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News18
6 days ago
- Politics
- News18
Acceptance Of Caste Census Not Necessarily A Defeat Of BJP's Hindutva Agenda
Last Updated: Hindutva needs the support of the OBCs, including the marginalised castes within the group, and the government realises that The Narendra Modi-led NDA government has finally agreed to conduct the caste census. This will be the first such exercise in independent India as the last caste census was done in 1931 when the country was a colony of the British. Though the previous Congress-led UPA government tried to count caste in its Socio-Economic Caste Census (SECC) in the last census of 2011, the data on caste population was never published as the UPA lost power in 2014 to the BJP-led NDA whose government, citing anomalies, withheld the data on caste population. While the populations of Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) were counted in the past censuses, the new caste census will count the populations of Other Backward Castes (OBCs) and the general castes (so-called upper castes). OBCs are the biggest caste bloc, which is a collection of many different castes and sub-castes. The OBCs, who are given 27 per cent reservation in Union government jobs and central educational institutions, believe that they are denied their proper share as their population is much higher than the reservation quota given to them. A caste census will give the population of the OBCs as well details of the many castes and sub-castes within the OBC bloc. It is this reason that the OBCs have been vocal supporters of the caste census. Now that BJP has agreed for caste census, after being initially reluctant to the idea, the opposition INDIA bloc has claimed credit for this. Additionally, there has been commentary to conclude this as the victory of social justice over BJP's Hindutva agenda. While it can't be denied that the BJP's central leadership had to agree with the caste census after witnessing INDIA bloc's pitch getting traction on the ground, particularly in the most politically significant state of Uttar Pradesh, the commentary that BJP's Hindutva agenda has been overpowered by the agenda of social justice, advocated by the socialist, Bahujan parties and now by Congress also, is based on simplistic arguments. The BJP came to power in 2014 by securing a majority of its own for the first time and was able to repeat this feat, with a bigger mandate, in 2019. One of the main factors behind these achievements was, undoubtedly, the agenda of Hindutva. While Hindutva helped the saffron party, if one watched closely, one will realise that these victories also had the caste factor, which was shrewdly exploited while being kept under the Hindutva carpet. In 2014, while the BJP projected its then prime ministerial candidate Narendra Modi, an OBC, as a Hindutva face, he was also projected as a representative of the OBCs. This was done after getting support from the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, BJP's ideological parent, and its associated fronts on the ground. To be fair, this strategy to weave caste equations within the Hindutva umbrella by the saffron party and the Sangh Parivar dates back to the 1990s when then party's general secretary KN Govindacharya first implemented social engineering—mixing Hindutva (Kamandal) with caste politics (Mandal). This Kamandal-Mandal strategy brought OBC leaders like Kalyan Singh, Uma Bharti, Vinay Katiyar to prominence in the saffron party. This strategy helped the saffron party to come to power for the first time in Uttar Pradesh in 1993 and Kalyan Singh became the chief minister. However, the strategy later failed to move forward with the sidelining of OBC faces like Kalyan and Uma Bharti, who led the party to a gigantic victory in Madhya Pradesh in the 2003 elections, within the party with Govindacharya himself being sidelined in the early 2000s by the saffron party then led by the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-Lal Krishna Advani duo. After facing back-to-back electoral setbacks in 2004 and 2009, the saffron party returned to the formula of social engineering and this helped it return to power in 2014 and then in 2019 and 2024. The party particularly targeted the non-Yadav OBCs, which otherwise aren't politically dominant, unlike the Yadavs. But the reduced mandate in 2024 elections once again served as a reality check to the BJP regarding its social engineering project. It was because the OBCs, who started to rally towards the saffron party from 2014, felt they weren't given the proper representation when it came to power sharing. These were legitimate concerns. Despite OBCs being the dominant group in BJP's tally in the 17th Lok Sabha, they lagged behind the 'upper castes" in Modi 2.0, even after increasing OBC representation after reshuffling of council of ministers in 2021. This was reflected at the state level too. Take the example of Uttar Pradesh, where upper castes are over-represented in the BJP's power structure in terms of legislators and ministers. It was only after the setback in 2024 that the BJP made more ministers from the OBCs in the third term of the Modi-led government, surpassing the 'upper castes" who had a majority in the first and second terms of the Modi government. This was a significant change, reflecting the efforts of the Sangh Parivar to accept the concerns and aspirations of the OBCs, who remained the largest caste bloc in the country. Later, in the national conclave of the RSS held from August 31 to September 2 in Palakkad last year, the organisation announced its support for the caste census, arguing its importance for various government-sponsored welfare schemes. Before this, it had announced support for the caste census in 2023, when the Opposition started pitching for the idea. No one can deny that caste is a reality. The BJP and the Sangh Parivar are also aware of this bitter truth. Hindutva needs the support of the OBCs, including the marginalised castes within the group. For that, the saffron party needs to accommodate the aspirations of the OBCs—and to do this, it had no other option but to accept the caste census. The announcement of the caste census by the Modi government reflects this thinking. top videos View all As of now, it is futile to draw the exact consequences post-the caste census, which is yet to be conducted, but the conclusion that the caste census is necessarily a defeat of BJP's Hindutva is based on simplistic and hollow arguments. The author is a political commentator. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely that of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. First Published: May 29, 2025, 14:37 IST
