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The Star
19-05-2025
- Politics
- The Star
Bridges, Not Walls: A window of opportunity for South Africa to reset relations with Rwanda.
By Silence Charumbira Following SAMIDRC forces' withdrawal from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), a historic opening emerges for Presidents Cyril Ramaphosa and Paul Kagame to reset relations, strengthen regional leadership, and lay the foundations for a future defined by African-driven unity, peace and resilience. In the realm of global leadership, true greatness is not measured by moments of triumph but by the courage to transform adversity into opportunity. South Africa now stands at such a pivotal crossroads. The ongoing withdrawal of SAMIDRC forces from the Eastern DRC, preceded by a joint meeting and confidence-building engagements between chiefs of defence from troop-contributing countries and the military leadership of the AFC/M23, need not be seen as a retreat or surrender. It is an opportunity to recalibrate its regional engagements and reorient its leadership in shaping Africa's future. Rwanda's quiet yet consequential gesture of goodwill by granting safe passage to transiting troops and their equipment opened a critical door. If South Africa steps through it with vision and resolve, it can strengthen its position as a builder of peace and progress across the continent. At the Africa CEO Forum in Abidjan this week, President Ramaphosa reaffirmed South Africa's commitment to "African solutions for African problems," addressing a gathering of business and political leaders. His remarks were more than a statement of philosophy. They were a call to action, emphasising the necessity of partnership, regional collaboration, and home-grown leadership. These principles align precisely with the opportunity now presented by Rwanda's diplomatic overture. President Kagame, speaking in a similar spirit, underscored the importance of pragmatism and partnership in advancing Africa's development agenda. Rwanda's facilitation of the safe, dignified repatriation of SAMIDRC, including South African forces from Goma, was not merely a logistical necessity. It was a statesmanlike gesture, a clear signal of Rwanda's readiness to work towards renewed regional collaboration. Both leaders, through words and deeds, have shown that there is a path forward if it is pursued with mutual respect and strategic vision, a clear departure from the February 2025 diplomatic spat during which both leaders publicly exchanged divergent views on the conflict in Eastern DRC. The convoys carrying SAMIDRC forces and military equipment from Goma into Rwanda and onward to Tanzania on 29 April symbolised more than the end of a complex mission. They marked the closing of one chapter and the potential beginning of another. Rwanda's role in facilitating the withdrawal should be viewed not simply as operational but as a sign of preparedness to deepen relations based on shared goals and mutual respect. South Africa has long stood as a pillar of peacebuilding and diplomacy on the continent. From mediating the Congo wars peace talks by the then President Thabo Mbeki to its broader contributions to regional stability within SADC, Pretoria's leadership has been characterised by pragmatism, in the search for solutions to Africa's challenges. The discussions at the CEO Forum reaffirmed that President Ramaphosa remains steadfastly committed to these principles. His emphasis on strengthening African institutions, promoting intra-African trade, and advancing a continental agenda of resilience and prosperity mirrors exactly what Rwanda's overture now invites: the building of new bridges in pursuit of a stronger, more cohesive Africa. Some voices within South Africa's political establishment may urge caution, citing complex histories or strategic divergences. Yet, as President Ramaphosa emphasised at the CEO Forum, Africa's progress demands pragmatism, courage, and unity. Diplomacy requires neither naivety nor forgetfulness. It demands maturity: the willingness to recognise differences while working relentlessly to overcome them. Rwanda, on the other hand, even amid disagreements, has never closed the diplomatic window. Testament to this is the open visa policy adopted by Rwanda a couple of years ago that grants a free visa on arrival for all Africans, among others, including South Africa, which closed its visa window to Rwandan ordinary passport holders for the last 12 years. The dividends of reconciliation are too significant to ignore. Together, South Africa and Rwanda can pioneer new models of security collaboration to deal with continental security challenges, leverage the African Continental Free Trade Area (ACFFTA) opportunity, and provide leadership in dealing with existential challenges such as climate change, food insecurity, and technological disruption. Such cooperation would not only benefit both nations but also amplify Africa's collective voice on the global stage. Concrete steps could include convening a high-level bilateral dialogue that addresses all wrinkles in the relationship and launching joint projects in areas such as sports tourism infrastructure, public health, education and food security. Symbolic gestures matter as well. State visits, cultural exchanges, and joint declarations could help rebuild public trust and lay the foundations for a durable strategic partnership. President Ramaphosa's remarks in Abidjan make it clear that he understands the stakes. Seizing Rwanda's diplomatic overture would not only align with his vision. It would strengthen and elevate it, reaffirming South Africa's role as a continental leader that roots for peace and progress to shape the next chapter of Africa's destiny. The choice before Pretoria is not between pride and pragmatism. It is between inertia and leadership. Rwanda has extended a hand. South Africa has the stature, the credibility, and the strategic imperative to respond. And respond progressively. This is the moment to build bridges, not walls. This is the moment to transform challenges into opportunities and to help lead Africa towards a future of unity, resilience, and shared prosperity. Silence Charumbira is an international journalist based in Maseru, Lesotho. He has worked with multiple reputable organisations like The Guardian, CNN, China Daily, Guangming and the Associated Press (AP), among others. He writes on diverse topics, including China-Africa relations. Views expressed in this article are his own and do not necessarily represent those of the publication.

