pension credit if you have a disability, you care for someone, you have savings or you have housing costs. You could get an extra £82.90 a week if you have a disability or claim any of the following: Attendance allowance The middle or highest rate from the care component of disability living allowance (DLA) The daily living component of personal independence payment (PIP) Armed forces independence payment The daily living component of adult disability payment (ADP) at the standard or enhanced rate. You could get the "savings credit" part of pension credit if both of the following apply: You reached State Pension age before April 6, 2016 You saved some money for retirement, for example, a personal or workplace pension This part of pension credit is worth £17.30 for single people or £19.36 for couples. Claims for pension credit also open doors to a number of freebies and discounts. For example, pension credit claimants over 75 qualify for a free TV licence worth up to £174.50 a year. Claims for the benefit also provide eligibility to £25 a week cold weather payments and the £150 warm home discount. How do I apply for pension credit? YOU can start your application up to four months before you reach state pension age. Applications for pension credit can be made on the government website or by ringing the pension credit claim line on 0800 99 1234. You can get a friend or family member to ring for you, but you'll need to be with them when they do. You'll need the following information about you and your partner if you have one: National Insurance number Information about any income, savings and investments you have Information about your income, savings and investments on the date you want to backdate your application to (usually three months ago or the date you reached state pension age) You can also check your eligibility online by visiting first. If you claim after you reach pension age, you can backdate your claim for up to three months. How much is the winter fuel payment and how is it paid? If you were born before September 23, 1958 you could get either £200 or £300 to help you pay your heating bills for winter 2024 to 2025. You get £200 if you were born between September 23 1944, and September 22, 1958. If you were born before September 23 1944, you're entitled to £300. Most payments are made automatically in November or December. You'll usually get a letter in October telling you: If you do not get a letter or the money has not been paid into your account by the end of January, you'll need to contact the Winter Fuel Payment Centre on 0800 731 0160.
Daily Mail
3 days ago
- Business
- Daily Mail
Labour accused of 'quietly urging shamed MP Andrew Gwynne to stay on' over fears of losing another by-election to Reform
Labour is privately urging a disgraced MP not to quit for fear of losing another by-election to Nigel Farage 's Reform UK, it was claimed last night. Sources said former health minister Andrew Gwynne, suspended by Labour after The Mail on Sunday exposed his racist and sexist comments earlier this year, was facing appeals from party officials to stay on. They said Labour was 'scared stiff' that if Mr Gwynne stood down, it would hand Mr Farage another by-election triumph akin to Reform's shock victory in Runcorn and Helsby last month. But local Labour officials are also said to be worried that snatching Mr Gwynne's Greater Manchester seat would give Reform a platform to oust nearby Labour big-hitters Deputy PM Angela Rayner and Business Secretary Jonathan Reynolds at the next general election. The claims come after Sir Keir made clear he now considered Reform to be Labour's main enemy, saying the Tory party was 'sliding into the abyss'. In leaked messages from a local WhatsApp group called Trigger Me Timbers, the MP also joked about how he hoped a pensioner who didn't vote for his party would die before the next election. The MP, who apologised for his 'badly misjudged comments', is now under investigation by the Commons' standards watchdog over potentially 'causing significant damage to the reputation of the House'. When this newspaper revealed the messages in February, Mr Gwynne was sacked as a health minister and 'administratively suspended' by the Labour party immediately. However, last night, insiders claimed Labour officials at national and local level were privately appealing to Mr Gwynne, who sits as an Independent MP, not to resign and trigger a by-election in his Gorton and Denton seat. The sources said party bosses were desperate to avoid a repeat of their shock defeat in the Runcorn and Helsby contest where Mr Farage's party overturned a 14,696 Labour majority last month. With a 13,413 majority, Mr Gwynne's seat looks to be even more vulnerable. One insider predicted: 'With Reform riding high in the polls, there'd be only one winner if Gwynne resigned from the Commons and that'd be the candidate Nigel Farage picked to stand. There's no way Labour would hold it – they're scared still of Reform.' The 72-year-old from Stockport who Mr Gwynne insulted said she was angry he had not stood down yet, adding: 'If he wants to resign, Labour should allow it. I know Reform has won a seat, and they don't want to lose another.' However, one Labour MP dismissed the idea that the party wanted Mr Gywnne to stay on, stressing the strong action it had taken when his offensive messages were revealed. Mr Gwynne declined to comment.