Indian Express
26-05-2025
- Politics
- Indian Express
Opinion A properly conducted caste census offers a rare chance to ground policy in reality
The Narendra Modi government's decision to include caste enumeration in the forthcoming Census must be welcomed, but with enormous caution and with our fingers crossed. Given the propensity of our political class to use caste for narrow and short-term electoral gain, a lot of scepticism about the matter is warranted. The rationale for a caste census ought to be based on two considerations. First, however complex caste is, it cannot be ignored as it impinges on every aspect of life in this country. Counting and collating social reality is inherently good for administrative purposes. The second consideration is the other side of the coin — that we must end both policymaking and arguments relying on 'guesstimates' of the socio-economic status of the castes. The government might have solved the problem of facing increasing demands for caste census, and also scored a few brownie points, but it has set in motion a very delicate, daunting and contentious journey. Though the future is unknown, one is free to speculate on the trajectory of the caste census, if the saga of the 2011 Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) is any indication. It is hard to judge whether SECC was an exercise in bad faith, or if it ran aground as the complexities of caste were too many. One problem is the sheer number of castes to be enumerated, and the other, the confusion over some caste names. For example, whereas the 1931 census counted 4,147 castes, the number increased to 46,73,034 when the SECC was carried out. The forthcoming enumeration has reportedly taken into account these problems, and the final number of castes will be a few thousand and in the region of the 1931 numbers, not in lakhs as in the SECC. The tenacity of caste is another problem that's been bedevilling India's social policy. Be it formulating rights and privileges, or giving effect to those rights — for example, in the form of granting quotas — the state is becoming a handmaid to society: Instead of being guided by norms and ideals that the Constitution enshrines, the state merely acquiesces to the agenda set by society. Hence, the demand for a caste census. Ironically, the reason several castes are clamouring to be counted formally is the logic that the numbers determine the rights, or the quantum of quotas. The numbers game must give us two nightmares. On the electoral/ political plane, the fine slicing of society into a few thousand pieces will ultimately result in political instability. India has been lucky to have produced, at the national level, two big-tent parties (BJP and Congress) and charismatic leaders. Tragic will be the day when the country runs out of luck. The second nightmare is administrative. It is not merely a matter of facing more demands for quotas or sub-quotas. Even after adding copious portions of good faith to the exercise, the end result will be contentious. Can the government use the caste census to bring clarity and finality to the never-ending demands for quotas and sub-quotas? Be that as it may, this stupendous challenge can also be an opportunity if the government is willing to bring about a paradigm shift. Since 1935, when the Dalits and tribals were christened respectively as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (SC/STs), all law-making and policy formulation on quotas have miraculously been in sync with the caste divisions prescribed by Manusmriti. In the context of the four-fold caste system, the 'top' three (the so-called twice-born) castes are now classified as Economically Weaker Sections (EWSs), the fourth cluster (Shudras) is identified as Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and the Most Backward Classes (MBCs). Those outside the caste fold are the SC/STs. The SC/STs have distinct identities of being victims of untouchability and physical isolation, among others. Therefore, no other social group can be classified as one of them. But, within the four-fold caste system, one can find ample evidence of an upper caste household (EWS) being almost similar to an OBC household, or vice versa. Therefore, we must end the fiction that upper castes merely suffer from economic backwardness, whereas the OBCs suffer from both economic and social backwardness. Of course, the clustering of castes for granting quotas is an administrative exercise, not a matter related to the Constitution or the census enumeration. However, since this counting is taking place in the context of quotas, while counting castes for what they are, the collection of household data needs to be expanded so that the categorisation of households based on their backwardness becomes possible. This will enable an OBC category to encompass not only the Shudra households but also upper caste households. A brave government can go so far as to cluster creamy-layer SC/STs with the other two groups, and so on and so forth. There are two benefits of collecting adequate household data that would enable the government to come up with new categorisations based on the socio-economic status of castes. One, caste divisions within the Hindu society could be minimised if the government regards it as desirable. Two, the census data could be the sole criterion for all governments to consider quota-related demands. To belabour the point, a re-categorisation of households of the 4,000 or so castes into three or four groups based on socio-economic criteria could bring about some sanity to our politics and governance.