IOL News
19-05-2025
- Politics
- IOL News
Bridges, Not Walls: A window of opportunity for South Africa to reset relations with Rwanda.
By Silence Charumbira Following SAMIDRC forces' withdrawal from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), a historic opening emerges for Presidents Cyril Ramaphosa and Paul Kagame to reset relations, strengthen regional leadership, and lay the foundations for a future defined by African-driven unity, peace and resilience. In the realm of global leadership, true greatness is not measured by moments of triumph but by the courage to transform adversity into opportunity. South Africa now stands at such a pivotal crossroads. The ongoing withdrawal of SAMIDRC forces from the Eastern DRC, preceded by a joint meeting and confidence-building engagements between chiefs of defence from troop-contributing countries and the military leadership of the AFC/M23, need not be seen as a retreat or surrender. It is an opportunity to recalibrate its regional engagements and reorient its leadership in shaping Africa's future. Rwanda's quiet yet consequential gesture of goodwill by granting safe passage to transiting troops and their equipment opened a critical door. If South Africa steps through it with vision and resolve, it can strengthen its position as a builder of peace and progress across the continent. At the Africa CEO Forum in Abidjan this week, President Ramaphosa reaffirmed South Africa's commitment to "African solutions for African problems," addressing a gathering of business and political leaders. His remarks were more than a statement of philosophy. They were a call to action, emphasising the necessity of partnership, regional collaboration, and home-grown leadership. These principles align precisely with the opportunity now presented by Rwanda's diplomatic overture. President Kagame, speaking in a similar spirit, underscored the importance of pragmatism and partnership in advancing Africa's development agenda. Rwanda's facilitation of the safe, dignified repatriation of SAMIDRC, including South African forces from Goma, was not merely a logistical necessity. It was a statesmanlike gesture, a clear signal of Rwanda's readiness to work towards renewed regional collaboration. Both leaders, through words and deeds, have shown that there is a path forward if it is pursued with mutual respect and strategic vision, a clear departure from the February 2025 diplomatic spat during which both leaders publicly exchanged divergent views on the conflict in Eastern DRC. The convoys carrying SAMIDRC forces and military equipment from Goma into Rwanda and onward to Tanzania on 29 April symbolised more than the end of a complex mission. They marked the closing of one chapter and the potential beginning of another. Rwanda's role in facilitating the withdrawal should be viewed not simply as operational but as a sign of preparedness to deepen relations based on shared goals and mutual respect. South Africa has long stood as a pillar of peacebuilding and diplomacy on the continent. From mediating the Congo wars peace talks by the then President Thabo Mbeki to its broader contributions to regional stability within SADC, Pretoria's leadership has been characterised by pragmatism, in the search for solutions to Africa's challenges. The discussions at the CEO Forum reaffirmed that President Ramaphosa remains steadfastly committed to these principles. His emphasis on strengthening African institutions, promoting intra-African trade, and advancing a continental agenda of resilience and prosperity mirrors exactly what Rwanda's overture now invites: the building of new bridges in pursuit of a stronger, more cohesive Africa. Some voices within South Africa's political establishment may urge caution, citing complex histories or strategic divergences. Yet, as President Ramaphosa emphasised at the CEO Forum, Africa's progress demands pragmatism, courage, and unity. Diplomacy requires neither naivety nor forgetfulness. It demands maturity: the willingness to recognise differences while working relentlessly to overcome them. Rwanda, on the other hand, even amid disagreements, has never closed the diplomatic window. Testament to this is the open visa policy adopted by Rwanda a couple of years ago that grants a free visa on arrival for all Africans, among others, including South Africa, which closed its visa window to Rwandan ordinary passport holders for the last 12 years. The dividends of reconciliation are too significant to ignore. Together, South Africa and Rwanda can pioneer new models of security collaboration to deal with continental security challenges, leverage the African Continental Free Trade Area (ACFFTA) opportunity, and provide leadership in dealing with existential challenges such as climate change, food insecurity, and technological disruption. Such cooperation would not only benefit both nations but also amplify Africa's collective voice