Telegraph
5 days ago
- Business
- Telegraph
Starmer has just revealed his strategy to take on Farage
Asking voters if they genuinely trust Nigel Farage with the economy was a bold strategy by this Prime Minister. Keir Starmer was setting out the Labour case against the insurgent force of Reform UK following a series of opinion polls giving Farage's party a decisive lead over the main parties, and after its narrow but devastating victory in the Runcorn by-election earlier this month. 'That's the question you have to ask about Nigel Farage,' the Prime Minister told an audience of business leaders in the north-west. 'Can you trust him? Can you trust him with your future? Can you trust him with your jobs? Can you trust him with your mortgages, your pensions, your bills? [Farage] set out economic plans that contain billions upon billions of completely unfunded spending – precisely the sort of irresponsible splurge that sent your mortgage costs, your bills and the cost of living through the roof. It's Liz Truss all over again.' Strong stuff, and handily exploiting the focus group-identified anger that many voters still feel about the Truss Interregnum, which many still blame for the country's current economic woes. And there is no denying that Starmer is at least party right in his criticisms of Reform and its implausible programme for government (although it feels like a day trip through Alice in Wonderland when the Labour Party is accusing a party to its right of irresponsibility by advocating for the scrapping of the Conservatives' two-child benefit threshold). But the event, rather than presenting solid alternative policies to Farage, saw Starmer merely reheating phrases and sound bites that have been well-aired since last year's general election, despite signs that fundamental policy reforms – the scrapping of the Winter Heating Allowance for wealthier pensioners, for example, or potential swingeing cuts to benefits – are on the cards following a public backlash and back bench unhappiness. And given Starmer's own appalling approval ratings and the many accusations against him of broken promises, right from the very start of his leadership of his party, can he afford to accuse anyone else of being untrustworthy? More significant than actual policy solutions to the Reform threat was the fact that the event was taking place at all. Like John Swinney, the Scottish first minister, who last month held a cross-party summit to discuss how to deal with the 'far-Right' threat to democracy, Starmer chose to confront the threat of Reform head-on in an attempt to calm the nerves of his supporters who view Farage's progress since last year with increasing alarm. But so far, Labour's response, as exemplified by today's speech, lacks political coherence. And that may well be rooted in a failure to understand what Reform actually is and what it represents. Starmer has been accused of allowing Reform too much of his own head space, and it is certainly true that it takes up a lot of his time. But what are the results of such contemplation? This week we saw the latest attack on Farage personally from Labour, which accused the Reform leader of being a 'privately-educated stockbroker'. A couple of points worth mentioning here is that this is not the first time Labour has attacked Farage for his personal wealth, and we may assume it will have exactly the same impact as on previous occasions – ie, none. It reminds me of Labour's woeful attempts to smear the Conservative candidate in the Crewe and Nantwich by-election in 2008 by dressing Labour activists up in top hats and tails to emphasise his privileged background. Inevitably he won the contest. Well, of course he did: Labour never prospers when it attacks opponents for their wealth or the educational decisions taken by their parents. It was telling that less than a year after Tony Blair's departure from Number 10, the party had already forgotten the importance of working-class aspiration that the party's most successful leader (himself privately educated) had exploited. Yet here we are with another Labour Government hitting out at a charismatic political leader for his educational background and his wealth, as if ministers believe that voters considering switching their allegiance to Reform were unaware of Farage's background, or even cared about it. Those considering voting Reform, whether former Labour or Conservative voters, are not doing so because they have analysed Farage's policies and found them adequate to the task of government; they have not decided that Reform has a plausible alternative programme to steer the country right. They are simply sick of the litany of failures and disappointments which have been served up by successive governments, particularly on cultural issues like immigration, DEI initiatives and trans ideology. It is a consistent under-estimation of that anger that has steered both main parties so drastically wrong. Voters don't support Reform because of their policies; they support Reform because it is not one of the old parties. 'A plague on both your houses' was never more enthusiastically deployed as a political strategy than by today's disillusioned electorate. Where does that leave Labour – or the Conservatives – in terms of a political response to this insurgency? Certainly it should rule out any more silly attacks on Farage's personal finances or educational background, which sound increasingly panic-infused. Even attacks on the few policy announcements already made by Farage will have limited impact so long as Reform's chief appeal is to that section of the electorate who are now tainted with the stain of anti-politics. Radical and unprecedented though it may sound, perhaps some solid, positive policies from the main parties could help turn the tide. Reform of the immigration appeal system, for example, to stop judges allowing paedophile rapists to remain in the country lest they be ill-treated in their homeland? Or how about halting and reversing the capture of schools and teachers by the genderist activists who have successfully peppered the curriculum – even for toddlers – with rainbow flags and advice on how to change gender? There are plenty of other areas where the main parties could actually address the concerns of voters actively considering Reform. Repeating the Government's economic mantra since last year won't cut it, and neither will personal attacks on Nigel Farage. They had better think of something: the next electoral tests will roll round soon enough, and Labour at some point will run out of time. And excuses.