Tahya Masr
20-05-2025
- Business
- Tahya Masr
Testing the Future: AI Turns Heads at Egypt's Software Testing Flagship Event
As the global software industry evolves with AI-driven development and DevOps acceleration, Egypt is carving out a reputation as a hotspot for cutting-edge software quality and testing expertise. Marking a key milestone, the country's flagship conference, Software Testing Day, has officially joined the ISTQB® Global Conference Network, placing Egypt among a select group of countries shaping global software testing standards. Hosted under the auspices of Egypt's Ministry of Communications and Information Technology (MCIT), the third edition of Software Testing Day drew over 500 industry experts, engineers, and global leaders to Cairo. Organized by the Software Engineering Competence Center (SECC)—an affiliate of ITIDA, Egypt's IT Industry Development Agency—the conference spotlighted how AI is transforming software quality practices and how Egypt's tech talent is stepping up . Egypt as a Trusted Global QA Destination 'We see software testing not just as a technical function, but as a strategic asset in Egypt's digital economy,' said Ahmed El-Zaher, CEO of ITIDA. 'Through AI, DevOps, and global certifications, Egypt is becoming a trusted offshoring destination for software quality services. That's reflected in the growing number of global companies choosing Egypt for digital services and software testing operations.', ITIDA CEO added. Egypt's software engineering community is growing rapidly—and formally. SECC, the sole Egyptian Software Testing Board (ESTB) Examination Institute/Certification body for the ISTQB® certificates in Egypt, has now certified over 9,000 professionals and issued more than 13,600 certificates across in-demand testing specializations like mobile applications, security, artificial intelligence, and automotive software systems . These certifications, aligned with global standards, have become a core pillar of Egypt's strategy to meet global demand for skilled testing professionals. Dr. Haitham Hamza, Acting Chairman of SECC, emphasized: 'Being part of the ISTQB® Global Conference Network is not just an endorsement; it's a commitment. Egypt is not only investing in certifications but also in setting global benchmarks.' In a keynote address, Dr. Klaudia Dussa-Zieger, President of the International Software Testing Qualifications Board (ISTQB®), remarked: 'It's truly an honor to be part of such a beautifully organized conference. The venue, the parallel sessions, and the overall atmosphere foster meaningful exchange between the software testing industry and academia. The blend of local and international speakers, combined with the energy and enthusiasm of the young testing community, makes this event both brilliant and exceptional.' In her session titled 'ISTQB and AI – How Do the Two Go Together?', Dr. Dussa-Zieger explored the evolution of the ISTQB Certification Scheme in response to the growing impact of artificial intelligence in software testing. Software Testing Day 2025 showcased how AI and DevOps are transforming testing practices. Experts discussed using large language models and AI agents for generating test cases, analyzing system behaviors, and ethical model evaluation. Leaders from Microsoft, Deloitte, Expleo, and DXC shared insights on integrating AI-driven automation with CI/CD pipelines to boost quality and speed. The event featured live demos from 10 companies highlighting intelligent testing tools, secure coding, and AI validation. Key sessions included Joel Oliveira, ISTQB Governance Chair, in 'Will AI Take Your Job?', emphasizing that testers who master AI will lead the future; and Erik van Veenendaal, TMMi Management Executive, in 'Test Process Improvement in the Era of AI and DevOps,' exploring how maturity models adapt to agile and AI workflows. Both stressed that embracing AI is essential for success in modern software testing . Looking Ahead 'Through this conference and our strategic collaborations with global institutions, we're not just fostering technical excellence—we're positioning Egypt as a global hub for trusted, world-class digital solutions. At ITIDA, we're committed to empowering our talent and elevating our software industry to meet the highest international standards.' — stressed Ahmed El-Zaher, CEO of ITIDA. With global demand for secure, reliable software on the rise, Egypt's approach—blending certification, innovation, and regional collaboration—offers a blueprint for emerging markets aiming to play a larger role in the global software lifecycle.