on the global stage. Concrete steps could include convening a high-level bilateral dialogue that addresses all wrinkles in the relationship and launching joint projects in areas such as sports tourism infrastructure, public health, education and food security. Symbolic gestures matter as well. State visits, cultural exchanges, and joint declarations could help rebuild public trust and lay the foundations for a durable strategic partnership. President Ramaphosa's remarks in Abidjan make it clear that he understands the stakes. Seizing Rwanda's diplomatic overture would not only align with his vision. It would strengthen and elevate it, reaffirming South Africa's role as a continental leader that roots for peace and progress to shape the next chapter of Africa's destiny. The choice before Pretoria is not between pride and pragmatism. It is between inertia and leadership. Rwanda has extended a hand. South Africa has the stature, the credibility, and the strategic imperative to respond. And respond progressively. This is the moment to build bridges, not walls. This is the moment to transform challenges into opportunities and to help lead Africa towards a future of unity, resilience, and shared prosperity. Silence Charumbira is an international journalist based in Maseru, Lesotho. He has worked with multiple reputable organisations like The Guardian, CNN, China Daily, Guangming and the Associated Press (AP), among others. He writes on diverse topics, including China-Africa relations. Views expressed in this article are his own and do not necessarily represent those of the publication.


Daily Maverick
11-05-2025
- Politics
- Daily Maverick
Experts reject SANDF's inference that SAMIDRC was a success
Point by point, the mission in the DRC failed to fulfil its mandate, military experts assert. Was the SADC Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (SAMIDRC) a success, a failure or somewhere in between? The South African government claims the regional military force deployed to the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in December 2023 is only being withdrawn because peace talks are under way. It even suggests the mission was a success because it helped prompt peace talks. But most military experts dismiss this as retrospective political spin and say the SAMIDRC is in reality retreating from the DRC because of its deadly military defeats by M23 rebels backed by Rwanda. And they say it did not fulfil its mandate. The Southern African Development Community (SADC) decided at a summit in Luanda on 17 August 2023 to establish a military force of brigade strength and to deploy it in the eastern DRC, mainly to 'neutralise' the M23, an ethnic-Tutsi militia which had been terrorising the eastern DRC for well over a decade. M23 was supported by about 4,000 Rwandan troops with quite heavy and sophisticated equipment including anti-aircraft missiles, the United Nations testified. SAMIDRC, comprising troops mainly from SA, but also Tanzania and Malawi, began deploying to the eastern DRC from 15 December 2023, initially for a year. It had some skirmishes with the M23 in 2024 in which some of its troops were killed and some injured. In November 2024 SADC decided to extend SAMIDRC's mission for another year because of its 'concern at the continued deterioration of the security and humanitarian situation in the country'. M23 continued to expand its footprint. At the end of January 2025, it launched a major attack on Goma, the capital of North Kivu province, clashing with SAMIDRC forces along the way, killing 14 South African, three Malawian and two Tanzanian soldiers as well as one Uruguayan soldier from the UN peacekeeping mission Monusco. M23 captured Goma and then Bukavu, capital of South Kivu, and other territory. The SAMIDRC forces were overrun and surrounded and neutralised, effectively becoming prisoners of war. On 13 March this year, SADC leaders decided to terminate SAMIDRC's mandate and on 29 April – after previously repatriating the dead and wounded – the main force began withdrawing from DRC, by road through Rwanda to Tanzania, escorted by Rwandan soldiers. That looked very much like a retreat. And as the saying goes, if it walks like a duck… 'Not a sign of weakness' But on Sunday, 4 May, Defence Minister Angie Motshekga and SA National Defence Force (SANDF) chief, General Rudzani Maphwanya, insisted at a briefing that the withdrawal was 'not a sign of weakness' and that it could even be considered a success because it had prompted peace talks. Motshekga said that over the past four months 'extensive' diplomacy had 'progressed with great momentum' and that had led to SADC's decision of 13 March to terminate SAMIDRC'S mandate 'to allow political and diplomatic interventions to resolve the security situation in the eastern DRC…' This diplomacy included a peace agreement signed between DRC and the M23 movement brokered with support of SADC, the African