New York Times
6 days ago
- Business
- New York Times
How David Moyes masterminded Everton's turnaround: ‘Relentless' planning and a ‘hidden magic'
The packed train, carrying hundreds of Everton supporters back from London, ground to a halt at Runcorn, allowing David Moyes, his staff and players to disembark to applause and cheers. That moment emphasised the feel-good factor around the club since Moyes' return in January. Back in August, a small but vocal group of fans had barracked members of the squad at Euston after the abject 4-0 defeat to Tottenham Hotspur. Advertisement The mood change over the intervening eight months could scarcely have been more dramatic. Moyes took over from Sean Dyche in January, with Everton one point above the relegation zone after 19 games. In his half-season, he almost doubled his predecessor's points total (31 to 17), quickly easing relegation concerns and securing a 13th-place finish. There had been internal surprise at the extent to which Everton struggled in the opening half of the campaign, with some key figures viewing the squad as stronger than the one that achieved 48 points — prior to deductions — under Dyche the previous season. By the time he left in January, everyone — including Dyche — seemed ready for a change. A common view espoused at the time was that the soul had drained out of the club and fresh impetus was imperative. New owners The Friedkin Group felt experience was needed to preserve Everton's Premier League status. In choosing Moyes, who had managed the club between 2002 and 2013, they banked not only on his know-how, but also his ability to bring everyone together. His return rekindled the connection between team and fans, and wins quickly followed. After four victories in his opening six matches, Everton were effectively safe by the time they headed to Abu Dhabi for a warm-weather training camp in late February. There were some sticky moments. Between February and early May, Everton won just one of their 10 league matches. But Moyes and his team ended the campaign in style, bookending a 2-0 success against Southampton in their final game at Goodison with impressive away victories at Fulham and Newcastle United. This is the story of that turnaround under Moyes, and how he did it. With relegation a real concern, Moyes and his staff knew they had little time to settle in. Their objective was simple: to keep Everton up before the summer move to a new stadium. At that stage, it was felt the battle for survival would continue into the final month of the campaign. Yet Moyes and his staff, which includes assistant manager Billy McKinlay, Alan Irvine, Leighton Baines and set-piece coach Charlie Adam, believed they had key elements in their favour. Advertisement They knew from their experiences at West Ham United that Goodison could be a powerful force if harnessed properly. There was also a sense that they had inherited strong foundations, particularly defensively, from Dyche. Moyes' main priorities were addressing Everton's chronic lack of goals — under Dyche, they managed 15 in 19 league matches — and the squad's shortage of confidence. 'There were three or four things that he wanted to see and he put that in place quickly,' McKinlay tells The Athletic. 'The biggest emphasis was he wanted to play forward and make sure we had more threat in the final third. That means more numbers (across the board). He wanted to see some aspects of play he felt would benefit us in attack. Full-backs getting forward, people arriving in the box at the right time so we could cause teams problems. 'He also wanted to win the ball higher up the pitch. The first thing we felt was there was always a real aggression about Everton. He knows the club better than anybody and what works here.' Some of Moyes' tweaks were more noticeable than others. With first-choice striker Dominic Calvert-Lewin out with a long-term hamstring injury, Moyes looked for ways of getting the most out of his replacement Beto. 'The manager has tried to implement two or three things, looking at the players' attributes and what will benefit them,' McKinlay says. 'Beto is a really good example, but I don't want to just focus on him because all the players have been sensational. There's not been a day that's gone by where we've not had their focus, application and their commitment to the cause. 'The manager wanted to utilise Beto's running power, his physical presence, his threat down the side and behind. It means playing forward through the lines and through the front, sometimes the most positive passes a player can see. 