Zawya
20-05-2025
- Business
- Zawya
Testing the future: AI turns heads at Egypt's software testing flagship event
'Software Testing Day' joins ISTQB® Global Conference Network GenAI is the skill software testers can't afford to ignore, experts stress Cairo, Egypt – As the global software industry evolves with AI-driven development and DevOps acceleration, Egypt is carving out a reputation as a hotspot for cutting-edge software quality and testing expertise. Marking a key milestone, the country's flagship conference, Software Testing Day, has officially joined the ISTQB® Global Conference Network, placing Egypt among a select group of countries shaping global software testing standards. Hosted under the auspices of Egypt's Ministry of Communications and Information Technology (MCIT), the third edition of Software Testing Day drew over 500 industry experts, engineers, and global leaders to Cairo. Organized by the Software Engineering Competence Center (SECC) —an affiliate of ITIDA, Egypt's IT Industry Development Agency—the conference spotlighted how AI is transforming software quality practices and how Egypt's tech talent is stepping up. Egypt as a Trusted Global QA Destination 'We see software testing not just as a technical function, but as a strategic asset in Egypt's digital economy,' said Ahmed El-Zaher, CEO of ITIDA. 'Through AI, DevOps, and global certifications, Egypt is becoming a trusted offshoring destination for software quality services. That's reflected in the growing number of global companies choosing Egypt for digital services and software testing operations.', ITIDA CEO added. Egypt's software engineering community is growing rapidly—and formally. SECC, the sole Egyptian Software Testing Board (ESTB) Examination Institute/Certification body for the ISTQB® certificates in Egypt, has now certified over 9,000 professionals and issued more than 13,600 certificates across in-demand testing specializations like mobile applications, security, artificial intelligence, and automotive software systems. These certifications, aligned with global standards, have become a core pillar of Egypt's strategy to meet global demand for skilled testing professionals. Dr. Haitham Hamza, Acting Chairman of SECC, emphasized: 'Being part of the ISTQB® Global Conference Network is not just an endorsement; it's a commitment. Egypt is not only investing in certifications but also in setting global benchmarks.' In a keynote address, Dr. Klaudia Dussa-Zieger, President of the International Software Testing Qualifications Board (ISTQB®), remarked: 'It's truly an honor to be part of such a beautifully organized conference. The venue, the parallel sessions, and the overall atmosphere foster meaningful exchange between the software testing industry and academia. The blend of local and international speakers, combined with the energy and enthusiasm of the young testing community, makes this event both brilliant and exceptional.' In her session titled 'ISTQB and AI – How Do the Two Go Together?', Dr. Dussa-Zieger explored the evolution of the ISTQB Certification Scheme in response to the growing impact of artificial intelligence in software testing. Software Testing Day 2025 showcased how AI and DevOps are transforming testing practices. Experts discussed using large language models and AI agents for generating test cases, analyzing system behaviors, and ethical model evaluation. Leaders from Microsoft, Deloitte, Expleo, and DXC shared insights on integrating AI-driven automation with CI/CD pipelines to boost quality and speed. The event featured live demos from 10 companies highlighting intelligent testing tools, secure coding, and AI validation. Key sessions included Joel Oliveira, ISTQB Governance Chair, in 'Will AI Take Your Job?', emphasizing that testers who master AI will lead the future; and Erik van Veenendaal, TMMi Management Executive, in 'Test Process Improvement in the Era of AI and DevOps,' exploring how maturity models adapt to agile and AI workflows. Both stressed that embracing AI is essential for success in modern software testing. Looking Ahead 'Through this conference and our strategic collaborations with global institutions, we're not just fostering technical excellence—we're positioning Egypt as a global hub for trusted, world-class digital solutions. At ITIDA, we're committed to empowering our talent and elevating our software industry to meet the highest international standards.' — stressed Ahmed El-Zaher, CEO of ITIDA. With global demand for secure, reliable software on the rise, Egypt's approach—blending certification, innovation, and regional collaboration—offers a blueprint for emerging markets aiming to play a larger role in the global software lifecycle.