Union and the East African Community. Maphwanya said the withdrawal was not accidental and not 'a sign of weakness', but was part of the political effort to achieve peace and stability in the eastern DRC. That peace and stability was 'now on the horizon', and with the ceasefire South Africa had decided 'we cannot shoot our way through to peace, but let us allow mediation … to take the lead.' Asked if he was saying SAMIDRC had been a success, he replied: 'By implication, yes, indeed, we see SAMIDRC as having contributed to that effort to ensure that there is an inclusive engagement that eventually is leading towards peace.' He also insisted that 'our withdrawal is not abandoning the people of DRC' as South Africa would remain involved both through its troops deployed in the UN peacekeeping mission Monusco who would remain in DRC and its participation in mediation efforts. 'The road to peace is a long one' Most commentators remain unconvinced by these explanations, particularly the narrative that SAMIDRC withdrew because peace talks were under way. Stephanie Wolters, senior research fellow and Great Lakes expert at the SA Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), told Daily Maverick: 'The state of the peace talks is ongoing and there is more activity than there has been since the beginning of this conflict. There are the peace talks in Doha, between the DRC and M23. And then there's the ongoing discussions between Rwanda and the DRC through Washington . 'And I think one can be cautiously positive about those making some kind of progress in the near future. But it would be wrong to say that SAMIDRC pulled out because there was a ceasefire or because the conditions on the ground have changed significantly, because they haven't – and the road to peace remains a very long one, especially for civilians living in the eastern DRC. Nothing on the ground bears that out. Certainly nothing SAMIDRC contributed to unfortunately. 'SAMIDRC pulled out because they were attacked by the M23 on its way to Goma, and because they took heavy losses and appear to have concluded that further engagement could be very dangerous. And they wanted to get out of there as soon as possible. And we have seen how the Rwandans escorted them across the border through their territory to Tanzania.' Dean Wingrin, a defence analyst for Defenceweb, this week analysed SAMIDRC's performance against its mandate, point by point, in posts on X. Also, in response to Motshekga and Maphwanya's claims that SAMIDRC was withdrawn in response to progress in peace talks, he noted: 'A tentative ceasefire [between the DRC and M23] was only brokered from 23 April, thanks to US/Qatar intervention. This is way after the decision [on 13 March] to withdraw SAMIDRC.' 'At the time the SADC terminated the SAMIDRC mission, there were no direct talks yet between the DRC and rebel groups, nor any ceasefire.'. And he pointed out that SADC leaders had also implicitly acknowledged this in their summit of 13 March because, in terminating SAMIDRC's mandate, they had noted 'the continued deterioration of the security situation in the eastern DRC, including the capturing of Goma and Bukavu, and the blockage of the main supply routes, making it difficult for humanitarian aid to flow'. Mission accomplished? SAMIDRC's mandate was signed in December 2023 by Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema, as chairperson of SADC's security organ. Its first aim, point A, was to ' support the Democratic Republic of Congo to neutralise negative forces and armed groups in the eastern DRC in order to restore and maintain peace and security to create a secure environment'. The target was clearly the M23 . Instead of neutralising M23 and creating peace and security, though, 'the overall strategic environment in eastern DRC worsened. M23 cemented control over major towns, the FARDC [the DRC's defence force] remained hamstrung, humanitarian suffering spiked, and civilians and infrastructure stayed at grave risk', Wingrin noted. Point B of the mandate was to 'support FARDC by providing logistic, land, air and maritime assistance in order to enhance its military operational capabilities'. However, Wingrin said: 'FARDC remained reliant on SAMIDRC support without showing marked improvements. Post-Goma reports indicate ongoing operational struggles against rebels.' Point C of the mandate was 'to provide support to the efforts of the government of the Democratic Republic of Congo to continue creating a conducive environment for humanitarian assistance and providing humanitarian relief to the population affected by the military and paramilitary activities in the eastern DRC, including the internally displaced persons'. Instead, as Wingrin noted, there were 'reports of hundreds of civilians killed and 500,000 displaced in just two months leading up to withdrawal, exacerbating an already dire crisis. By May 2025, humanitarian access in captured areas remains constrained.' Point D of the mandate was to 'protect critical infrastructure in the eastern DRC'. Instead, Wingrin said, 'heavy fighting around Sake, Minova and Goma damaged airports, roads, bridges and health facilities. Coordination between SAMIDRC and Monusco was weak, leaving infrastructure projects exposed to rebel attacks.' Point E of the mandate was to 'protect civilians and their properties under imminent threat of attacks'. The reality on the ground was 'reports of hundreds of rapes, looting and attacks on displaced civilians, even in SAMIDRC's areas of ops', said Wingrin. 