'We also wanted to help Beto by getting people closer to him. Doucs (Abdoulaye Doucoure) has done that really well. Wide players have then come in and filled the spaces and we've got the full backs forward. So Beto's probably benefited from another number of small tweaks that he wanted.' Beto excelled in the second half of the campaign, netting seven times in 16 games. But the attack in general was revitalised. A previously shot-shy team scored 27 times after Moyes' arrival. Their total from open play rose from seven to 18, while they also struck four times on the counter, compared to zero in Dyche's half-season. Crucially, they also conceded 19 to Dyche's 25. Advertisement Moyes also made key changes to the shape of his side and how he wanted to build from the back. It was felt that Ireland international Jake O'Brien, a £17m ($22.9m) summer signing from Lyon who had not started a league game under Dyche, could 'offer something going both ways'. 'From a defensive point of view, Jake is obviously a terrific athlete in terms of his physical attributes,' McKinlay notes. 'The gaffer wanted to build in a certain way, which allowed us to keep hold of one of the defenders. We kept Jake back and pushed Myko (left-back Vitalii Mykolenko) on a bit, with rotation through the middle of the pitch, which just gave it a fresh look and feel. The players got a real benefit.' The main focus has been on improving the collective. Moyes leads everything and maps out how he wants each week to look, but McKinlay, Baines and Irvine take individual sessions after training, offering feedback on where players can improve. 'Tactically, he covers everything,' McKinlay says. 'His attention to detail with the opposition, what they're going to do, how we're going to counter that in and out of possession and cause them some problems is absolutely relentless. 'He's been big on making sure players, on certain days, are getting enough specific stuff to help them improve. He wants them to feel that they're getting individual work. 'When you put it together, hopefully you see a cross for a wide player and a finish for a centre forward, for example, and that might have been done during the week.' In those group and individual sessions, Moyes and his staff have worked hard to raise confidence levels in the squad. The process was one of analysis, feedback and repetition, with McKinlay taking the view that confidence comes from 'preparation and an outcome' rather than simply 'telling players you like them'. 'Jack Harrison is a good example,' he explains. 'We saw the confidence coming back with him. Every time he does something more positive, he starts to forget about these inhibitions, the bits of insecurity or uncertainty. 'I always say to the players, 'If we think we're giving you a piece of information that's going to help you improve, don't take that as criticism. Take that as correction, an education. You should be happy with that'.' Knitting it all together has been Moyes, who returned to Goodison 12 years after his first stint more experienced, flexible and having mellowed. Advertisement 'He's got a heavy tool bag in terms of attributes: his experience, knowledge of the game, preparation and attention to detail,' McKinlay, who was also his assistant at West Ham, says. 'He's got a feel for it and he'll say things in the moment that maybe nobody else has thought about. 'That's the hidden magic, what the managers are saying and when they say it. Sometimes there's no script, it's a feeling. 'He thinks about everything to the nth degree and if he thinks he has to adapt or change it in the moment, he'll do that. 'There are times when he'll change the day off, or he'll change how he wants to prep, deliver certain messages. He's constantly thinking, talking to us and asking how we see it. If we have to change, we will.' Everton ended the season with a tangible sense of momentum. With Moyes back, new owners in situ and the men's team set to play in a new state-of-the-art stadium from next season, optimism has returned after years of decline. A summer rebuild is coming, with 15 players out of contract at the end of the season. That may sound daunting to some, but it is also an opportunity for Moyes and TFG to reshape things in a different, altogether more positive image. The challenge for Everton is to kick on, and Moyes has set the bar high. 'The yearning for success the club's got, that's what drives the gaffer,' McKinlay says. 'So (it's about) maintaining standards, improving the squad and making sure we continue to grow. 'The league's getting stronger every year, we're going to have to keep in touch with our peers and try and catch them. 'You've got bona fide Evertonians here who've got a real feel for it and know the club and the terrain. That's not everything, but if you put that on top of their coaching ability, then it helps. 'They will not let the levels drop. They know what it means to be a good Everton player, a good Everton team. So, if you build on that, we've got a new stadium with 53,000 Evertonians in there who'll shout the house down; you're going to have to service that. 'The manager's not come here to have anything other than success. Success is everything, bringing it (the club) back to the top end of the table. 'It's built for success now, it's ready for us.'