Hans India
18-05-2025
- Politics
- Hans India
Transparent caste census vital tool to ensure social justice
For centuries, India endured profound and widespread suffering due to deep-rooted socio-economic, educational, and political disparities that affected the very fabric of our society. The unequal and often unjust distribution of natural resources and opportunities created vast divides between different sections of the population, entrenching poverty and limiting upward mobility for millions. Caste-based discrimination further exacerbated this inequality, systematically marginalizing large segments of society and denying them access to basic rights, education, and fair representation. These structural injustices not only hindered individual progress, but also collectively stalled the nation's journey towards inclusive growth and equitable development, depriving countless citizens of their fundamental right to live a life of dignity and self-respect. It is, therefore, laudable that the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs (CCPA), chaired by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on April 30, 2025, decided to include caste enumeration in the upcoming national census. This demonstrates the present government's commitment to the holistic interests and values of the nation and society. An official statement issued on the day read: 'As per Article 246 of the Constitution of India, Census is a union subject listed at 69 in the Union List in the Seventh Schedule. While some States have conducted surveys to enumerate castes, these surveys have varied in transparency and intent, with some conducted purely from a political angle, creating doubts in society.' 'Considering all these circumstances, and to ensure that our social fabric does not come under political pressure, it has been decided that caste enumeration should be included in the main census instead of being conducted as a separate survey. This will ensure that society becomes stronger economically and socially, and the country's progress continues without hindrance. It is noteworthy that when a provision of 10 percent reservation was made for the economically weaker sections of society, it did not create tension in any section of society,' added the statement, further stating how the previous government at the Centre led by Dr Manmohan Singh opted for a survey instead of a caste census, known as the Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC). Caste-based social discrimination has a complex and varied history across the world, with the most notable example being India, where caste has played a regressive role in dismembering social structure for centuries. Powers-that-be were never serious in addressing the repercussions of caste-based discrimination. The first formal attempt to count castes in India occurred during the British colonial rule, starting with the 1871 Census, and continued in successive decennial censuses until 1931, the last time caste data (other than that of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes) was officially recorded. The 1941 Census did include some limited tables for a few selected castes in specific districts, but not a comprehensive all-India caste table. The British used caste data to administratively manage diverse populations, often solidifying caste identities in the process. In recent decades, debates around caste census re-emerged in our country, particularly for policymaking, affirmative action, and resource allocation, amid growing concerns about underrepresentation and social justice. Now the Centre has agreed to count castes. Whether one agrees or disagrees, caste enumeration will neither be divisive nor suppressive but will open up newer and better vistas for inclusion and empowerment of those left behind if the sanctity of details is not compromised and corrective measures are promoted under the ambit of the Constitution, a great asset we have got from none other than Bharat Ratna Dr BR Ambedkar. The idea of a caste census aligns closely with the spirit of our Constitution, which enshrines the principles of equality, social justice, and affirmative action. The Constitution recognizes the historical disadvantages faced by marginalized communities including SCs, STs, and OBCs, and provides for targeted policies to uplift them. A transparent and reliable caste census will serve as a vital tool to ensure that our welfare and affirmative policies are based on accurate and up-to-date data, thereby enhancing their effectiveness and fairness. By revealing the true socio-economic conditions of various caste groups, such a census will empower the state to frame evidence-based welfare programmes and bridge gaps in representation and opportunity. Currently, most welfare policies and affirmative action programmes are based on outdated or incomplete data, making it difficult to assess whether benefits are reaching those who need them most. Far from being divisive, the caste census supports the constitutional mandate to create a more equitable society by acknowledging disparities and working proactively to address them. One should also note that a thorough caste census would expose hidden inequalities and help the government design more targeted interventions to uplift marginalized communities. By acknowledging the real extent of caste-based disparities in education, employment, health, and income, the caste census can move public policy beyond tokenism toward substantive equality. It will foster transparency and accountability in resource allocation, enabling evidence-based decisions rather than assumptions or political calculations. In the long run, recognizing and addressing caste-based disadvantages through data-driven policy could serve as a powerful tool in the larger mission of achieving social justice and ultimately, the annihilation of caste. The critics and opponents of caste census, who are mainly from the so-called upper caste Hindus and other religious groups, enjoying the benefits of over representation for decades, need to know that in a diverse and democratic nation like India, any attempt to continue marginalizing vast sections of society, whether through skewed policies, social exclusion, limited access to quality education, or economic discrimination, ultimately harms the entire nation. When our citizens are deprived of equal opportunities and dignity for long, the nation's collective strength, innovation, and harmony are eroded. Remember, a nation is only as strong as its weakest citizen. Undermining the foundations of equity and inclusion will eventually lead to instability, resentment, and a loss of national potential. And those who orchestrate or endorse such divisions will inevitably face the consequences too, socially, politically, and morally. So, be inclusive, responsible and caring. All-round empowerment of all in sync with the Constitution of India is the need of the hour to secure our collective future. Welcome and support caste census, which must be conducted realistically and is not tempered numerically at all. It must reflect the writings on the wall, and must not suppress or hide them in any respect.