'Total civilian toll climbed into the thousands killed by early 2025. Civilian deaths and human rights abuses persisted despite the mission's presence.' Many reasons have been offered for SAMIDRC's failure, including the lack of a political vision to contextualise military intervention – that is only now happening post facto. Its commanders also made poor tactical decisions, some experts said, such as locating their bases below hills from which M23 bombarded them with mortars. But, as Wingrin and other experts have pointed out, the main problem with SAMIDRC was that it was simply outnumbered and outgunned by the M23, plus the Rwandan Defence Force. The mandate had called for: 'Brigade (+) force with critical maritime, air and artillery support capabilities, logistical support (road transport capabilities, repair and recovery capabilities, casualties/medical evacuation (CASEVAC/MEDEVAC)), intelligence acquisition means and Quick Reaction Force in support of the DRC.' 'The force was to be approximately 5,000 in size, with SA providing a max of 2,900 troops, the balance of 5,000 from Malawi and Tanzania,' Wingrin said. 'It appears that SA provided far less soldiers (it still declines to say how many) and Tanzania sent a limited contingent of about 400 TPDF soldiers. Malawi sent troops. No air support capabilities were provided.' 'These shortfalls hampered SAMIDRC's ability to neutralise armed groups, enhance FARDC effectiveness, deliver humanitarian relief and protect civilians and infrastructure.' M23's territorial gains, rising civilian suffering, and persistent instability in eastern DRC meant that 'the SAMIDRC mission did not fulfil its mandate to restore peace, prevent loss of life and stabilise eastern DRC. Consequently, it cannot be considered a success.' DM

IOL News
09-05-2025
- Business
- IOL News
SADC to cover costs for SANDF troop withdrawal from DRC
The SANDF has assured MPs the safety and security of the soldiers will be the primary priority when they return home from the Democratic Republic of Congo. Image: SANDF / Facebook The South African Development Community (SADC) will foot the bill for the return of the South African National Defence (SANDF) and their military equipment from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). This was revealed by Deputy Defence Minister Bantu Holomisa when responding to questions during the meeting of the Joint Standing Committee on Defence on Friday. 'This operation is not only a South African operation but it is a SADC operation. In a meeting of leaders, they agreed all SADC countries are to foot the bill of withdrawing our troops,' Holomisa said. Chief of the SANDF General Rudzani Maphwanya confirmed that the withdrawal of the peacekeeping mission in the DRC was under the SADC. ''This is a SADC mission that the SADC countries as a whole will be doing the rest of the payments,' said Maphwanya. However, he indicated that the SANDF may incur costs due to one or two emergencies. 'It does not mean as SANDF, we may not incur certain costs given certain circumstances. We have the responsibility to look after our soldiers.' Holomisa emphasised the message given to the military chiefs to ensure they spend within the framework of the Public Finance Management Act (PFMA), in particular. He said they were steadfast in their commitment to ensuring all operations were conducted in full compliance with PFMA and other applicable financial regulations. 'We are aware of the acute challenges the department faced in the past, especially in relation to logistical details in the troop deployment to the DRC.' The parliamentarians heard that the cost of the deployment under the SADC Mission in the DRC (SAMIDRC) amounted to R1.6 billion. 'We are still finalising the reconciliation of other figures we spent in 2024/25. Once the financial statements are finalised, we will have correct and accurate information, but so far, we have spent about R1.6 billion of what the National Treasury has given us in terms of the deployment to SAMIDRC,' said CFO Edem Abotsi. Earlier in his opening remarks on behalf of Minister Angie Motshekga, who is in Russia, Holomisa said the South African soldiers were still operational in the DRC under the United Nations Stabilisation Mission (Monusco). 'The situation on the ground remains fluid. However, there are troops that were under SADC, that are being withdrawn as we speak.' The withdrawal of the South African, Malawian, and Tanzanian soldiers was taken by the Extraordinary Summit of SADC Heads of State and Government held in March and reaffirmed by a meeting of defence ministers to withdraw the SAMIDRC troops and equipment. Holomisa welcomed the diplomatic efforts that led to the current ceasefire, which is holding, and said the engagements contributed significantly to the stabilisation of the situation in the eastern DRC. 'The full extent and analysis of the operation, including its strategic and operational outcome, will only be available once the mission concludes, as it is a standard practice. The department will institute a board of inquiry to investigate and report on all operational aspects, including any casualties sustained.' In his report on the withdrawal of the SANDAF from the DRC, Chief of Joint Operation Lieutenant-General Siphiwe Sangweni said plans have been put into action for an orderly withdrawal of SAMIDRC out of the mission area. Sangweni hailed a meeting that was held by SADC with the M23, saying it was a 'deal breaker' to allow the withdrawal. While the dysfunctional Goma airport was to be fixed to allow a quick and smooth movement of the South African, Tanzanian, and Malawian soldiers, 'certain other challenges came to play and stalled the intended expedited withdrawal'. Sangweni said a decision was taken to explore withdrawal by road out of the mission area. 'Tanzania offered certain areas not too far from Goma that can be used for the road movement to Tanzanian territory, and further to the troop contributing countries' home bases by air and sea.' He also said Rwanda supported the road movement through their territory from Goma to Tanzania. Sangweni said there will be charting of aircraft for SANDF members from Tanzania to South Africa in groups. The first group left DRC on April 28 and its arrival in the country is on a date to be confirmed. Sangweni assured the MPs that the safety and security of the soldiers will be the primary priority when they return home. 'In this case, SADC went an extra mile, which is normal in deployment of this nature, in that they engaged with the Republic of Rwanda for them to commit to SADC for the safe passage in their territory of up to Tanzania,' he stated. [email protected]


Arab News
04-05-2025
- Politics
- Arab News
South Africa exit from DRC to be completed this month
JOHANNESBURG: South African troops withdrawing from the conflict in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have begun assembling in Tanzania and most should return home this month, the defense chief said on Sunday. Under the phased withdrawal that started on April 29, the troops are to exit the DRC via Rwanda by road before entering Tanzania, Gen. Rudzani Maphwanya said. From there they will return to South Africa by sea and air by the end of May, he said. The soldiers are part of a regional Southern African Development Community force that deployed to the eastern DRC in December 2023 during a resurgence of the M23 armed movement. The M23 now controls swaths of territory in the mineral-rich region. Thirteen trucks with 57 members of the SADC peacekeeping force had already gathered at an assembly point in Tanzania, Maphwanya told reporters. The next group was scheduled for withdrawal next week, he said. 'The movement from Tanzania to (South Africa) will be by air for personnel and by sea for cargo,' he said. SADC decided to end its SAMIDRC mission in mid-March after 17 of its soldiers — most of them South Africans — were killed in M23 offensives in January. They have been stranded there since. The grouping confirmed last week the start of the withdrawal but gave no details. On April 30, a separate evacuation began of hundreds of DRC soldiers and police trapped for months in United Nations bases in Goma after the eastern DRC city was taken by M23 rebels, the International Committee of the Red Cross said. SADC defense chiefs had informed the M23 they would 'withdraw ... personnel and equipment unconditionally,' Maphwanya said. No SADC equipment would remain. 'SADC is not leaving even a pin in eastern DRC,' he added. Officials do not comment on the size of the SAMIDRC deployment but the bulk of the troops come from South Africa, which is estimated to have sent at least 1,300 soldiers. There are also South Africans in the DRC under a separate UN peacekeeping mission. Calls for evacuation began mounting in South Africa after 14 of the country's soldiers were killed in the region in January. Three Malawian troops in the SADC deployment were also killed, while Tanzania said two of its soldiers died in clashes. The evacuation from the DRC was not a sign of weakness or the abandonment of people caught up in the fighting, Maphwanya said. 'Our withdrawal is a technical move that allows peace and mediation to continue.'